ENGLISH DIARIES
BY THE SAME AUTHOR
THE CAMEL AND THE NEEDLE'S EYE
THE DECLINE OF ARISTOCRACY
DEMOCRACY AND DIPLOMACY
WARS AND TREATIES (1815-1914)
A CONFLICT OF OPINION (a discussion on
the Failure of the Church)
RELIGION IN POLITICS
THE PRIORY AND MANOR OF LYNCH-
MERE AND SHULBREDE
WITH DOROTHEA PONSONBY
REBELS AND REFORMERS
;nglish diaries
A REVIEW OF ENGLISH DIARIES FROM
THE SIXTEENTH TO THE TWENTIETH
CENTURY WITH AN INTRODUCTION ON
DIARY WRITING
BY
ARTHUR PONSONBY, M.P.
' No kind of reading is so delightful, so fascinating,
as this minute history of a man's self."
MACAULAY
(
%
.^
^
%
'^
METHUEN & GO. LTD.
36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
LONDON
'*,
First Published in 1923
PRINTED IN GRBAT BRITAIN
To
J. P.
AND
F. E, G. P.
CONTENTS _^
PREFACE vii
INTRODUCTION— Diary Writing ^
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DIARIES . . . . 45
SIXTEENTH-CENTURY DIARIES ..... 55
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY DIARIES :
Sir Simonds d'Ewes "^1
Sir Henry Swngsby ...••.• "^6
Samuel Pepys . . • ^2
John Evelyn ....•••• ^^
Henry Teonge ...••••• l^T^
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MINOR DIARIES . .11
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY DIARIES :
John Wesley ....•••• IS-
The Earl of Egmont. ...... 16'.
Fanny Burney .....-•• ^'^^
William Windham .....•• 18^
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY minor diaries . . . 19f
1
nineteenth-century diaries:
B. R. Haydon 254
Byron 264
ix
X ENGLISH DIARIES
NINETEENTH-CENTURY DIARIES— conf. :
CuAULES Greville ....... 272
William Cobbett ....... 280
Queen Victoria . ... . . . . . 288
Caroline Fox ........ 300
General Gordon . . . . . . . 306
NINETEENTH-CENTURY MINOR DIARIES . . .314
TWENTIETH-CENTURY DIARIES 424
J
(
DEX 4*5
PREFACE
I WAS attracted to the study of Diary writing, not by the
well-known diaries which are a part of English history
or literature, but by the fragments of journals of quite
obscure people which are tucked away in the collections of archa-
ological and other learned Societies or unprinted. They seemed
to me so human in their interest that they were worthy of being
better known. In fact, when embarking on my collection I was
inchned at first to leave out the celebrated diarists. The dividing
line, however, would have been too difficult to draw, and a
book which was to be a study of diary-writing would have been
incomplete if the best examples were omitted.
Once I began to collect I found the field opened out pretty
widely. There were pubhshed diaries some of which had been
forgotten, there were privately printed diaries, there were manu-
script diaries in hbraries or in private houses, and there were
diaries absorbed by or scattered in biographies. I had to put a
limit to the range of my net. Tempted as I was by the great
foreign diarists, I soon saw there was obviously material enough
at home. Even within the United Kingdom, if part of my object
was to unearth what was little known, I found I should have to
confine myself to England alone. This deprived me of some
specially good diaries, such as Sir Walter Scott's, Carlyle's, Sir
John Moore's, Swift's and John Mitchel's. But to reach the more
obscure diarists in Scotland and Ireland special research on the
spot would be necessary. In England alone I found indeed as
much, if not more, than I could manage. The only other limita-
tion I imposed on myself, and that very willingly, was that my
diarists should not be living.
I have not set out to select the best diaries or even only good
diaries. My object has been to give a full representation of all
shades of diary-writing, long and short, historical, public and
private, good, bad and indifferent.
In the reviews which follow the Introduction each diary is
dealt with separately. After much consideration I found this
a better way than grouping them. The diaries are treated more
vii
viii ENGLISH DIARIES
from the subjective point of view as illustrations of the method,
manner, and character of their authors, than from the objective
point of view, that is to say the consideration of the subjects
about >vhich they wrote. I have not attempted an impartial and
colourless survey which would give every diary the same amount
of attention, leaving the reader to form his own judgment. But
I have criticised freely and expressed my own individual opinion
and preferences at the risk of failing to secure in all cases a full
measure of agreement from my readers. I have thought it well
to insert a few biographical notes, specially in the case of more
or less unknown people.
Privately printed and manuscript diaries have been kindly
lent to me. Some of the diaries are no doubt rare and out
of print, but many are available in any large public library.
They are, however, not always easy to find, because diaries are
not catalogued as diaries ; some books which are called diaries
are not diaries at all, and some diaries are hidden away in Lives, j
In order to illustrate fully the different styles and methods,
a fair number are included in the series. However, I may quite
Avell have missed some diaries which are well worthy of attention.*
I do not think I need apologise for having devoted a volume to
Enghsh Diaries. The study has been repaying, and the subject
is one that has hitherto been insufficiently explored. A man
who buys a dog immediately becomes interested in other people's
dogs. On this analogy I hope anyhow the diary-keepers of to-day
may like to know how others have kept diaries in days gone by.
I am indebted to the owners of several unpubhshed manu-
script diaries wliich have been placed at my disposal. The
passages quoted from them appear for the first time in print,
and a note of acknowledgment is inserted in each particular case.
I have received the kind consent of the pubHshers of the bio-
graphies for the reproduction of the diary entries which have
been extracted from these books. My thanks are due to
several friends who have helped to call my attention to certain
diaries which I might otherwise have missed, and more especially
to Mr. Charles Strachey, C.B., for his valuable assistance in
revising the proofs. A. P.
Shulbbede Pkiory,
Sussex.
1922.
1 The Farington Diary and Sir Algernon West's Diaries appeared too late
to be included ; and Mr. Wilfred Blunt was still alive when the book was
concluded.
/:
ENGLISH DIARIES
INTRODUCTION
ON
DIARY WRITING
THERE is a verj^ clear distinction between diary writing Diary
and other forms of writing. A consciousness of some ^^^*^^
literary capacity, however meagre it may be or however with
unjustified any such assumption may be, stands beliind every other
other form of writing except letter writing. In diary writing *°^.°^^
no such consciousness need exist nor indeed is any literary cap-
acity necessary. Diary writing is within the reach of every human
being who can put pen to paper and no one is in a more advan-
tageous position than anyone else for keeping a diary. People
of all ages and degrees who may never have ventured to write
a line for publication and may be quite incapable of any literary
effort, are able to keep a diary the value of which need not in any
way suffer from their literary incapacity. On the contrary,
literary talent may be a barrier to complete sincerity. Diaries
may or may not be called literature, some undoubtedly have
literary value, but this has nothing whatever to do with their
merit as diaries.^
A diary, that is to say the daily or periodic record of personal Histoi
experiences and impressions, is of course a very different thing
from history, although some of the older diaries have been of
great use in furnishing the historian with facts and giving him
examples of contemporary opinion. When Greville concludes
one of his entries with " I am too sleepy now to go on with the
subject," one feels immediately the wide distinction between the
daily contemporary diarist-observer depending for present events
^ In the four-voliime history of English hteratiire edited by R. Garnett and
E. Gosse only about a dozen of the diaries mentioned in this volume are
referred to.
1
ENGLISH DIARIES
Autobio-
graphy
Letters
only on his own eyes and ears and memory and the historian
making his balanced estimate of the past from the mass of docu-
ments with which he is surrounded. For a true judgment of the
significance of public affairs one must of course await what Mr.
George Trevelyan calls " the slow foot of history." But the
incomplete and necessarily restricted comments of the eye-witness
have a merit of their o^\^l although by themselves they cannot
be regarded as history.
A diary differs from autobiography, as in the one we get the
fresh relation of events at the moment, and in the other the
events are moulded and trimmed into a unified whole more often
than not with a view to pubhcation, such for instance as George
Fox's Journal, which is not a daily record but an autobiographical
survey. Memoirs and Reminiscences are nearly always written
for pubhcation. Modelled though they may be on diary mem-
oranda and dated periodically they are presented in narrative
form, more easily read perhaps, with all the roughness and repeti-
tions of diary writing eliminated but with a consequent loss of
spontaneity and individuality. There are cases in which the
(Mviding line between memoirs and diaries is difficult to draw.
But as a general rule memoirs do not record the events of the day
on that day.
Lastly, letter writing has httle or no resemblance to diary
writing. Letters may contain fresh impressions and personal
confidences and confessions, they may be written in almost
diary form, but the consciousness in the writer of an immediate
recipient exercises a restraint on the author and produces a
certain sort of self-consciousness which may be entirely absent
from the pages of a diary. Moreover rarely if ever are they found
in the regular and complete sequence of a diary. Every one
writes letters but a very small percentage of them are readable
to anyone but the recipient. Comparatively few people keep
diaries, yet it would seem that a fairly large proportion of them
have some sort of general human interest. Letters may be said
to have two parents, the writer and the recipient. Diaries have
only one. A diary can be written with no thought whatever of
the discriminating eye of a pubhsher, of the critical eye of a re-
viewer, or even of the interested or bored eye of a reader. No
pause is needed for modelling phrases, no attention need be given
to form, even grammar can go to the winds, and above all there
need be no explanations. All restraints can be hfted and in the
open fields of fact and fancy the diarist can browse, repose or
gallop along at his own sweet will.
DIARY WRITING 3
We may claim, therefore, that diary writing is a unique form
of writing. The Hterary, the learned and the great by no means
necessarily excel in this particular art. It is confined to no one
class, no one profession, no one age of life. Sovereigns, scholars,
sportsn^en, tradesmen, philosophers, old women, and children
all write diaries.
There is no need to trace the genesis of diary writing far Origin
back into history. Although it is conceivable that documents ^^^
of the nature of diaries existed in England before the sixteenth of "^^^
century and have been destroyed, there is no real evidence of the writing
existence of what we now know as private diaries in the previous
centuries. Instances can of course be found of more personal
writing, of chronicles, of accounts, or of reflections. But these
are not diaries. The idea of writing down daily thoughts and
notes on passing events, especially when it takes a more or
less introspective form, is of comparatively modern growth, and
would seem to be the outcome of the increasing self-consciousness
which intellectual development has produced in humanity. It
is a result of psychological evolution, of expanding self-knowledge ^
and subtler powers of analysis. As the centuries pass, the diary-
habit seems to gain ground and will probably assume more gener-
ally an introspective form. The objective journals will continue,
but the more acutely analytical diaries like Arthur Graeme West's
(The Diary of a Dead Officer) and Barbellion's (The Diary of a
Disappointed Man) in the twentieth century are likely to increase
in number, more especially since the serious introduction of
psycho-analysis.
Some people may be reluctant to confess to their contempor- Diaries
aries that they are keeping a diary. That is why diaries are ^®P*
nearly all " private " in the lifetime of the author. Anyone P"^**®
suspected of careful diary-keeping would naturally be approached
with some caution. If he be a Pepys, a Burney, or a Greville
he would defeat his own object if the fact were generally known
that he was taking notes ; his friends and acquaintances would
become reticent and shy in his presence. Anyone making inquiries
about diary-keeping may quite well be met with a denial from an
habitual diarist. So the practice goes on, so to speak, quietly and
behind the scenes. The production of a diary in a law court is
not an uncommon occurrence. A few people burst into print in
their lifetime, but many diaries are discovered afterwards, some-
times long afterwards. A large number of people will be reluctant
that anything they have written of a private character should
ever reach the public eye, and they may take steps to prevent it.
ENGLISH DIARIES
Bio-
graj/hies
Classifica
tion of
diaries
Daily
writing
IndiscrO'
tious
A classic instance of a diary which was converted into a Bio-
graphy— but an unusual case because it was the diary of the
Biographer and not of the subject of the Biography— is Boswell's.
It was a detailed objective record carefully kept for a specific
purpose. Boswell was known even during a meal to tak^ out his
tablets and make notes and he often stayed up late at night enter-
ing every incident and word of his intercourse with Johnson.
But when it came to the publication of his great book he aban-
doned the diary form except for the Tour to the Hebrides. Frag-
mentary extracts from diaries are sometimes quoted in bio-
graphies, as, for instance, in the Tennyson Memoir, merely to
fill up gaps in the chronological sequence of events.
But taking the diaries that have remained more or less intact,
they may be found to fall roughly into three classes : (i) the
regular diary record with only occasional breaks, (ii) the periodic
record written at intervals summing up several days, weeks, or
even months. These two classes are often combined ; and (iii)
the diary that is written up and edited by the author in later
years (the dates often being retained) either with a view to pub-
lication or because he or she in retrospect considers a better com-
position may be produced by emendation and by the pruning
away of indiscretions.
Daily writing differs considerably from writing even a few days
later. The impulsive note of the moment catches a mood and
picks up an impression which may in twenty-four hours evaporate
and which in a week or month will have entirely disappeared.
But it must be noted that daily dates do not always necessarily
imply daily writing. The methodical daily Avriter, when he
misses a day or two, writes up those days separately under their
dates when he resumes his writing. A daily record is not by
any means more accurate ; on the contrary the focus is too strong,
the perspective too restricted and consequently the vision is
warped. But accuracy is no particular asset in diary writing
except from the point of historical research. Many daily diaries
are rendered priceless as human documents by just the httle
petty trifling details which after a few hours' reflection the writer
would have omitted.
Indiscretions are sometimes the colour of a diary, and their
removal seriously impairs the quality of the writing. Autobio-
graphers, and more especially biographers, may find themselves
compelled to cut away personalities from the more modem
diaries in their fear of offending the susceptibilities of the living.
That is why the older diaries, where no such scruples need exist,
DIARY WRITING 5
are often more real and more human. Biographers who are in
possession of a diary will dismiss all passages which may not
reflect credit on their subject. In such work the tendency to
idealise prevails, reputations have to be kept up and heroes
elevated on to pedestals. A diarist's undignified little details
are discarded, but actuality and truth may suffer. No editor
can be trusted not to spoil a diary.
Diaries definitely WTitten for publication obviously differ
very materially from private diaries. As Macaulay said, inten-
tion to publish " destroys the charm proper to diaries." But
this point must be more fully considered when the question of
motive on the part of the diarist is examined.
Broadly speaking another classification may be applied to Historical
diaries : (a) those which are of historical or archaeological value ^^^, P^7'
on account of the subjects of which they treat and (6) those iater^t
that are of psychological interest on account of the light they
throw on the personality of the diarist. i
There are two words which if they were used strictly would
help to draw the distinction between these two classes. The
word Journal should be reserved for the purely objective historical
or scientific records, and the word Diary for the personal mem-
oranda, notes and expressions of opinion. Some it is true might
fall across the division. But as it is, the words are used quite indis-
criminately and give no guidance as to the nature of the record.
Political, historical and public chronicles such as Rugge's,
Luttrell's, Lord Malmesbury's, Greville's, and Senior's, would
come under the first heading, although some of them contain
personal comments. In the second category the diaries may be
found to be a good deal more interesting and arresting. A shop
assistant (Strother) or a storekeeper (Thomas Turner) may claim
more of our attention than one who has lived in the midst of
exciting events and associated with important people. But the
variety displayed in diary writing as regards method, regularity,
and style is endless. In writing history, fiction, or even letters
you may adapt your style to the model of some admired author.
In diary writing this is much more difficult. If you are making
daily entries the effort is too great ; you have no time to think,
you do not want to think, you want to remember, you cannot
consciously adopt any particular artifice ; you jot down the
day's doings either briefly or burst out impulsively here and
there into detail ; and without being conscious of it, you
yourself emerge and appear out of the sum total of those
jottings, however brief they may be.
6 ENGLISH DIARIES
Motive Why do people write diaries ? This question is not easy to
answer in a sentence, for the motive seems to vary widely and
is sometimes not apparent on the surface. It is not possible to
generalise on the subject. Cliildren are often encouraged to
keep a diary or enjoined to keep one for disciplinary reasons,
and the majority of them find the effort too great, and discon-
tinue it when they grow up. Queen Victoria began at the age
of 13, Elizabeth Fry before she was 16, and Fanny Burney at
15, if not earlier, Gladstone when he was at Eton, and all of them
kept it up to the end of their lives. Edward VI wTote at about
the age of 12 and an instance will be given of a child (Mary
BrowTie), who wrote for a special period, and some examples
of diaries begun but not continued are also included. Diaries
begun about the age of 20 are common, but there are also many
instances of regular diary writing begun at a later age. Pepys
began at 27, Fynes Chnton at 28, BjTon at 30, Windham at 34,
Rutty at 56, Bubb Dodington at 58, and so far as continuance
of writing is concerned there are the cases of Henry Crabb Robin-
son and Edward Pease, who w^ere still keeping diaries when they
were over 90.
Habit The habit having been acquired, either in youth or later, a
diarist may continue without having any clear notion with regard
to the eventual fate of his diary. In fact, habit and nothing
else may account for the \vriting of a good many diaries. Habit
also will make a methodical man keep memoranda of his doings,
notes and accounts for future reference, as Windham puts it,
" to strengthen the powers of recollection." Daily single line
notes have been entered by business men over long periods.
A case is known of a very methodical diarist who before he wrote
his record of the day re-read the entries of corresponding
dates in former years. It is clear that the disciphnary effort
of regular wTiting is pleasant ; and as time passes the growing
volumes become a treasure.
Egotism But beyond the child age and beyond bald business memoranda
the question arises : Is egotism the mainspring of diary writing ?
The answer to this is yes. But it does not carry us very far,
because most people are egotists whether they are diary writers
or not, and egotism except in excess ought not to be regarded as
a fault. In some cases a diary may be a sort of safety valve
for egotism and outwardly the diarist may not appear to be so
egotistical as a more obvious egotist who wants to pour out his
egotism on his friends, and not confine it to the pages of a private
note-book. Indeed, a man may appear very reticent socially
DIARY WRITING 7
yet all the while he may be unburdening himself privately in the
pages of a very full diary. A diarist is self-conscious and some-
times perhaps self-absorbed. A diary, however, may simply
serve to enable the writer to take a detached point of view of
himself which will be helpful. Egotism in its extreme sense
cannot be said to be universally attributable to all known diarists.
Vanity, however, in varying degrees, sometimes perhaps in an
inordinate degree, can more accurately be recognised as the
vice of many diarists.
The autobiographer is a notorious egotist and usually founds
his books on a diary, but he has gone a long step further than
the diarist. There are well-known instances of literary men
who have wrapped autobiographical episodes in a more or less
fictional setting in their endeavour to avoid the crudity of purely
personal disclosures.
While it may be argued that the highest type of being, so self-
less as never for a moment to consider that anything he thought
or did was worth recording, would not keep a diary, he anyhow
is a rarity ; and it is not selflessness which prevents most people
from keeping a diary. In fact it is impossible to classify diarists
as a type, foi among them may be found all sorts and conditions
from the loftiest to the most common, from the most original
to the most conventional.
Nevertheless some rough analysis of motive in diary writing The itch
can be made. Having disposed of Habit, we come next to " the ° record
itch to record," which is an overflowing and exuberant desire
for self-expression. People who witness important events, come
in contact with celebrated people, or themselves have interesting
and exciting experiences, have a natural desire to write about
them, without any clearly formed intention as to what they will
do with their notes, if they are not in the form of letters. Some-
times they may write definitely for eventual publication or some-
times for the information of their family. But the mere desire
to write down their impressions is the instinct which impels
them. So strong is this that some will write about public events
which they have not witnessed and about which they express no
opinion, knowing all the time that a far fuller account of them
will be given in newspapers and other public records. Others
may confine themselves to the recital of special personal experi-
ences in a particular period without being regular diarists. This
sort of record differs to some extent from a private diary, but
we will consider it more fully when we reach the question of the
various subjects dealt with in diaries.
8 ENGLISH DIARIES
ISurvey- Without any excess of egotism and without vanity there are
ing Life pg^p^g ^yi^-i^ orderly minds who by means of private writing want
to make a sort of survey of their position and of their opinions
as well as of events which concern them. They have sentiment
and feeling for the past, they are interested in the stages of life's
journey and they do not want to leave unrecorded anything
that has struck them deeply. They use their diary pages for
clearing their minds, for threshing out human problems, for taking
stock of the situation, for weighing the pros and cons when
they find themselves confronted with dilemmas. They consider
the practice useful. They may even derive from it the same
sort of relief as others find in prayer. Some may write down
actual prayers while others will as an equivalent brace themselves
by a full contemplation of the facts they have to face set down
in writing. Although diaries such as these may eventually
find their way into print, publication is not present in the minds
of the writers.
Self in old Then there is the not imcommon desire to put down on paper
age, and an account of daily events and opinions on men and matters for
postenty pg^^g^j jj^ j^^gj. ijfg_ ^hat is to say, some people feel sure that
in their old age they will want to be reminded of past events
and of their changing moods. They write for their future selves.
They store, they collect, they are reluctant to lose any passing
thoughts. Some again desire definitely to paint their own
portrait for posterity, and as they write they are conscious of
the eyes of future generations perusing their record though they
may keep it locked up from the inspection of their contemporaries.
Posterity will know less, will be more lenient, and may accept a
man at his own valuation. As Greville says : " Some will pour
forth upon paper and for the edification and amusement of pos-
terity what they never would have revealed to living ear ; but
the majority of those who indulge in this occupation probably
only tell what they desire to have known."
Con- In this connection it may be said that it is almost impossible
sciousness j^j. anyone to write without imagining a reader, so to speak at
reader the other end, however far off that other end may be — self in old
age, family, a friend, the public or remote posterity. Some
diarists face this question openly, many seem to write for self
in old age, the most critical reader of all, although they do not
realise that as they write ; others write for a member of the
family, others again for the public ; but the majority leave the
matter undecided or unrevealed. We cannot know, but we
should be inclined to think that the case of a person keeping a
DIARY WRITING 9
regular diary with a definite intention throughout of destroying
it before death must be rare, although no doubt many during
their lifetime may have destroyed diaries that have been begun,
or parts of diaries. Johnson, in talking to Boswell of the Journal
the latter kept, said he " might surely have a friend who would
burn it in case of his death." Testamentary injunctions on this
point may have existed. But most diaries have been left or dis-
covered with no sort of clue as to the intentions of the writer.
Mr. Parkinson, one of the editors of the Chetham Society's
volumes, says on this question of consciousness of a reader :
" It is not easy to call to mind a journal, private as it may profess
to be, which has been undeniably written without some view to a
possible reader. The writer, though in his dressing-gown and
slippers, still seems to feel that some privileged friend may by
some possible chance rush in upon his privacy, and so he arranges
his undress with some (perhaps unconscious) view to such a
casualty."
This question of a possible reader becomes psychologically Intro-
very interesting when we come to the class of diaries containing ^®°^^"^®
disclosures which reflect no sort of credit on the writer. And
this brings us to a distinct and not uncommon motive in diary
writing which is the more or less morbid desire for self-analysis,
self-dissection, introspection, and even self -revelation. It may
take the form of private thoughts which the writer feels he cannot
communicate to any friend ; it may take the form of confessions
of faults and resolutions for self-correction ; it may be a private
vent for complaint or for the commonest of all human failings,
self-pity ; it may be a self-indulgent expansion of egotism, or an
expected aid to self-discipline. It has been known even to take
the form of unrestrained revelations on sexual matters with
details which one would suppose the writer would shrink from
allowing others to read. If sensuality looms large in the inner
consciousness, the attempt of diarists to note it is anyhow a proof
of their honesty. So strong is the impulse for ruthless self-
dissection in some natures that they will dehberately lay bare
their very souls with an almost reckless hope that posterity shall
see them naked. But in the majority of cases the confessions
are general and vague ; the actual reasons for self-condemnation
are not specified. The diarist generalises on his weakness, his
sin, his lapses without always recording the particular occasion
or character of the faults in question. He is aware of his failure
and wants to record his penitence, and by aid of his diary to make
resolutions for improvement. It may be the consciousness of a
10 ENGLISH DIARIES
possible reader which restrains him from actually relating the <
fault in question. Penitence, however vague, will be counted to
his credit, the description of the fault committed might lower
him in the estimation of posterity. Introspective writers often
seem to entertain " an inferiority complex " and to hope that
by carefully recording their symptoms they may be able to make
some helpful diagnosis.
We have our Haydons and Barbellions, but the most famous
instances of introspective diaries are not British. There is some-
thing alien to the British temperament in Tolstoy, in Amiel, or in
Marie Bashkirtseff who flourishes her dissecting knife and cries :
" I not only say all the time what I think but I never contem-
plate hiding for an instant what might make me appear ridiculous
or prove to my disadvantage. For the rest I think myself too
admirable for censure." Reticence and reserve are national
characteristics outwardly and probably inwardly too ; and
among available English diaries there are none which extend
the practice of self-dissection to such an extreme as the continental
diarists. Most Englishmen think it bad form to be too expansive
or to give themselves away. They conceive it improper to
write down their innermost feelings, and they shun like the pest
anything that approaches affectation.
Self-con- Although the honesty and sincerity of the introspective writers
sciousness ^^^y ^^ beyond question, they do not necessarily by their method
give a faithful picture of themselves. Indeed it is not through
their intentional and deliberate self-dissection that we really
get to know people. Such method is too self-conscious and too
artificial. A diarist reveals himself or gives himself away by
casual and quite unpremeditated entries far more than by lab-
orious self-analysis. Thomlinson's diary is a good instance of
this.
We think we know ourselves better than others know us.
But the truth is we only know the inside half, and it is doubtful
whether any human being in varying moods can describe even
that accurately. Moreover the little shop window we dress
and expose to view is by no means all that others see of us. We
may be very self-conscious about things which others hardly
notice and throughout our lives we may be entirely unaware of
some glaring peculiarity which continually strikes our neighbours.
A pelican is not the least self-conscious about the size of his beak.
A peacock may be self-conscious about his tail, but he thinks too
that he has a beautiful voice. On the other hand, outsiders may
believe that some person is quite oblivious of certain failings till
DIARY WRITING 11
it is discovered by his diary that he has been struggHng with them
all along.
We have said that the honesty and sincerity of indiscreet and Self-
unreticent writers are beyond question. This perhaps requires '^®°®P''^°'^
some qualification. Self-deception is very prevalent. There is a
good deal of truth in Byron's remark in his diary, " I fear one
lies more to one's self than to anyone else," or as Gladstone puts
it, " I do not enter on interior matters. It is so easy to write,
but to write honestly nearly impossible." The luxury of self-
depreciation or self-justification which can be written without
fear of contradiction or criticism from outsiders is very likely
to upset anyone's judgment. Some people with an eye on pos-
terity are apt to make themselves out worse than they are so
that by self-disparagement they may eventually get credit for
being better than they seemed.
The introspective Diary, however, is specially interesting as it Use of
often discloses unsuspected features, and the light thrown on the ^^'^^°-
., , tj • n • 1 • • TP^ n spective
writer s personality commg irom withm gives a different and new diaries
relief to the tissue of his character. On the subject of these more
intimate diaries Henry Fynes Clinton, who kept one, makes
the following observations : "I am not sure that the practice is
beneficial. Many evil thoughts that would pass away from the
anind are arrested in their passage, fixed in the attention and made
permanent by the habit of noting them down. Many transient
uneasinesses too are magnified in importance by being registered
in the journal and a morbid sensibility generated ; thus we
become less satisfied with our condition and with those who
surround us. Perhaps then it is safer to confine a journal to a
mere diary of fads, but carefully to abstain from setting down
opinions upon subjects that try the passions deeply. Let the
transient thought be transient ; let us forbear to give it a habita-
tion and a name, form and substance, in our minds."
Some diarists express a similar opinion, while others agree with
J. A. Syraonds' verdict, " ordinary log book a poor affair." As
to whether the practice is beneficial to the writer or not we
need express no opinion. The fact remains that in varying
degrees it is fairly common with diary-writers ; and readers have
no reason to deplore it. A long subjective diary giving as it
<ioes the history of a personality is certainly more interesting to
read than a long objective diary giving a bare record of facts.
It will be seen that there is a very wide difference between
the motives of the two extremes : the impersonal memorandum-
writers and morbid self-dissectors. The former often retain
12 ENGLISH DIARIES
their habit over a number of years, whereas the latter generally
cover short periods, although Heywood, Windham, Haydon,
Fynes Clinton, and Barbellion are exceptions. There are diarists
who write so much about themselves that one is sometimes sur-
prised they do not write more. It seems there is always some
limit; either reluctance or disinclination may prevent them
from noting their most poignant personal experiences. More-
over, even regular diarists will hesitate to write down a passing
impression or opinion coloured as it may be by momentary bias.
They have sufficient foresight to realise that after reflection their
view may alter and their considered opinion is likely to be quite
different, but that owing to a certain inherent inconsequence
and carelessness in diary-keeping, the hasty opinion may remain
uncorrected and conceivably be read. Caution, however, is not
as a rule a diarist's characteristic, and there are many who im-
pulsively jot down the passing thought. It may be found that
a diarist sometimes fails to note some preoccupation until events
arise which force it to the front. He may then disclose how much
the circumstances or impressions have been occupying his
thoughts.
Non- Xo those who have never kept, and never intend to keep, any
sort of diary — that is to say, the majority of people — the idea
of deliberately sitting down, inscribing on paper and keeping
a record of passing thoughts, and worse still of private senti-
ments and innermost feelings, is absolutely and entirely incom-
prehensible.
Here we come to the very clear and sharp dividing line between
diarists and those whom we may call non-diarists. The interest-
ing thing about it is that outwardly on the surface there is no
sort of indication of the difference between the two. It is an
interior matter of psychology. A diarist cannot be unfaihngly
detected by his appearance, manner, habit, or position, although
owing to certain circumstances some may be suspected of keeping
a diary. But unless the fact is unconcealed or well known, no
one can divide, with anything like accuracy, even his intimate
friends into those who keep diaries and those who do not.
Some attempt is being made here to explain why people keep
diaries, and it must be simply the entire absence of any of the
motives, incentives, and peculiarities of disposition enumerated,
which gives us the negative explanation of why people do not
keep diaries,
entries in before dealing with the subjects which occur in diaries, it should
diaries be noted that every diarist has to exercise a certain discretion
DIARY WRITING 13
and to go through a process of sifting and selection. It is mani-
festly impossible to record everything, although at least one pathetic
attempt has been made to do the impossible. The chronicling of
every thought, word and deed from morning to night would be
too great a tax on the memory and would occupy too much time
and space. The diarist therefore chooses the incidents which at
the moment he thinks matter — ^the governing facts of the day.
The single sentence or even a single word entries of regular
diarists, except those which consist merely of a note of a birth,
death, dinner, visit, journey, or some such ordinary occurrence,
are often curiously characteristic. The following very brief
entries extracted from diaries may be given as examples :
Dr. Dee — I had a grudging of the ague.
Thomas Marchant — We had a dish of green peas for dinner to-day.
Thobesby — This day as yesterday wholly spent in study.
Pepys — Looking after my workmen, whose laziness do much trouble me.
Heywood — I had gracious meltings of the heart in prayer. God helpt me
in all the duties of the day, blessed be God.
Beppy Byrom — Smoothing (i.e. ironing).
Gale — Having taken three pills I went to Peerless for a \d. worth of warm
ale.
Wesley (at 22) — Resolved to reflect twice a day.
Windham — Saw a tight battle at the corner of Russell Street.
Fynes Clinton — Hodie Augustinimi " De civitate Dei ! "
Dr. Rutty — A little swinish at dinner.
Elizabeth Fry — A much better day though many faults.
Ha YD ON — Nothing but horror and idleness to reflect on for the last three
weeks.
Cajroline Fox — Plenty to do, and plenty to love and plenty to pity. No
one need die of ennui.
Baker — Prawns, shrimps, and cockles.
George Eliot — Read Theocritus ; meditated on characters for Middle-
march.
Col. Ponsonby — Very hot, played at rackets, on guard at Bank.
Rose — No material alteration in the King's health.
Gladstone — Wrote a brief abstract of the intended Bill ; wood cutting.
CoBBETT — At Burghclere, one half the time writing and the other half
hare-hunting.
Lord Colchester — I carried up the Population BiU to the Lords.
Macaulay — ^Wrote : this Glencoe business is infernal.
Lord Malmesbury — Dinner at Zinzendorfi's, first assembly at Count
Finckenstein's.
Barbellion — The immediate future horrifies me.
The regular diarist at his accustomed moment, probably the
last thing at night, scribbles down the incidents of the day. If
the day appears to him comparatively uneventful and he is in
no mood for general reflections, or if he is hurried or tired, he will
just register what appears to him the most salient impression —
14
ENGLISH DIARIES
Subjects
dealt
with in
diaries
Health
The
weather
enough for him to recall the day when he re-reads the entry, if
he ever does, and sufficient to prevent a break in the continuity.
The subjects dealt with in diaries may reveal motive ; the
manner of their treatment discloses the diarist's style and method.
Topics of the most frequent occurrence may be considered ser-
iatim.
The regular diarist will invariably enlarge on the state of his
health. Nothing could be more natural. If you write on the
day even a bilious attack or a bad cold matters considerably and
looms large. If you write two or three days later the memory
of the minor ailments has vanished. Operations and prolonged
illness will be noted by anyone who is keeping a faithful account
of his days, because they are impediments to action and alter the
whole routine of life. Morbid instances can be found of people
who literally watch the state of their health, and the fact that
they suffer no doubt gives the clue to their morbidity. John
Baker is an extreme instance, but Dr. Dee, Pepys, Rutty, New-
combe, Bjrron, George Eliot, J. A. Symonds, Barbellion, and many
others give a good many particulars with regard to their health.
In the earlier diaries both the diseases and the cures are, to say
the least of them, curious. Timothy Burrell has " flatuleni
spasms " from eating new cheese after getting his feet wet, and
Ashmole hangs three spiders round his neck, which cures his ague.
But in the later diaries, too, health remarks are very common.
Even Greville, in what is almost an official chronicle, invariably
notes his attacks of the gout. A carefully-kept analysis of symp-
toms may have considerable value from the medical point of
view.
The weather comes under much the same category as health.
A fine day or a rainy day affects the mood of the sensitive
daily writer, and certain temperaments are undoubtedly very
susceptible to the cheering influence of sunshine and the depressing
effects of an overcast sky. That it rained to-day is an important
matter to-day, as it may have entirely altered the course of
our pursuits. Next Tuesday we shall not remember whether it
rained or not. Daily diarists therefore often note the weather
regularly. Haydon's father, whose diary was destroyed, hardly
made an entry without registering the state of the wind. In naval
diaries of course the weather stands out as a special feature. Some
periodic diarists note storms, hurricanes, frost, heat, or drought,
more especially if they are personally affected by them. Even
in very scrappy diaries earthquakes, comets, and floods are
described.
DIARY WRITING 15
Food figures very prominently in many diaries. A good dinner Food
is noted by people who might never be suspected of having noticed
the food at all. The good meal leaves a deeper impression than
might be supposed. There are more remarks about food in
regular diaries than in occasional diaries. Sometimes it is elabor-
ated into a special feature of the diary, as, for instance, Teonge's
tremendous dinners and Lady Nugent's Jamaica banquets, and
we have an instance in which over-eating is a special vice to be
corrected. There are many diaries, however, in which food is
never mentioned at all.
Drink occurs more often than food. The immediate effects of Drink
excess naturally colour the outlook of the daily diary writer. In
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries drink is very prominent
as drunkenness was very common. It becomes the cause of the
diarist's hilarity or depression, sometimes of his illness, and in
more than one diary resolutions against over-indulgence are con-
scientiously noted. Turner's constant and it is to be feared
fruitless endeavours to overcome his excesses occupy a large part
of his extraordinary but very amusing diary. Mrs. Browne's
companions on board ship were certainly not a sober company.
In the earlier diaries we get more domestic details than in the Domestic
later ones, where original manuscripts are not at our disposal and ^®*^^^
where the editor's blue pencil has been more rigorously used.
The relations of husband and ^vife and of parents and children
occur in the fuller and more intimate diaries. Pepys' relations
with his wife are almost the most amusing part of his diary.
Adam Eyre objects to his wife brawhng ; Turner's two mves
Peggy and Molly are realistically represented ; Burrell has an
affection of the stomach owing to his irritation with his sister;
Baker's devotion to " Uxor " is very pathetic, Egmont's eulogy
of his wife comes almost as a surprise in his voluminous official
diary. Mary Shelley's brief reference to the death of her child
is tragic.
Servant troubles are frequently noted, sometimes by writers for
whom such trivial mundane affairs might be supposed to have no
sort of importance. Dr. Dee says his wife is " desperately angry "
with her maids ; Shngsby gives elaborate details about his cook,
his gardener and other servants ; the learned Ashmole has trouble
with his man Hobbs ; Timothy Burrell is impatient when his
servant puts too much salt in his broth ; Adam Eyre whips Jane ;
Newcombe complains of " the villainous carriage " of his servants,
and Ehzabeth Fry is depressed at their ingratitude. Servants,
indeed, like ill-health and the weather, can upset the day's routine.
\
16 ENGLISH DIARIES
It would be interesting if a diary could reveal their side of the
story. But so far a domestic servant's diary is not available.
Besides the noting of family and domestic affairs there are
instances of diarists who register the most trivial details. A case
is known of a man who wrote down the number of cigarettes he
smoked each day.
Religion No subject occurs more frequently than religion in some shape
or form. Accounts of sermons, theological discussion, the reading
of religious books, philosophic meditations, self-examination,
devotional practices and private prayer may be found in abun-
dance in many diaries. Sermons are given sometimes very fully.
Manningham reports them almost verbatim. Thanksgi\dng and
supplication to God, whether expressed in a sentence or in a page,
may be discovered in almost any regularly kept diary. In fact
it may be said that a temperament addicted to religious medita-
tion or speculation is just the sort of temperament that produces
a diary. As Ehzabeth Fry puts it, " that is the advantage of
a true journal, it leads the mind to look inwards." In the seven-
teenth century and later the keeping of a register of facts and
feelings was regarded as part of the rehgious exercise of pious
people. The seventeenth-century diaries given here consist very
largely of those of divines. But apart from these, declarations
of faith in supernatural intervention and expressions of humility
or of gratitude to the Deity find their way into the great
majority of private diaries, no matter what the profession or
character of the diarist may be. In some diaries which con-
tain a great deal of religious matter, a sanctimonious, not to say
self-righteous, touch may occasionally be detected, and the common
tendency of mistaking dependence on a supernatural power for
spiritual excellence. These diarists do not show any real per-
spicacity in self-knowledge or self-analysis because they generally
take refuge in writing down more or less conventional religious
formula? of self-disparagement. There may also be found in some
cases a scarcely-concealed conviction that the prayer and moralis-
ing will at some future date be edifying reading for others. Un-
doubtedly a certain natural relief results to the diarist from written
expressions of repentance and self-administered homihes, as when
Henry Newcombe has " a deale of sweet discourse " about the
" baseness " of his heart, " rivers of tears " issue from Thoresby's
eyes, and Henry Martyn loathes himself for his " secret abomina-
tions." We, as readers, in perusing such diaries find that our
glance wanders perhaps rather maliciously over the page in search
of the lapses rather than of the conquests. There is colour in
DIARY WRITING 17
faults, but not always in righteousness. The truth is that self-
disparagement in excess, even when practised privately, is a form
of self-indulgence and does not ring quite true. Both the exultant
righteousness and the exaggerated self-abasement in some rehgious
diaries are not convincing ; and insincerity is a fatal fault in a
diary. But, on the other hand, a really pathetic and even tragic
note may be found in some expressions of regret, self-blame and
despair, even though they be expressed in a single sentence.
Many people take the opportunity of excursions or travel to Scenery
write very full descriptions of the sights they see. Lakes and ^"^
mountains, cathedrals and monuments, inspire travellers with a *^^^^^
desire to write. But it must be frankly confessed that unless the
writer is endowed with considerable literary talent this section
of their diary is likely to prove extremely dull. Nothing indeed
shows up a writer's hterary incapacity more than his attempts
to expatiate on the wonders of nature and art ; and his or her
(for women are more especially fond of this form of writing) un-
restrained enthusiasm in no way makes these passages more
tolerable. Only a few instances will be found of diarists who
succeed in this line. Even in biographies the chapters on travel
are seldom readable. Surveyors' topographical records of their
journeys such as the Itinerary of John Leland in the sixteenth
century cannot be classed as diaries.
When a diarist meets a celebrity he wiU unfailingly make a note Royalties,
of it. When anyone constantly meets celebrities it becomes a celebrities
reason for keeping a diary. It certainly must have been the main septal life
motive in the case of Crabb Robinson. Contact with sovereigns
and royalties frequently produces diary writing. Quite a con-
siderable number of diaries deal with the sayings, doings, habits
and appearance of roj^alty. For instance, the sections of her
diary noted by Emma Sophia Lady Brownlow in her Reminiscences
of a Septuagenarian (1867), which is not included in the collection,
deal exclusively with minor royalties in Holland. Of course this
sort of thing may be well done or badly done. Occasionally we
get a vivid and intimate sidelight such as Dee's and Manningham's
references to Queen Elizabeth; Pepj^s on Charles II; Lake's
account of the marriage of Wilham and Mary, on which occasion
Charles II behaved in a highly characteristic way ; Bubb Doding-
ton's intercourse with Frederick Prince of Wales and his wife,
and Egmont's character sketch of that Prince ; Fanny Burney's
conversations with George III and Queen Charlotte ; Lady Char-
lotte Bury's striking portrait of Queen Caroline; and Lady
Malcolm's description of Napoleon. George IV's " undignified
2
18 ENGLISH DIARIES
practices, at which," Greville tells us, " grave men were shocked,"
form the subject-matter of many diaries. George calling for
brandy when he first meets Carohne of Brunswick was an astonish-
ing scene of which Lord Malmesbury was the sole witness.
But often we may get just the bald mention of the presence of
royalty, or a list of names of eminent people seen or met. In any
case the vision of or casual intercourse with kings, queens,
princes, dukes, ministers, poets, authors, painters, and actresses
prompts a diarist to go home and write it all down. He feels he
is contributing to history. It is certainly true and after all quite
natural that every diarist who came within eyeshot or earshot of
Dr. Johnson and the Duke of Wellington at once made a special
note of it.
Accounts of balls, dinner-parties, country-house parties, cere-
monies, pageants, and social functions of every description occur
in a multitude of diaries. In fact some diaries may be found to be
composed of very little else. It requires an exceptionally skilful
pen to make anything of this kind interesting or amusing, especially
if it is of fairly recent date. From the class of mind that thinks
it worth while to register notliing but bald, social notes it is useless
to expect any gleams of perception or indeed anything of interest.
Celebrities seem often to be mentioned, not because the writers
want to draw a portrait of them, but because they want to in-
crease their own importance by showing they were on intimate
terms or even acquainted with the great. Indeed keepers of
social diaries are apt to give rather a false idea of their own
importance. A reader gets the impression that they only dine
with authors and great statesmen and consort with notables.
They seem to echo the author of Vanity Fair in saying, " I declare
I swell with pride as these august names are transcribed by my
pen." Unless an eye is kept on the dates the dull days that are
omitted are not noticed. We very seldom get " dined with Mrs.
Jones " or a character sketch of John Smith, and it must be
acknowleged that the unceasing presence of the great is very
fatiguing. In the more genuine full diary, minor matters are
just as carefully noted, as for instance when Egmont writes,
" This day old Mrs. Minshull and Mr. Javaegam dined with us."
It is in the category of Social Diaries that more might probably
be found than are included in this collection. Miss Mary Bagot's
early nineteenth-century diaries quoted in Links with the Past,
by Mrs. Charles Bagot (1901), have not been included, as there
would seem to be a sufficient number of examples of social diaries
in that period. Playgoing is a very favourite topic with some
DIARY WRITING 19
diarists, notably Pepys, Windham, Crabb Robinson, Henry
Greyille, and concerts and opera are often described.
Lists of books read or purchased and comments and opinions Books
on books are of common occurrence. We get an insight into the
diarist's tastes, but searching criticism, even where there is hterary
appreciation, is rare. Fynes Chnton gives a curiously elaborate
analysis of the books he studies, and of course books figure promin-
ently in Macaulay's Diary and Mary Shelley's. There is one case
of a soldier's diary (Sir Gerald Graham) in which the books he
is reading are the only subject he mentions outside his strictly
professional military pursuits. Thomas Green's diary is excep-
tional, being almost entirely confined to literary criticism.
Lists of deaths, births, and marriages are common. A few Records
diaries are exclusively occupied with them. John Hobson shows and
a morbid love of recording deaths. Accounts of expenditure are ^''^'^"^^s
often noted in diaries, or anyhow the mention of prices. Giles
Moore writes almost exclusively in the language of accounts,
and Stapley notes punctihously the exact spot where payments
were made. How personal character as well as information as
to prices can appear in a list of payments, is illustrated in
the page of accounts kept by one of the Ladies of LlangoDen.
A good many old account books are available which cannot be
reckoned as diaries, although by their weekly and sometimes daily
entries they come very near to some of the brief diary memoranda.
Mention may be made here of two of these.
There are the household books of the 3rd and 4th Earls of
Derby kept between 1561 and 1589.1 The writer of the first one
is unknown. William Harington, the steward or secretary, kept
the later one. These books give the most exact and minute
account of everything connected with their Lordship's household.
They contain biUs for aU provisions, food and wine, biUs of fare,
Items of wages paid, long lists of servants with orders and regu-
lations for the household ; also a carefully kept daily record of
all guests who came to stay or who dined, and sometimes the name
of the preacher. They give in fact a complete picture of a large
Ehzabethan establishment, and incidentally much information with
regard to prices.
The other instance is the household account book of Sarah
Fell of Swarthmore Hall, 2 kept between 1673 and 1678, which is
strictly an account book and not a diary. In it we see not only
1 Chetham Society: Stanley Papers.
» Household Accounts of Sarah Fell of Swarthmore Hall, ed. by Norman
Penney, 1920.
20 ENGLISH DIARIES
the liberal provision that was made for the household, but we can
note prices, wages and taxes, and various entries give us a ghmpse
into the fortunes of the family. There is a note of her gomg to
prison in 1676. The tobacco that is bought is used for washing
sheep as well as for smoking, " tobacco pipes " are purchased for
Sister Susannah, but we can hardly beheve she used them her-
self. References to dress show that a " muffe " was bought for
Sarah a " black allamonde rounde whiske " for Sister Rachel,
" a little pocket looking-glass " for Susannah, and " a vizard maske
for myselfe Is. 4d." We also find an echo of the inevitable ser-
vant trouble, " Ann Standish's wages for the year is £1 I7s. 6d.,^
but she paid 8*. for a silver spoon lost and 6d. for a pot broken.
In fact, an analysis of these carefully kept accounts yields a good
deal of history. u- u u
Another business register and record of payments which has
not been included in this collection is PhiUp Henslowe s so-called
Diary It consists of memoranda of receipts and payment con-
nected with the plays produced between 1592 and 1603 m the
theatres of which he was proprietor. While it contains much
valuable information from the point of view of literary archaeology,
it cannot by any stretch of the definition be classed as a diary.
There is a business record of the same description by Thomas
Osborne, Duke of Leeds, kept between 1705 and 1712. The dated
entries are not daily but very frequent. They are written on long
narrow sheets in a rough but clear handwriting, and concern his
property, his will, the transfer of stock, mortgages, deaths, tamily
iUnesses and dates of parUamentary events. Only once does he
express anything like an opinion in an indignant reference to ttie
Act of Toleration. „r ..u- ™4.
No special mention is made of the diary of John Worthmgton
who was master of Jesus College, Cambridge, in the middle of the
seventeenth century. It is nothing more than an enlarged engage-
ment book, although he puts in a few notices about his health.
Dowsing's journal, though it can hardly be regarded as a private
diary, has been included owing to the unique character o± his
aothes One might think that as food and drink are so often referred
to, clothes would be also, but this is not the case. Pepys very
elaborate description of his own costume and his wife s stands
more or less alone. There are casual references like Giles Moore s
scarlet waistcoats, etc., the stockings Burrell purchases for his
daughter ; and the Ladies of Llangollen's riding habits Queen
Victoria discusses her clothes with Lord Melbourne, and lanny
DIARY WRITING 21
Burney talks of Queen Charlotte's clothes, if not her own. But
even daily diarists seldom dwell on the subject.
Thrilling adventures, hairbreadth escapes (Thoresby's danger- Accidents
ous ride, Evelyn's adventure with the cut-throats, Crabb Robin-
son's encounter with a thief in the Strand, Carohne Fox's escape
from a bull), fires, floods, etc., are related even in meagre diaries.
The immediate vivid recollection of the event written down per-
haps while the diarist is still affected by the experience sometimes
give the descriptions a striking reahsm even with diarists whose
powers of expression appear normally rather restricted.
Notable public events, a king's death, the outbreak of war, Public,
civil commotion, a murder or a trial are noted by many diarists Political
even though they may be far removed from the scene. Refer- social
^^nCes to political and public affairs in the diary of some obscure events
person in the provinces, although they may be just perfunctory
statements, help to hnk him to the centre of national hfe and
remind one of the historical period in which he lived. Of course
there are full diary records of such events wliich, hke Egmont's
or Greville's, become the foundation material for history, the
author having had exceptional opportunities for observation.
Admiral Cockburn's diary of the voyage to St. Helena is an instance
of a short one. Labouchere's Diary of a Besieged Resident in
Paris in 1871, though written daily, is not a diary, but articles for
a newspaper. They were reprinted from the Daily News. The
social political diaries hke Henry Greville's and Raikes' deal
largely with pubhc events, and there are two diaries of Speakers
which are reserved principally for parliamentary business.
A good many diaries are confined exclusively to the recital of
pubhc events, whether national or local, without any personal
colour at all. Instances are given, but it is not worth while to
examine them all. Nicholas Brown's diary pubhshed in the Sur-
tees Society's collection, although it covers a long period (1767 to
1796), is devoid of any but local interest. The diary of Walter
Younger (1604-1628), M.P. for Honiton, except for notes on the
weather and the crops, is simply a register of pubhc affairs.
If a census of diary keepers could be made it would probably War
be found that divines and soldiers headed the hst. Many a man
in war time will keep a diary though he has never done so before
and does not do so again. War is of such crucial importance
while it lasts and so filled with exciting and nerve-racking experi-
ences that a participant very naturally wants to make some
immediate record of it, however brief. Unfortunately it is a case
in which the events to be recorded are too vast for any recorder.
22 ENGLISH DIARIES
The individuality of the writer often, though not always, becomes
submerged, and in any event he is confined to noting the particular
incidents in his particular corner. While the sum total of such
experiences becomes of great value to the military historian, they
are in themselves, except for hairbreadth escapes and dangerous
adventures, seldom worthy of special notice. There is a sameness
about military movements, preparations, tactics and organisation
which no pen can relieve. In the rare cases where a writer
describes his own sensations, or can give a really graphic picture
of scenes and incidents, we get a welcome personal note and the
individuality of the diarist emerges. But naturally enough the
number of troops he has, the amount of ammunition, the pro-
spects of reinforcements, the reported movements of the enemy
and the state of the weather are of overmastering importance on
the day he writes. But that importance fades quickly. The
consequence is that military diaries (many more of which might
be cited than are mentioned in this collection) are on the whole
not among the most interesting. General Gordon's Khartoum
diary is a notable exception.
But in British soldiers' diaries there is a special characteristic
which would not be found in the diaries of soldiers of other nations.
They write with extreme reticence about dangers and horrors,
and they never betray themselves by any display of emotion.
Even important engagements are very baldly described. Typical
diaries of this description are referred to in the reviews. An
instance may be quoted here of an officer in the South African
War, who was present at the battles of Modder River and Magers-
fontein. In his diary entry he describes a day's fishing, going
into detail as to the flies he used and the sort of rod and gut
suitable for South African rivers. He notes that he wants a pony
for coursing hares and thinks he will find a suitable one at a Dutch
farmer's. Then he adds : " We have had two big battles."
But in many soldiers' diaries during the war will be found
the recurrence of the three same moods : eagerness to be in action,
impatience at the delays and periods of waiting, followed by a
longing for the end.
Sport and Diarists pretty frequently mention their hunting, fishing and
games shooting exploits, and cricket matches are described. But there
are diaries kept exclusively for a record of sport. The second Earl
of Malmesbury, for instance, kept a journal of his sporting life
(1801-1840) in which he entered the quantity of powder and shot
he used, the game he killed each day, the time he was out, the
distance he walked, and the weather. Hunting diaries are very
DIARY WRITING 23
common. In the history of any Hunt will be found extracts from
a number of hunting diaries. In addition to William Goodall's
diary which is reviewed, we may mention H. B. Yerburgh's Leaves
from a Hunting Diary in Essex ; Edwin Stevens's, the huntsman
of the Warwickshire Hunt, whose regular entries cover a number
of years in the 'forties ; Lord Willoughby de Broke's diary, and Sir
Charles Mordaunt's, with their long, regular and elaborate entries
deahng with runs with the hounds. There may be mentioned,
too, the diary of the Rev. W. S. Millar in the eighteen sixties,
who shows a very keen enjoyment of the sport and is thoroughly
pleased with his own exploits. " Rode the Squire, who carried me
splendidly, jumping South Newington brook in capital style " —
" the most satisfactory kill I have seen this season," etc. This
diary of a sporting parson forms an amusing contrast to the many
diaries of his fellow-divines which are mentioned here, occupied
largely as they are with prayer and self-condemnation. The
Extracts from the Diary of a Huntsman, by Thomas Smith, is
not a diary, but descriptions of runs and hunting adventures, with
advice about keeping hounds. Some of the many hunting diaries
are literally voluminous, others just brief notes, but all are totally
devoid of any remarks not concerned with the actual sport itself.
They are, however, real diaries written probably on the very even-
ing of the events recorded. When H. B. Yerburgh writes, " Let
me jot it down this Monday evening while memory runs hot
within me and ere its colour fades away," he is exercising the
method of a true diarist. The curious thing is that these diaries,
not only in the similarity of their style, but in the extremely
limited range of the subject — the line of country, the fox's course,
the conduct of the hounds and of the horses, accounts of accidents,
and sometimes a list of people present — are practically unread-
able even for other hunting men. The keen enjoyment produces
an " itch to record," and these sportsmen write for themselves
in their old age so that in the evening of life they can be reminded
of these great moments and enjoy once more in imagination
the famous runs.
Apart from soldiers, sailors and explorers, it is curious how often Profes-
diaries avoid any but the briefest mention of the professional work ^^j.^
of the author. It would seem as if he turned away from his daily
professional duties deliberately in order to expand the more private
side of his nature in his diary. But there are many too who note
the progress and development of their professional work and are
obviously absorbed in it, like Gladstone, for instance, who notes
little else.
24
ENGLISH DIARIES
Anec-
dotes and
quota-
tions
Gossip
and
scandal
Diaries
not
written
for pub-
lication
While a good anecdote, a joke or a verse may be inserted in
many diaries, there are some which seem to be solely kept for
collecting and storing such material. Manningham wdth his anec-
dotes, and John Rous with his satirical poems, are instances of
diaries which come very near to being commonplace books, but
they contain other material as well. Miss Frances Wynne's ten
volumes, selections from which were published in 1864 under the
title of Diaries of a Lady of Quality, are not, as the editor remarks,
what is commonly understood or described by the name of diary,
but a store of extracts from other people's letters and reminiscences
of striking events. They are not included in this collection,
although reference is made to Sir M. Grant Duff's large assortment
of anecdotes which were produced in diary form.
There are a fair number of collectors of gossip and scandal
either in the form of anecdote, rumour or revelation. They seem
confident that their notes will be interesting and important in the
future, perhaps after they are dead, although some are tempted
to let it all out before they die. But contrary to their belief a
collection of on dits — " so-and-so told me privately," " I could
hardly believe it, but . . .," "I actually heard to-day that ..."
— ^makes the dreariest possible reading — more especially when they
are stale and a little tarnished from the passage of time. Their
only interest lies in the disclosure they give of the type of mind
of the writer. However, a sudden little bit of unexpected scandal,
a malicious hint or a sly hit, can give a welcome spark and flicker
to a low-burning flame.
Many regular diarists take the occasion of their birthday or of
the end of the year to make a sort of survey of their lives, review
their work and pursuits, or indulge in rehgious or philosophic
reflections, and several write up their early life before they began
diary writing. In these practices we can see clearly the self-
regardant nature of the diarist.
The above subjects have been mentioned as being common to
most diaries. But each diary contains something individual, and
even in the baldest record phrases and comments will occur which
disclose to the reader the idiosyncrasies of the writer. Diaries
manifestly not written for publication, while their literary value
may often be negligible, are as human documents of peculiar
interest. Very often too a diary is all that exists to tell us the story
of some otherwise quite unknown person. There is a fascination
here in unearthing the unexplored which we do not get in the case
of prominent people about whom much else is known beyond what
is contained in their diaries. A very poor diary may be printed
p
DIARY WRITING 25
if its author becomes famous, while a very much better diary may
never see the hght if its author was pubHcly a person of no
particular account.
In all diaries that have been printed — and the great majority
of those collected here have been — a certain amount of trimming
has taken place. Indiscretions, intimacies, or indecencies, have
been cut out. The more modern they are the more this has been
done. No one can be expected to go and examine the original
manuscripts even if it were always possible, with a view to ferret-
ing out the passages omitted. But undoubtedly something has
been lost. In some cases a slightly different impression of the
diarist, whether better or worse, might be given by a perusal of the
manuscript intact. Stars, blanks, initials and dashes are often
very annoying and tantalizing to the reader.
Various devices are used by diarists to ensure secrecy. Many Devices
seem to fear the accidental discovery of their volume. Cypher *° ^^^siire
• I- c • 1 • 1 1 n ■ ■ secrecy
IS by no means uncommon tor special entries and the use of it is
a clear proof that the diarist is only writing for himself. Pepys
wrote his diary throughout in shorthand, fearing a possible reader.
Byrom did the same, but in his case it was because he was the
inventor of a system of shorthand. Foreign languages are also
used occasionally. Baker introduces a good many French, Latin
and Italian words and phrases, Burrell conceals his remarks about
his family and his diseases in Latin, Dr. Dee and Fynes Clinton
frequently break into Latin, and Dugard's whole diary is written
in Latin. Diarists may not fear posterity, but practically all of
them shrink from the prying eye of their own contemporaries.
Only a few diaries here mentioned were illustrated. Burrell nius-
seems to have used little sketches as figures to catch his eye in \^.^^^^
looking back over his accounts ; the illustrations of the child
Mary Browne are the chief features of her diary ; General Gordon,
in addition to maps and plans, draws one or two amusing carica-
tures ; some drawings from her sketch-books are inserted in Queen
Victoria's early diary and in the Leaves from the Highlands she
makes a few sketches. One of the private manuscript diaries
mentioned contained many drawings and caricatures by the author ;
and Hannington, the missionary, illustrates African scenes.
Dull and almost colourless records are common enough, even in Dull
cases where the diarist has had specially favourable opportunities diaries
of seeing interesting people and participating in notable events.
He may be embarrassed by the abundance of his material, he may
be confused as to what to select, or he may be deficient in powers
of observation and description. A sentence of criticism or of
26 ENGLISH DIARIES
frank personal opinion may convey a scene or present a personality
better than pages of description. In a diary the writer counts
much more than the subject. A prominent London man of
society may not give us such a good diary as an obscure provincial
schoolmaster. Indeed it may be said that the nineteenth-century
social diaries are among the most difficult to read. But in the
dullest diary it is well to be on the look-out for sudden indiscretions
or betrayals of feeling.
Eccen. Diarists are not in themselves eccentric any more than those
tncity ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ j^ggp diaries, although people who are mentally unbal-
anced often indulge in the practice. But the unexpected and
latent eccentricity which exists in many people may find an outlet
in diary writing. Even the most apparently conventional people
are sometimes given to strange peculiarities of thought and habit.
But Dr. Butty's diary has a degree of sustained eccentricity
which is unparalleled. John More shows signs of being rather
odd, and the diary of the Ladies of Llangollen is certainly original.
Old Many old diaries become interesting merely on account of their
dianes ^^^^ ^g illustrations of manners and customs which have dis-
appeared, or as providing archaeological information with regard
to places or people. We can appreciate more fully through diary
reading the extraordinary mortality among children in the seven-
teenth century than we can through the bare recital of statistical
facts. We can also gather in the same early period something of
the astonishing precocity of the very young. There are remark-
able instances of this in Evelyn's diary and also in Shngsby's.
Old diaries, by their references to habits and fashions and through
the amusement derived from their archaic language and spelling,
give ordinary commonplace events a quality they would not other-
wise possess. A scrappy memorandum of the pursuits and pur-
chases of a country gentleman in the early seventeenth century
is entertaining, whereas the equivalent written at the end of the
nineteenth century would be unreadable. The latter, however, in
three hundred years' time will derive in its turn new value from
its age.
Explorers The diaries of explorers are not included in this collection
because they come under a different category of writing, A soldier
may or may not keep a diary. If he does, even though he deals
with little else than military matters, it is the " itch to record "
which impels him to write. However technical his diary may
be, nevertheless it is a diary very much in the same sense as any
other diary. A staff diary only recording official military matters
would not be a diary in the sense we are using it here any more
DIARY WRITING 27
than the log-book of a ship. An explorer only uses the daily entry
as a convenient means of giving a scientifically exact account of
the enterprises on which he is engaged. It is the recognised
method of recording scientific observations and collecting data in
research. As this class of diary is not included for review, a word
may be said about them here because, however scrupulously
specialised the entries may be, the personality of the writer still
emerges. Three diaries of this description may be mentioned as
typical of this class of record : Captain Cook's, Darwin's, and
Captain Scott's.
There are two published diaries of Captain Cook's. They are Captain
a good deal more than ship's log-books. The first concerns his °°
first voyage round the world between 1768 and 1771, and the
second his last voyage in 1776 up to his death in 1779. While
the entries consist for the most part of nautical observations, he
gives very full descriptions of places and interesting details with
regard to native races. It is no ordinary dull recital of fact. One
feels behind the carefully collected observations an outstanding
personality, a man of humane instincts, fine judgment, and
skilful management. Very occasionally he allows himself an
expression of opinion like the following :
Such are the tempers and disposition of seamen in general that whatever
you give them out of the common way — altho' it be ever so much for their
good — it will not go down and you will hear nothing but murmurings against
the man who first invented it ; but the moment they see their superiors set
a value upon it, it becomes the finest stuff in the world and the inventor an
honest feUow. Wind easterly.
But the long and often elaborate notes of the great navigator's
explorations are part of the literature of scientific research, not
a personal diary.
Darwin's Journal of Researches during the voyage of the Darwin
Beagle is another instance of a record of scientific research in
diary form. But it is no dry technical treatise. By writing
quite naturally without omitting the enthusiasms of a young man
filled with wonder, devoured by curiosity and absorbed in the
work of investigation, he produced a book which brought within
the range of the layman the researches of a scientific expert, and
thus what might have been a dry and difficult dissertation be-
comes coloured with the spirit of adventure and invested with
the charm of personality. The Journal covers almost five years,
1831 to 1836, and many quotations might be given to show that
not only could he write and describe, but that he combined the
aesthetic sensibilities of an artist with the curiosity and analytical
28
ENGLISH DIARIES
concentration of a man of science. The marvels of the forests of
South America evoke from him unrestrained enthusiasm. He says
in one place : " It is not possible to give an adequate idea of the
higher feelings of wonder, astonishment and devotion which fill
and elevate the mind." The most unscientific reader may be
carried away by perusing his accounts of adventures with native
tribes, and even when he particularises and elaborates his de-
scriptions of fauna and flora he uses the simplest language. How-
ever, it cannot be called a personal diary, as he notes nothing
about himself or his relations with his comrades.
Captain Scott's diary of the Antarctic Expedition, 1910-1912,
has attracted more than scientific interest owing to the tragic
termination of the expedition so far as he and some of his com-
panions were concerned. Although his journal gives all the
detailed observations necessary to illustrate the object of the
expedition, it is often written in natural and almost colloquial
language. The last entry, now famous, is not only personal but
of so poignantly a dramatic character that it may be quoted. It
is one of the few diary entries written by a man in the immediate
face of death. It will be remembered that he and his comrades,
though only eleven miles from the depot, were unable to leave
their hut owing to the continuous " whirhng drifts " of snow.
He scribbled while he still had the strength, no prayers and
supplications, no self-blame or recrimination, no posturing
philosophy, no melodramatic finale, but the following simple
words :
I do not think we can hope for any better things now. We shall stick it
out to the end, but we are getting weaker of com-se, and the end cannot be
far. It seems a pity, but I do not think I can write more.
R. Scott
For God's sake look after our people.
Many other explorers' diaries might be mentioned, but these three
will suffice as examples.
Charac- To return to the more personal diaries which are being con-
ter^tics gidered here, it might be supposed that very busy people do not
ans s ^^^^ diaries. But diary writing does not depend on time, but on
inchnation. It requires a certain effort before the habit can be
acquired, and many people find this effort beyond them, not
exactly from laziness, but from a feeling either that it is not
worth while or that their fives are not sufficiently interesting to
warrant any record being kept. Anyhow, time has nothing to
do with it. A man who may be engrossed in his business or
DIARY WRITING 29
profession will find time even for a daily record, while a man of
leisure may not take the trouble to write at all.
Diarists are interested in themselves, they are watching them-
selves journeying along the road of life. It may be claimed for
them that they are not of a vegetating apathetic disposition.
They are awake, alert, and alive to all that concerns them, and
this degree of egotism will make the busiest of them find time
and opportunity for writing notes.
There are some noticeable differences between the diaries of W°^®^
women and the diaries of men. Women, if they write at all,
write a great deal. Listances of women who have kept daily to
periodic brief notes, if they exist, must be rare ; the idea of noting
regularly insignificant details of daily life does not seem to apj)eal
to the female mind. They prefer the memoir or letter form,
which gives them more scope. Women are sometimes prolific
letter writers. This may prevent them from expanding them-
selves in a diary. But if their desire for self-expression were
deprived of this outlet it is not unlikely it would overflow into
the pages of a diary. Lady Mary Coke tried to combine the two,
\\'ith the result that she cannot be said to have been successful
in either. Practically all the diaries of women mentioned in
these volumes are the diaries of well-known and more or less
eminent women, with the exception of IVIrs. Browne's entertaining
little record, whereas it has been easy to collect the diaries of
many absolutely unknown men.
Generally speaking, women seem to be more cautious and less
prone to give themselves away. The examples discovered of
English women diarists show that they are less morbid and
introspective and fonder of objective narrative. Women often
excel in the particular line they set themselves. Their powers
of narrative are sometimes specially good. The diaries of Fanny
Kemble and Lady Nugent are both entertaining, though com-
paratively little known. Celia Fiennes stands by herself in the
seventeenth century, and Lady Cowper amongst others in the
eighteenth centm-y, as women whose distinctive characters are
displayed by their spontaneous writing. Queen Victoria must be
judged more by the early diaries and by the knowledge that many
volumes of a similar character exist than by the Leaves from the
Highlands. The women social diarists, hke the men, are less
interesting. Rapture, enthusiasm, and we must say, too, gush,
abound in some women's diaries. Indeed Fanny Burney her-
self, who may be claimed by many as the best English woman
diarist, is by no means immune from criticism on this score.
80 ENGLISH DIARIES
For many reasons we should be inclined to give the palm among
women to Caroline Fox. The comparatively small number of
female diarists that are discoverable may be taken as an in-
dication, not so much that women were formerly less addicted
to diary ■\\Titing than men, but that women's education in the
past was largely neglected. As the centuries pass, however,
the number of women diarists seems to increase, and in the nine-
teenth century there were undoubtedly a large number, although
many of these diaries are not available.
Objective There are two ways of estimating a diary : according to the
and sub- jjofht it throws on the incidents recorded, or the light it throws
16ClJlV©
diaries on the character of the writer. Most diaries have been examined
and judged from the former point of view; footnotes, ampli-
fications and even new material for history have been discovered
in old diaries. New facts and incidents have been found in the
lives of well-known people, and fresh revelations have been made
with regard to their characters. Domestic details, expressions
of private feelings, and all the more intimate particulars are dis-
missed as neghgible. It may often be found in the printed
editions of diaries that editors extract only those portions which
deal with events of public, historic or local importance, and a
note will be found declaring that the rest is omitted because it
was only of a private character. Many a diary has been emas-
culated in this way. If, however, we examine diaries from the
subjective point of view of the diarist, the so-called private part
becomes every bit as important as the rest. Every detail helps
to acquaint us with the author, his method of writing, his manner
of living, his hopes and aspirations and his inmost thoughts. In
the following review of diaries the human side rather than the
historical side, the psychological interest rather than the ob-
jective interest, is dwelt upon. There are several cases in which
the events described overshadow other considerations, and the
author can only be reached through his style and comments.
But in many other cases the events are of little consequence, and
we therefore get a clearer view of the diarist.
Should It may be asked whether reading diaries not intended for pub-
private lication is not prying into private affairs, spying out chambers
be^read ? ^^ *^^ ^^^ ^^ have no business to enter, peeping behind the
curtain, or, as Lord Morley puts it, " violating the sanctuary."
Are we justified in exposing to the public eye intimate reve-
lations and secret thoughts and confidences jotted down in un-
guarded moments of self-expansion ? Is nothing to be held
sacred and inviolable ? Are the last garments which conceal
DIARY WRITING 31
nakedness to be torn off by our eagerness to analyse and dissect
beings who have passed away and therefore cannot protest ?
Whatever may be the reply to these questions from the ethical
point of view, scruples and misgivings come too late now. The
thing has been done. Private diaries not intended for publica-
tion and others about which there is doubt have been unearthed,
deciphered, printed and published. If the writers did not wish
this they should have taken precautions and left injunctions
for the destruction of their diaries. Their wishes would have
been respected. There are several known instances where
"locked books ' and diaries were kept and instructions left for
their destruction. But in no instance in the diaries considered
in this volume was there any such instruction. On the contrary,
we are disposed to thinkthattheabsenceof any specific injunction
implied on the part of the diarist a perhaps imexpressed
but nevertheless not unabsent expectation that what he or she
wrote might one day be read.
Anyhow we are the gainers. In no case do we think less of
a diarist for what he wrote down, though we may be surprised
at his candour. We ourselves are all guilty of unprintable and
unpublishable feehngs, and this ought to prevent us from con-
demning anyone whose feelings of this sort have found their way
on to a printed page not at his own instigation.
In every case a diary amplifies what we know of its writer, Diarista
if we know anything at all. In some cases a new and different, explain
possibly a less favourable, Hght is thrown on the character of the g^i^g
diarist. Windham and Manning are examples of this. The
former is almost unrecognisable when the self which is revealed
is compared with the man as he was known. In the latter the
inner workings of a complex nature which we catch sight of alter
the general estimate of him that was accepted for pubhc con-
sumption. Some deplore such diary revelations as detracting
from the high opinion of the figures of romance which history
from outside presents. But surely it is more interesting to know
the real man. If the discovery of their faults and weaknesses
makes us lower their pedestals, anyhow we are taking them out
of the realm of romance into the realm of reality, and our opinion
need not be lowered. We get nearer to them by means of their
own explanation, and we need only reflect that other great heroes
who are still aloft would be foimd to be just as faulty had we the
same opportunity of scrutinising them through the pages of a
full diary.
Diarists cannot help explaining themselves — ^unintentionally
32 ENGLISH DIARIES
perhaps and incompletely. Nevertheless an explanation is there.
Not only to the general public in the case of published diaries
may this be important, but in the case of private and unpublished
diaries the closer knowledge may prove to be of considerable
consequence. For instance, a young man who lost his father
and had known very little about him, one day came across his
father's diary and read it. In a letter to his uncle he said : " I
was surprised how little I knew him really and what a fine
character he must have had at the bottom. It gave me a feeling
of affection for him that I had never had before. I think I under-
: stand his difficulties and peculiar mentality. I could sympathise
; with him." So intimate a revelation would not have been possible
even through letters. Knowledge of this kind goes very far to
dispel misunderstandings and erroneous judgments, because it
produces the most valuable of all relationships, which is
sympathy.
Reflec- In diaries human nature— our own nature — is revealed to us
huSian ^^ ^ ^^y unattainable in any other form of writing. The hnea-
natSre ments of character penetrate freely. We recognise the joys, the
little vanities, the disappointments, the exaggerated ambitions,
the broken resolutions. We can enter into the tri\aal pleasures
and petty miseries of daily life — ^the rainy day, the blunt razor,
the new suit, the domestic quarrel, the bad night, the twinge of
toothache, the fall from a horse, the newly purchased book, the
good meal, the over-sharp criticism, the irritating relation, the
child's maladies, the exasperating servant. We know them all.
We have experienced many of them ourselves. Through these
casual notes we are brought into a sort of familiar relationship
and fellow-feeling with the writer which philosophic discourses
N or even collected correspondence cannot produce in quite the
same way. We find in them a reahty and a life which the more
artistic and skilful compositions of fiction cannot reach. The
diarist is endeared to us for the strongest of all possible reasons —
that he is so like us. His diary may be fatuous, it may be ridi-
culous, it may be insignificant, it may be dull, but if he is not
5 furbishing up a memoir for pubhc consumption it will, with aU
I its defects, be human. It is this distinctive humanity which
I differentiates diary writing from other forms of literature.
Elements There may be some difficulty in determining what constitutes
necessary ^ g^^^j diary — good that is to say from the point of \dew of a reader
good who is a stranger. It may fulfil the intention of the writer, and
diary be to him or her a useful book of reference, or give information
to the family. But we must look at it from the point of view
DIARY WRITING 33
of the general reader. Regularity and fulness are not sufficient
by themselves. Instances will be given of regular diaries ex-
tending over long periods which are neither particularly edifying
nor entertaining. There are good and bad diaries which are long
and regular ; there are good and bad diaries which are short and
scrappy. Entries made on the day have an unquestionable
advantage over entries made as summaries of a period after
delay and reflection. The entry made on the day has the pecuhar
freshness, the spontaneous note of individuahty which cannot
be secured otherwise. It is the snapshot, rough, unpremeditated
—ill-composed and out of focus perhaps— but catching the fleet-
ing expression which the carefully arranged and more finished
studio photograph misses. But the imprint of a passing impres-
sion fades very rapidly from the sensitive plate of our memory.
CaroHne Fox, resuming her journal after an illness, writes : " I
write all tliis now because my feehngs are already fading into
commonplace, and I would fain fix some little scrap of my ex-
perience." Even the writer with little natural power of literary
expression may scribble down a phrase at the moment which no
amount of studied ingenuity on the part of a literary author could
equal. This spontaneity is a form of sincerity which may be
claimed as the one indispensable quality for a good diary. If
too the writer has not pubHcation definitely in view ; if, so far
as it is possible, he is just talking to himself, this spontaneity
will be all the more evident. This in itself makes the style— not
the balanced phrasing of a literary style, but the mot juste forced
on the diarist by his close proximity to the incident or impression
he records. Powers of observation would seem to be an indis-
pensable part of the equipment of a good diarist, and by no means
all diarists have those powers even though they may have good
memories, which is quite another thing. Perception, which
is the faculty of detaching the significant from the things observed,
is a rare talent. The diarist who possesses it will never fail to
keep alert a reader of his record.
Egotism improves a diary. But the egotist must have some
method or else he will not keep it up. Haydon kept it up to the
end. Byron, otherwise an admirable diary-writer, could not
persist for more than a few months. The writer who is more
concerned with what he is recording than with himself or than
with his opinion and attitude towards his subject may be a superior
person, but he is unlikely to be a good diarist. It would be going
too far to say that the good quahty of a diary is in inverse ratio
to the importance of the events related. But it is certainly true
3
34
ENGLISH DIARIES
Miscon-
ception
as to
capacity
for
keeping
a diary
Triviali-
ties
that the diarist who sets himself the task of chronichng important
public affairs must either be a literary artist, or must have a
specially favourable point of vantage as an observer, if he is going
to attract attention to his record. Some succeed, but many
more fail.
" You ought to keep a diary " is a remark which may be often
heard addressed to people who live within the range of great
events and mix with the high and mighty. " I do not keep a
diary " is also a common reply of people who go on to explain
that they do not meet interesting people or Hve within the orbit
of public affairs. Both these remarks show an entirely wrong
conception of diary -wTiting. Roughly speaking, the majority
of diaries of eminent people or participants in occurrences of
historical moment are less good than the diaries of those who
live out of the beaten track in comparative obscurity. It is the
life inside and the personality of the writer, not the circumstances
outside, which help to give the particular quality to a diary which
cannot be found in other methods of writing. The world of
events is better dealt \\ith by history and memoirs, but the
private and inner Ufe can only be occasionally snatched in its
vital reahty by the observant or introspective writer of a daily
record who by the advantage of an inner view of his subject
can perhaps commit to paper an exact reflection of human ex-
perience. And even without being introspective or self-analytical,
the writer of a record of quiet days among unknown people can
give an atmosphere to his story which the bewildered recorder of
great proceedings may be unable to impart to his. The great
fallacy that the quality of a diary depends on the circumstances
in which a person is placed will be dispelled by a perusal of the
extracts given in these pages.
Both in the larger and in the minor diaries trivialities seem at
times to count more than the weightier events. We prefer
Pepys when he is singing with Mercer in the coach while his wife
is shopping rather than when he is telling us about the exploits
of the navy ; we pause longer over Sir Simonds d'Ewes' quarrels
with Mr. Danford than over his poUtical dissertations ; Shngsby
is interesting on the Ci\'il War, but one cannot help specially
sympathising with him in his embarrassment with the variety of
doctors who attend his wife. General Dyott and his inconvenient
cousin Miss Bakewell amuse us, while his intercourse with his
" uncommonly gracious " royal acquaintances palls. Newcombe's
piety may be impressive, but his failure to leave off smoking is a
relief. Elias Ashmole was a great antiquary, but we are in-
DIARY WRITING 35
terested to know that he feU ill from drinking water after venison.
Lady Nugent gives a good description of Jamaica, but we are
also amused to know that her husband's predecessor had dirty
nails. "^
All this does not mean that diary readers are frivolous-minded
but that diary writers are at their best when they are just scrib-
bhng down with effortless frankness the httle incidents which
they are honest enough to record as having caught their attention
at the moment : httle incidents which may indeed be of greater
personal importance to them than their participations in the
larger concerns, the great flow of pubhc life, or the profound
speculations on rehgion in which individual contributions must
at most be very insignificant.
And there is this further consideration: political, court, Public
military and diplomatic incidents fade very quickly and become ^^ents
stale ; unless they are related by a man of consequence who speaks Stat«
authoritatively we are not impressed. Raikes's gossip about ?pisodL
Fans under Loms Phihppe was no doubt quite amusing to read
a year or two after he wrote, but his diary wiU find very few
readers to-day. Personal episodes and individual reflections, on
the other hand, retain their freshness and appeal to us just as
much after the passage of centuries. The case of Wilberforce
IS an example in which it is the personal rather than the business
and social entnes that give the diary special value. We are
looking for the human being— that is the truth of it— not the
sovereign, the bishop, the general, the author, but the man and
woman ; and in their diaries they can give us the best chance of
nndmg them.
It may be said then that daily writing, powers of observation Composi-
and of perception, honesty so far as it is possible, a fair quantum tion of a
ot egotism, no immediate thought of pubhcation, no pretentious f,^^
atbtudmismg and no hesitation to put down the things that ^
ruffle and the things that please in the twelve hours that have
passed— a certain amount of recklessness in fact— wiU help to
make a good diary. If these elements are combined with the
pen of a Pepys, a Fielding, a Fanny Burney, a Byron, a Haydon,
or a Barbelhon, the result wiU be an arresting human document.
And even when there can be no claim to special h'^.^ary talent
as m such cases as Teonge, Baker, Gale, Strother, Lady Nugent
etc an intimate msight into human character is provided which
could not be gained in any other way. The diary which fulfils
ail the above conditions and which may without dispute be
accorded the highest place among Enghsh diaries is undoubtedly
36 ENGLISH DIARIES
that of Pepys. It is dealt with in its place with as much fulness
as space will allow, although insufficiently to bring all its merits
to light. Much has been written about Pepys, and the diary is
accessible in many editions, so that it has not been thought neces-
sary to give him in these pages the larger proportion of attention
which is his due.
But while the elements which seem to make a good diary can
be enumerated, it is really useless to lay down rules and regula-
tions or prescriptions for diary writing. For a diary may be found
to contravene most of them and yet be very readable. If a man
sets out to conform to rules or to adopt a style which is not
absolutely natural to him, if he writes with intention and be-
comes self-conscious about his writing, it will mean that he has
his eye on a possible reader : the thought of eventual publication
will obtrude and pure spontaneity will inevitably vanish. The
only safe advice is — follow no rule, write as you like. The only
rule is that there is no rule. Indeed, for some almost inexplicable
reason one diary may absorb a reader to the extent of his not
wanting to miss a single entry ; while in another he may find
difficulty in reading two consecutive pages. It is not the style
or the subject, it is the personality behind which counts, and
that personahty must be free, without intention and without
premeditation, to make use of whatever form or method it desires.
The personality may strike one as pleasant or unpleasant ; this
in no way affects the quahty of the diary.
Long Fulness and length, that is to say long continuance, are no
dianes particular assets. It might be interesting to know which is the
longest English diary. But without an examination of all the
manuscripts there is no means of deciding the question. In
some cases parts of a manuscript are missing ; and length of time
does not necessarily indicate length of diary. However, the
honour would probably fall to one of the following : Greville
(40 years), Crabb Robinson (56 years), Thoresby (57 years),
Haydon (60 years), Wesley (66 years), Queen Victoria (68 years),
or Egmont, who only wrote for about 18 years, but at immense
length.
CriticiBm There may be superior persons who condemn diaries as frivo-
writinT ^^^^ ^^^ negligible unless they deal with historical incidents.
People who attach more importance to the actual than to the
human may agree. But every event, every historical fact, is
composed in its essence of purely human elements. Anjrthing,
therefore, which contributes to a knowledge of humanity, not
only prominent humanity, but humble humanity, ought not
writing
DIARY WRITING 37
to be ignored by historians, or indeed by philosophers and
psychologists.
Apart from this wholesale condemnation of the practice it
maybe questionable whether diary writing, or anyhow some forms
of it, is not rather a snare, an encouragement to the revolving of
wheels that do not bite. Curiously enough the most uncom-
promising condemnation of it comes from one of the most cele-
brated diarists. Amiel writes : " A private journal is a friend
to idleness. It frees us from the necessity of looking all round
a subject, it puts up with every kind of repetition, it accom-
panies all the caprices and meandering of inner hfe and proposes
to itself no definite end ... a journal takes the place of a confidant
that is a friend or wife, it becomes a substitute for production, it
is a grief-cheating device, a mode of escape and withdrawal. But
though it takes the place of everything, properly speaking it
represents nothing at all."
Few people dream of attempting to keep the sort of diary which
Amiel continued to keep in spite of this outburst. Whatever
may be the effect on diarists their productions anyhow supply
us with a form of writing we should be very sorry to be deprived
of.
History and literature are apt to represent people more as Distino-
actors than human beings. They become figures of romance ^^^^
rather outside the human range. But we find ourselves drawn ^^^*'^^
to people at once when we discover they are just hke ourselves
and did actually by their own testimony given in their own
words— and not in the great language of history— lose their tem-
per, enjoy their dinner, quarrel with their famihes, catch cold,
be elated by worldly joys, and dejected by the perplexities of
human existence. Sovereigns, statesmen, saints, poets, generals
and scholars are brought down to our own level, and as Moore says,
" we rejoice in the discovery so consohng to human pride that
even the mightiest in their moments of ease and weakness
resemble ourselves."
It must be admitted that the diary form of writing is awkward The diary
and not always easy to read. As a vehicle for conveying precise ^°""
information it is cumbrous and diffuse. Repetitions, abbrevia-
tions, hsts of names of people, bald registering of the dates of
inovements, of births and deaths, the occasional dropping and
picking up of threads, unnecessary prohxity, puzzhng laconism,
and Uttle mysteries of which there is no explanation, are constant
obstacles to the easy run which a reader wants. There is indeed
no form, no order, no attempt at construction— often no begin-
38 ENGLISH DIARIES
ning, no culmination, and only a broken ending. In rare cases
only is there any attempt at literary style or finish. The more or
less complete diaries are a minority, and Haydon's last entry is
unique. For the most part the diaries are fragmentary — shreds
torn from a bit of cloth which itself was not cut or trimmed into
shape. It may be that these drawbacks prevent diaries from
being popular reading. Yet the appearance of a contemporary
diary always has a certain succes de scandals. The diary form is
often imitated in fiction and some sham diaries have had a con-
siderable vogue : notably the diary of Lady Willoughby, a
fictitious seventeenth-century diary which appeared in the early
nineteenth century, the very successful and not entirely fictitious
Pages from a Private Diary, which was published not long ago,
and The Diary of a Nobody, which has become almost a classic.
The broken diary form of periodic dated entries has been adopted
in notebooks which are not in themselves diaries, such for instance
as Samuel Butler's notebooks and Jowett's memoranda. Its
adoption is an indication of spontaneity and for the noting of
personal impressions and reflections of the moment can be very
effective. Nevertheless the diary form seems more suitable for
occasional than consecutive reading. Biographers meet the
difficulty by taking bits of diary as illustrations and fitting them
in here and there to complete the life story. But most diarists
have not acquired fame enough to justify their biographies being
written at all. In these cases the fragmentary entries are all we
have ; and if the reluctance to read the clumsy little notes can be
overcome, it is astonishing how much human interest may be
discovered in them, and how distinctly one is able to form an
estimate of the character of the writer. They also have the ad-
vantage that there has been no thought of publication.
Variety To collect together people as diarists is no arbitrary grouping
®"^ any more than to collect poets or dramatists. All who write
diaries take themselves more or less seriously, and have in com-
mon a desire to register and record the incidents connected with
their own lives and sometimes to note thoughts and opinions.
Whether it be from habit, egotism, vanity, or self-discipline,
they are by this practice connected together by a very tangible
link. It is interesting therefore to note the variety that exists
within this classification ; and, more than variety, the astonishing
contrasts. Take, for instance, two lifelong and regular diarists,
Haydon and Wesley, both vain and both religious. Different
as were the careers of the unsuccessful artist and the eminently
successful divine, the dramatic and highly coloured narrative
DIARY WRITING 39
of the one and the methodical register of the other form an even
greater contrast. Or take Captain Lloyd, who was killed in the Boer
War, and Arthur Graeme West, who was killed in the Great War,
both British officers, the official records of whose careers would
not be found to be very different, both the product of more or less
the same age, and the same system of education. The bald,
almost professional notes of the one and the elaborate self-analysis
of the other present perhaps as great a contrast as any two diaries
in the collection. Read General Dyott on the Florentine gallery,
and then turn to a page of J. A. Symonds on the same subject,
and they were both of them lifelong diarists. Elizabeth Fry and
Frances Lady Shelley were T\Titing their diaries at the same time,
but their outlook on life could hardly have been more divergent.
George Ehot, a famous novelist, gives us very dry notes and
rather depressing reflections ; Lady Charlotte Bury, a very
obscure novelist, fills her pages with sentimental rapture and
gossip. Henry Newcombe and Henry Teonge lived about the
same time in the seventeenth century and both Avere ministers
of religion. Newcombe's severe religious self-discipline and pious
phraseology has little resemblance to Teonge's free and easy
enjoyment of life expressed in language that has to be expurgated.
A famous early nineteenth-century huntsman and a parlia-
mentary visitor for the destruction of Church ornaments under
the Commonwealth both keep a diary for the exclusive record
of their professional work. The Rev. Henry Martyn keeps the
diary of a rigid and penitent ascetic ; the Rev. W. S. Millar
keeps a hunting diary. We gather into the same fold Gladstone,
the great statesman concerned with events of high national im-
port, and Turner, the storekeeper, who recounts his village
orgies ; we can have side by side the royal gossip of a lady-in-
waiting and the metaphysical introspection of a museum assistant,
the experiences of a not very high-minded village schoolmaster
naturally told, and the scholarly reflections of an Eton master
rather sententiously expressed ; and no two individuals could be
further removed from one another in character, temperament,
and experience than our two monarch diarists.
Another sort of contrast is afforded by diaries which deal with
the same subject, not because of the difference in the style, method,
or personality of the writers, but because of the widely separated
periods in which they lived. The account of warfare given by
Coningsby, the officer who accompanied an expeditionary force
to France in the days of Queen Elizabeth, compared with the
account of warfare given by Gordon-Lennox, who accompanied
40 ENGLISH DIARIES
the expeditionary force to France in 1914, may give food for
reflection to those who beheve in " the progress of civihsation."
Differ- Whether by contrast or by resemblance diaries show us that
disposi*- people of the same class, age, and even profession, may differ
tion in fundamentally in their outlook on life, and also that although
diarists their lot may be cast in very different spheres and although they
same pro- ^^^Y live separated by centuries, they may yet have in common
fession just that degree of self-consciousness and vanity which impels
them to watch and note their daily experiences.
^^*"®^ No conjecture can be made of what proportion of educated
people have kept diaries, on account of the large number which
must have been destroyed. In the days of the monasteries
it is not improbable that some of those who led the contemplative
life noted with regularity the thoughts and impressions which
occurred to them in the routine of the cloister. Yet only the
Chronicle of Jocehn of Brakelond, which is not a diary, brings
us into any close relation with monastic life. This is not svu*-
prising when we know how the hbraries and archives of abbeys
and monasteries were treated at the dissolution. The wholesale
destruction was carried out on a grand scale, although grocers
may have rescued a few sheets for their parcels. Old papers
in the lumber rooms of country houses were regarded as rubbish
till comparatively recent years, and it is only in exceptional cases
that much has been preserved. Even now people are apt to
destroy the diaries of their grandparents, under the impression
that they can be of no interest as they only deal with domestic
incidents of obscure hves.
Nevertheless, unknown manuscript diaries may be peppered
about the country in numbers which we cannot guess at. Their
whereabouts is beyond the reach of the antiquary and cata-
logue maker and we have here to rest satisfied with the very few
examples of these private manuscripts which have come within
range. Perhaps these diaries still under lock and key, some not
having yet the value given by antiquity, others not considered
worth printing, form the majority of existing diaries. There is
no means of knowing. But taking these into account, as well as
a considerable number which must have been destroyed along with
letters, accounts, deeds, and other manuscript records, it may
safely be asserted that a comparatively small minority of people
have been and are now diarists.
Diarists a An inquiry with regard to diary keeping made of a hundred
™inon y gj^jj^^tg^j people chosen at random has produced the following
result.
DIARY WRITING 41
The hundred consisted of fifty-six males and forty-four females,
sixty-five of them over 30, thirty-five under 30.
Twenty-four (twelve males and twelve females) keep diaries.
Seventy- six (forty-four males and thirty-two females) do not
keep diaries. Those who do not keep diaries include twenty-six
(eleven males and fifteen females) who either in their childhood
or on a special occasion have kept diaries which have been dis-
continued.
The twenty-four diarists included sixteen persons over 30 ;
eight under. The seventy-six non-diarists forty-nine over 30 ;
twenty-seven under.
The number is too small to serve as a basis for any enlightening
deductions, but it is probably fairly representative. Something
like 20 to 25 per cent, of educated people may be reckoned as
keeping diaries of some sort. In the table females show pro-
portionately a shght preponderance over males. This may be
true now, though in the earher centuries they were undoubtedly
in a small minority. The figures do not seem to show that the
younger generation are either more or less inclined to keep diaries
than the elder. There may be a tendency to consider that diary
writing is an occupation for the leisured class. But as we have
already pointed out, spare time has nothing whatever to do with
it. What is true is that owing to a defective or rather non-
existent educational system in the past the great mass of the
people were either prevented from being able to write at all or
found writing a considerable effort. Once writing becomes as
easy for one person as another and real education spreads over
the whole community the number of diarists will increase actually
in numbers ; but proportionately, owing to diary writing being
a matter of temperament, the percentage is hkely to remain
about the same.
The diaries collected here have been arranged more or less in Arrange-
chronological order. Their classification according to subject Maries'
or the profession of the writer would have been too awkward reviewed
and many could not have been fitted into any particular category.
The method of detaching each one separately appeared to be the
best way of illustrating their individual characteristics. Ex-
tracts of special passages often give a good idea of the diarist
and his method and opinions, but there are many cases where
something is lost because a still fuller revelation of character
and circumstances would certainly be gained by the consecutive
reading of daily entries even though many of them might be, com-
paratively speaking, dull. PecuMarities and characteristics can
42 ENGLISH DIARIES
be illustrated by extracts, but the perusal of the whole diary and
if possible the handling of the original manuscript would assist
very much the reahsation of the actual atmosphere.
Some one hundred and twenty diaries are reviewed and a score
or so of others have been examined. While no doubt the Friends'
Library and the United Service Institution contain the manu-
scripts of some others, there is good reason to beheve that the
collection of another hundred diaries would be attended with
difficulty %vithout access to the archives of country houses or
without the key of the cupboards where old family papers are
reposing on dusty shelves. Some doubt may be expressed as to
whether the right proportion of notice has been given to all the
various and widely differing diaries in the collection. The un-
questionable importance of the subjects dealt with in some of
them might seem to warrant their fuller treatment. Byron did
not write for more than a few months and perhaps ought hardly
to be called a diarist, but his method and matter seem to justify
longer quotations being made from his record than from far fuller
and more regular diaries. But throughout, not the subject, but
the quaUty of the diaries is the matter under consideration. The
decision as to their relative value becomes therefore a matter of
opinion which while it may seem arbitrary can best be arrived
at by a perusal of them all.
Surveying the series from Edward VI to Barbellion, we can
note the growth of elaboration, the expansion of more philosophic
self-analysis and greater sophistication. But it would be very
far from true to say that our later diaries are superior to our
earlier ones.
Diary In conclusion it may be assumed with general agreement that
^ul^b ^^^ writing is a practice that should be encouraged. People
encoiar- need only consult their own convenience and mood, they need obey
aged no rules, they may follow their own inclination to write regu-
larly, irregularly, fully, or briefly. They may publish or not as
they wish. But let them reahse that no special talent, and more
particularly no high position or favoxirable circumstance, will
necessarily make their diary important or interesting. In fact,
its interest or importance is not a matter that need concern them.
They may or may not find it useful for reference, but let them
never think that the personal jottings of any human being are
entirely futile.
' We may go so far as to deplore that there are not more diaries in
existence. In spite of their necessary hmitations, their inaccuracies
and their bias, they would add considerably to the sum total of
DIARY WRITING 43
iiuman knowledge. Towards the end of the nineteenth century
the practice of diary writing was undoubtedly very much favoured,
although many of the diaries of that period have not yet emerged
from their cupboards. The appearance of Marie Bashldrtseff' s
journal encouraged many people to make a similar attempt. In
earlier and more leisurely days, too, when people wi-ote long letters
and authors rewrote and rewrote their books, opportunity was found
for diary writing. In the more mechanical age in which we now
live excessive pressure caused by the mania for movement and
the frenzied eagerness for varied sensations make accomphsh-
ment of every sort more difficult, and render moments for re-
flection much more rare. People are not busier, but they hear
and see too much and they are more quickly tired, and it may be
surmised that apart from diaries produced by the war, there are
rather fewer diarists relatively speaking. The lack of reticence
■on the part of the younger generation may be a defect, but if they
wrote diaries it would become a quality. It is to be feared, how-
ever, that their egotism takes a cruder and more external form.
If nevertheless there are indeed more diary writers to-day it
will be an advantage for posterity. Notwithstanding all the
immense store of facts we are compihng by means of newspapers,
books, registers and official records with regard to the history
of our own times, the privately written comments of an individual
spontaneously scribbled and so reproducing the mood, the atmo-
sphere, and, so to speak^ the particular aroma of the moment, are
priceless and can be regarded as the spice of history. Diaries link
up the reader of to-day with the writer of the past with intimate
threads and exhibit as nothing else can the unbroken consecutive
flow of human endeavour, failure and hope.
LIST OF DIARIES
ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER
SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
Edward VI . .
King .
1549-1552
Literary Remains of
Edward VI, ed. by
J. G. Nichols, 1857.
Clarendon Histori-
cal Reprints, 1884
55
Henry Machyn .
Undertaker .
1550-1563
Camden Society,
vol. 42
58
Dr. John Dee .
Astrologer and
1554^1601
Camden Society,
mathematician
vol. 19
61
Sir Francis
Statesman
1570-1583
Camden Miscellanies,
Walsingham
1871
66
Sir Thomas
Soldier
•1591
Camden Miscellanies,
Coning sby
1847
68
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
Sir Simonds
Barrister, Mem-
1619-1636
Autobiography of Sir
d'Ewes
ber of Parlia-
ment and an-
Simonds d'Ewes,
ed. by J. 0. HaUi-
tiquary
weU, 1845
71
Sir Henry
Member of Par-
1638-1648
The Diary of Sir
Slingsby
Uament and
soldier
Henry Slingsby, ed.
by the Rev. D.
Parsons, 1836
76
Samuel Pepys .
Clerk of the
Acts, Clerk of
1660-1669
Pepys' Diary, ed. by
H. B. Wheatley.
y
the Privy Seal
Samuel Pepys, by
and Secretary
to the Ad-
Percy Lubbock,
1909, R. L. Steven-
miralty
son's essay, etc.
82
John Evelyn .
Country gentle-
man and
author
1640-1706
The Diary of John
Evelyn, ed. by
Austin Dobson,
1906, 3 vols.
96
Henry Teonge .
Naval chaplain
1675-1676
Teonge' s Dia/ry,
1678-1679
1826
107
45
46
ENGLISH DIARIES
Minor Diaries
Name of Diarist.
Occupation,
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
John
Barrister .
1602-1603
Camden Society,
Manningham
1868, Brit. Mus.
Harleian MS. 5353
112
Elias Ashmole .
Antiquary .
1641-1687
Diary and Letters of
Elias AshTnole,nn
114
John Rouse . ,
Clergyman.
1625-1642
Camden Society,
66
11&
Sir William
Coiintry gentle-
1634
Surtees Society, vol.
Brereton
man and tra-
veller -
124
lis
John Aston .
Courtier
1639
Surtees Society, vol.
118
119
William Dowsing
Iconoclast .
1643-1644
The Journal of Wil-
liam, Dowsing, 1st
Ed. 1786, 2nd Ed.
1818
120
Adam Eyre . .
Country gentle-
1646-1648
Surtees Society, vol.
man
65
122
Giles Moore .
Clergyman.
1653-1679
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collections, vol. I
125
Henry
Presbyterian
1661-1663
Cheetham Society,
Newcombe
minister
vol. XVIII
128
Oliver Heywood .
Nonconformist
divine
166&-1702
Oliver Heywood's
Diaries, ed. by J.
Horsfall Turner, 4
vols., 1881
131
Ralph Thoresby.
Antiquary .
1667-1724
Diary of Ralph
Thoresby, ed. by
Jos. Hunter, 2
vols., 1830
134
Sir Walter
Country gentle-
1670-1718
Surtees Society, vol.
Calverley
man
77
136
Dr. Edward Lake
Chaplain and
1677-1678
Camden Miscellanies,
archdeacon
vol. I
138
Abraham de la
Clergyman and
1680-1704
Surtees Society, 1870
Pryme
antiquary
140
Timothy Burrell
Barrister .
1686-1717
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collect., vol. Ill
142
Thomas
Bishop
1686-1687
Camden Society,
Cartwright
vol. 22
144
John More .
Clergyman . • .
1694-1700
Brit. Mus. Add. MS.
28,041
147
Celia Fiennes .
1695-1697
Throtigh England on
a Sidesaddle in the
Time of William
and Mary, 1888
148
T. Rugge . . )
N. Luttrell . j
Annalists .
1659-1724
Brit. Mus. Add. MS.
10,116 and 10,447
152
LIST OF DIARIES
47
Short Notices
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
William
1608-1633
Historical Manu-
Ayshcombe
scripts Commis-
sion, Report 10,
Appendix VI
153
T. Dugard . .
Clergyman
1632-1643
Brit. Mus. Add. MS.
23,146
154
John Manners,
Courtier
1639
Historical Manu-
Earl of Rutland
scripts Commis-
sion, Report 12,
Appendix IV
154
Jacob Bee
Tradesman
1681-1706
Surtees Society, vol.
118
154
Richard Stapley .
Country gentle-
1682-1710
Sussex Archaeological
man
Collections, vol. II
155
John Bufton . .
1699
Essex Archaeological
Transactions, vol. I
155
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
John Wesley
Viscount Percival,
Earl of Egmont
Fanny Bumey
(Madame
d'Arblay)
Williami Windham
Divine
Member of Par-
liament
1725-1791
1728-1733
NoveUst
Statesman
1768-1819
1784-1810
The Journal of John
Wesley, Standard
Edn., 8 vols., 1910,
JohnWesley's Jour-
nal, abridged ; pref .
by A. Birrell
Diary of Viscount
Percival, Earl of
Egmont, Historical
Manuscripts Com-
mission, Vol. I,
1920
Early Diaries of
Frances Bumey, 2
vols., 1889. Diary
and Letters of
Madame d'Arblay,
ed. by Austin Dob-
son, 1904
The Diary of William
Windham, ed. by
Mrs. Baring, 1866
156
164
171
184
48
ENGLISH DIARIES
Minor Diaries
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
Mary, Countess
Lady in waiting
1714-1720
Diary oj Mary,
Cowper
Countess Cowper,
1804
193
Thomas Marchant
Yeoman farmer
1714-1728
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collection, vol.
XXV
196
John Thomlinson
Clergyman
1717-1722
Surtees Society, vol.
118
197
John Byrom .
Poet and theo-
logian
1722-1744
Cheetham Society,
vols. XXXII,
XXXIV, XL and
XLIV
200
Elizabeth Byrom
—
1745-1746
Cheetham Society,
vol. XLIV
203
John Hobson
Country gentle-
man
1725-1734
Surtees Society, vol.
65
205
Walter Gale . .
Schoolmaster .
1749-1759
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collections, vol.
IX
206
George Bubb
Member of Par-
1749-1761
The Diary of G.
Dodington
liament
Bubb Dodington, ed.
^ (Lord
by Henry P.
Melcombe)
Wyndham, 1785
208
John Baker . .
Solicitor .
1750-1779
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collections, vol.
LII. MS. at New-
buildings, Sussex
212
John Rutty
Doctor
1753-1774
A Spiritual Diary,
by John Rutty,
M.D., 2 vols.,
1776
215
Mrs. Browne
1754-1757
Original MS. in the
possession of Mr.
S. A. Covu-tauld
220
Henry Fielding .
NoveUst
1754
The Journal of a
Voyage to Lisbon
by H. Fielding, ed.
by Austin Dobson,
1892
224
Thomas Turner
Tradesman
1754-1765
Sussex Archaeologi-
cal Collections, vol.
XI
227
John Dawson
Captain of
1761
Surtees Society, vol.
militia
124
231
Lady Mary Coke
1766-1791
The Journal of Lady
Mary Coke, 5 vols.,
privately printed
233
LIST OF DIARIES
Minor Diaries — continued.
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
James Harris,
Earl of
Malmesbury
Diplomatist
Date of
Diary.
Source.
1767-1820
Thomas Gray . Poet
Strother
The Ladies of
Llangollen
Shop assistant
1769
1784-1785
1785-1788
Elizabeth, Lady
Holland
Thomas Green
Critic
1701-1811
1796-1811
Sir George Rooke
Peter Oliver . .
Thomas Gyll
Mrs. Powys . .
Short Notices
1700-1703
1781-1821
1748-1778
1756-1808
Admiral
Doctor
Lawyer and
antiquary
Diaries and Corre-
spondence of the 1st
Earl of Mahnes-
hury, ed. by his
grandson, 4 vols.,
1844
Tour in the Lake
District. Works of
Thomas Gray, ed.
by E. Gosse, vol.
I, 1884
Strother' s Diary, ed.
by Csesar Caine,
Brit. Mus. Eg.
2479
Lady Eleanor But-
ler's Diary, original
MS. in the posses-
sion of the Marquis
of Ormonde. The
Swan and Her
Friends, by E. V.
Lucas, Chap. XIII
The Journal of
Elizabeth, Lady
Holland, ed. by the
Earl of Ilchester,
2 vols., 1909
The Diary of a Lover
of Literature, 1803,
and Gentleman's
Magazine, 1834-
1838
Navy Records
Societj^ 1897
Brit. Museum Eg.
MS. 2674
Surtees Society, vol.
118
Passages from the
Diaries of Mrs.
Powys, ed. by
Emily Climenson,
1899
49
Page.
234
236
237
241
246
249
251
252
252
252
50
ENGLISH DIARIES
NINETEENTH CENTURY
Name of Diarist.
B. R. Haydon .
Lord Byron .
Charles Greville
William Cobbett
Victoria . . .
Caroline Fox
General Gordon.
Occupation.
Painter
Poet
aerk of
Council
the
Politician
author
Queen .
and
Soldier
Date of
Diary.
1786-1846
1813-1814
1816
1821
1814-1860
1821-1832
1832-1840
1848-1882
1834-1871
1884
Source.
General Dyott
Frances, Lady
Shelley
Charles Abbot,
Lord Colchester
Soldier
Minor Diaries
1781-1845
Speaker of the
House of Com-
mons
1787-1813
1795-1829
Life of B. R. Hay-
don, ed. by Tom
Taylor, 3 vols.,
1853
Life of Byron, by
Tom Moore, 1832
The Greville Me-
moirs, ed. by H.
Reeve, 8 vols.,
1875, 1885, 1887.
Miscellanies of the
Philobiblion So-
ciety, IX, 1865
Cobbett' 8 Rural Rides,
ed. by Pitt Cobbett,
1893
The Girlhood of
Queen Victoria, ed.
by Viscount Esher,
1912. Leaves from
a Journal of our
Life in the High-
lands, 1862. More
Leaves, 1883
Journals and Letters
of Caroline Fox,
ed. by H. N. Pym,
1882
Journals of General
Gordon at Khar-
toum, ed. by A. E.
Hake, 1885
Dyott' s Diary, ed. by
R. W. Jefferey,
1907
The Diary of Frances,
Lady Shelley, ed.
by R. Edgcumbe,
1912
Diary and Corres-
pondence of Charles
Abbot, Lord Col-
chester, 3 vols.,
1861
Page.
LIST OF DIARIES
MiNOB DiABEES — continued.
51
Name of Diarist.
Elizabeth Fry
Occupation.
George Rose
Lady Nugent
Sir George
Jackson
Henry Martyn
Thomas Creevey
Lady Charlotte
Bury
Lieutenant
Swabey
Henry Crabb
Robinson
Mary Shelley .
Sir George
Cockbum
Date of
Diary.
Member of Par-
liament
Source.
Page.
Diplomatist . 1801-1816
Missionary.
Mamber of Par-
liament
Lady in waiting
and novelist
Soldier
1803-1812
' 1809-1818
1810-1820
1811-1813 i
Barrister
Admiral
• •
1797-1845 Memoir of the Life
of Elizabeth Fry,
ed. by her two
daughters, 2 vols.,
1847 321
1800-1811 I George Rose, Diaries
and Correspondence,
ed. by L. V, Har-
, court, 1860 327
1801-1814 Lady Nugent' s Diary,
Jamaica One Hun-
dred Years Ago,
ed. by F. Cundell,
1907 328
Diaries and Letters
of Sir G. Jackson,
ed. by Lady Jack-
son, 4 vols., 1872 331
Journals and Letters
cftheBev. H. Mar-
tyn, ed. by Rev. S.
Wilberforce, 1839 j 332
The Creevey Papers,
ed. by Sir Herbert j
Maxwell, 1903 335
The Diary of a
Lady in Waiting,
ed. by A. Francis^
Steuart, 1908 337
! Lt. Swabey' s Diary,
ed. by Colonel F. A.
Whingates, 1895
(Royal United Ser-
vice Institution
Library) 342
Diary and Corre-
spondence of Henry
Crabb Robinson, ed.
by T. Sadler, 3
vols., 1869 344
Life and Letters of
Mary Woljstone-
craft Shelley, by
Mrs. Julian Mar-
shall, 1889 I 349
Napoleon's Last Voy- \
age, 1888 j 352
1811-1867
1814r-1840
1815
52
ENGLISH DIARIES
Minor Diaries — contintted.
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
Lady Malcolm .
—
1816
A Diary of St.
Helena, ed by Sir
A. Wilson, 1899
354
Henry Matthews
Lawyer
1817-1819
The Diary of an
Invalid, by Henry
Matthews, 1819
355
Henry Fynes
Member of Par-
1819-1852
Literary Remains of
Clinton
liament
Henry Fynes Clin-
ton, ed. by C. J.
Fynes Clinton,
1854
357
Mary Browne .
1821
The Diary of a Girl
in France in 1821,
1905
362
Richard Hurrell
Clergyman
1826-1828
Eeynains of Richard
Froude
Hurrell Froude, 2
—
vols., 1837
363
W. E. Gladstone
Statesman
1826-1896
Life of Gladstone,
J. Morley, 3 vols.,
1903.
364
Thomas Raikes .
Clubman .
1831-1847
A Portion of the
Journal of Thomas
Raikes, 3 vols.,
1856
369
Fanny Kemble
Actress .
1832-1833
Journal by Frances
(Mrs. Butler)
Anne Butler, 2
vols., 1835
371
Henry Greville .
Diplomatist and
coxu'tier
1832-1872
Leaves from the
Diary of Henry
Greville, ed. by the
Coimtess of Straf-
ford, 1883-1893-4,
6 vols.
374
Edward Pease .
Railway pro-
jector
1838-1857
The Diaries of Ed-
ward Pease, ed. by
Alfred Pease, 1907
376
William Goodall
Hmitsman
1843-1859
The History of the
Belvoir Hunt, by
Dale
379
H. E. Manning .
Cardinal .
1844-1890
Life of Cardinal
Manning, by E. S.
Purcell, 2 vols.,
1896
380
Samuel
Bishop
1830-1873
Life of Samuel Wil-
Wilberforce
berforce, by A. R.
Ashwell, 3 vols.,
1880
385
I
LIST OF DIARIES
58
Minor Diabies — continued.
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
Lord Macaulay
Historian .
1838-1859
Life and Letters of
Lord Macaulay, G.
Trevelyan, 2 vols.
1876
389
George Howard,
Statesman
1843-1864
Extracts from Jour-
Earl of Carlisle
nals of the Earl of
Carlisle (privately
Nassau Senior
Economist
1848-1858
printed)
Journals of Visits
to Ireland, 1852-
1862; to France
and Italy, 1848-
1852; to Turkey
and Greece, 1857-8
393
396
Colonel A.
Ponsonby
Soldier
1849-1868
Original manuscript
in the possession of
Maj.- General J.
Lieut. -General
Soldier
1854-1855
Ponsonby
Crimean Diary and
397
Sir Charles
Letters of Gen. Sir
Windham
C. Windham, ed.
by Maj. H. Pearse,
1897
400
George Eliot
Novelist
1855-1877
George Eliot's Life,
by G. W. Cross,
John Addington
Author
1860-1888
1884, 2 vols.
John Addington Sy-
403
Symonds
monds, by Horatio
Browne, 2 vols. 1895
407
Sir G. Graham .
Soldier . . f
1
1860
1882
Lt.-Gen. Sir Gerald
Graham, by Col.
1885
R. H. Vetch, 1901
411
William Cory .
Poet and school-
master
1863-1873
Letters and Journals
of W. Cory, ar-
ranged by F.
Warre Cornish, 1897
412
James
Hannington
Bishop
1863-1885
James Hannington,
by E. C. Dawson,
1887
410
Captain Eyre
Soldier
1899-1901
Boer War Diary of
Lloyd
Capt. T. H. Eyre
Lloyd, privately
printed, 1905
418
54
ENGLISH DIARIES
Short Noa?iCES
Name of Diarist.
Occupation.
Date of
Diary.
Source.
Page.
Miss Berry . .
—
1783-1848
Journals and Corre-
spondence of Miss
Berry, ed. by Lady
T. Lewis, 3 vols.,
1865
420
Joseph Hunter
Antiquary
1806
Brit. Museum Add.
MS. 24,441
421
The Marquis of
Governor-Gen-
1813-1818
The Private Journals
Hastings
eral of India
of the Marquess of
Hastings, ed by
the Marchioness of
Bute, 1858
421
Thomas Grey
—
1826
Original MS.
422
Sir Mountstuart
Member of
1851-1901
Diaries of Sir M.
Grant-Duff
Parliament,
Ch-ant - Duff, 14
Governor of
vols.
422
Madras
J. E. Denison,
Speaker of the
■ 1857-1872
The Diary of John
Viscount
House of Com-
Evelyn Denison,
Ossington
mons
1900
423
TWENTIETH CENTURY
Lord Bernard
Gordon - L ennox
Arthur Graeme
West
W. N. P.
Barbellion
Soldier
Soldier
Musevim Assis-
tant
1914
1915-1917
1903-1919
Original MS. in the
possession of the
Duke of Richmond
and Gordon
The Diary of a Dead
Officer, 1920
The Journal of a
Disappointed Man,
1919. • A Last
Diary, 1921
424
428
432
An alphabetical list of all diaries mentioned in the volimie will be foimd in
the Index.
In the diary extracts quoted in the reviews round brackets denote paren-
theses written by the diarists themselves, and square brackets explanations
and notes which have been inserted.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY
EDWARD VI
ONLY two diaries of English sovereigns are available;
and no two other diaries in this collection can present a
greater contrast. In due course we shall deal with the
diary of the Queen who Hved till she was 82. We now must
examine the diary of the King who died when he was 16.
Although the diary is all in Edward's handwriting, the fact
that this sedate, concise and dignified epitome of events should
have been recorded by a boy who was under 12 years old when
he began to write it naturally led to some doubt being cast on its
absolute authenticity. Mr. J. G. Nichols, who was responsible
for the full annotated edition of the diary which appeared in
1857, agrees with Burnet, the seventeenth-century historian,
that, apart from the introductory summary, it was not written
from dictation, but was entirely his own. Some inaccuracies
with regard to dates seem to support this opinion. Hallam also
comes to the same conclusion, although he would like it not to be
genuine because of the off-hand way in which Edward refers to
the execution of his uncles and the treatment of his sister. " But,"
he concludes, "he had, I suspect, too much Tudor blood." We
have also to bear in mind that there is plenty of contemporary
evidence of the boy King's extraordinary erudition.
So we may take it that this pithy and restrained recital of
events was written by a boy between the ages of 11 and 14. The
diary does not contain any definite expression of opinion or any
personal jottings, nevertheless in its style the compendious and
succinct narrative of events is by no means colourless or imper-
sonal.
There is an introductory record of events from his birth (1537)
to his accession ; the burial of Henry VIII, his own coronation^
the war with Scotland, the war with France, and the suppression
of Kett's rebellion. In March, 1549, the actual diary begins with
55
56 ENGLISH DIARIES
frequent brief and sometimes almost daily entries. He records
his movements, official appointments, royal proclamations, foreign
events, diplomatic negotiations, trials, and executions and his
pastimes. The elaboration of the tilting jousts and bear-bating
is the only boyish feature in the diary. While there is nothing
in the nature of comment on events, there is a conscientious
exactness and curiously mature and distinctly regal tone in the
entries which is significant. (" Me " is always written with a
capital M.)
The following extracts have been taken from the Clarendon
Historical Society's reprint in which the original spelling has been
modernized. We will take first his intercourse and negotiation
with the French Ambassadors.
1549. May 25. The Ambassadors came to the Court where they saw Me
take the oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty and afterwards dined with
Me ; and after dinner saw a Pastime of ten against ten at the Ridg whereof
on the one side were the Duke of Sxifiolk, the Vicedam, the Lord Lisle, and
eeven other gentlemen apparell'd in yellow. On the other the Lord Strange,
Monsieur Henandoy and eight other in blue.
May 29. The Ambassadors had a fair supper made them by the Duke of
Somerset and afterwards went into the Thames and saw both the Bear hunted
in the River and also Wildfire cast out of Boats and many pretty conceits.
In July in the following year he records with great clearness
a conversation he has with the French Ambassador in an " Inner
Chamber," and ends up :
I assured him That I thank him for his order and also his Love, etc., and
I should show like love in all points. For Rumours, they were not always to
be believed and that I did sometinaes provide for the worst bvit never did any
harm upon their hearing. For Ministers, I said I would rather appease these
controversies by words than do anything by force.
July 26. Monsieur le Mareschale dined with Me. After dinner saw the
strength of the English archers. After he had done so at his departure I
gave him a Diamond from my finger worth by estimation £150 both for Pains
and also for My memory. Then he took his leave.
After a careful summary of a long diplomatic commimication
to the Emperor, he adds, " The reasonings be in my desk."
Edward's unrelenting adherence to Protestantism is apparent
in many of the entries, but in none more than those which relate
to his sister Mary.
March 18. The Lady Mary my sister came to me to Westminster where
after Salutations she was called with my Council into a Chamber ; where
was declared how long I had suffered her Mass in hope of her reconciliation and
EDWARD VI 57
how now being no hope which I perceived by her Letters, except I saw some
short amendment I could not bear it. She answered That her Soul was God's
and her Faith she would not change nor dissemble her Opinion with contrary
doings. It was said I constrained not her Faith but willed her not as a King
to Rule but as a subject to obey ; and that her example might breed too much
inconvenience.
April 10. Mr. Wotton had his Instructions made to do withal to the
Emperor to be as Ambassador Legier in Mr. Morison's place as to declare this
Resolution that if the Emperor would sufier my Ambassador with him to
use his service then I would his ; if he would not stiffer Mine I would not
suffer his. Likewise my sister was my Subject and should use my Service
appointed by Act of Parliament.
Jime 22. The Lady Mary sent Letters to the Coimcil marveUing at the'"^
Imprisonment of Dr. Mallet her Chaplain for saying of Mass before her
houshold seeing it was promised the Emperors Ambassadour she should not
be molested in Religion but that she and her Houshold should have the Mass
said before them continually. y
Aug. 29. Certain Pinaces were prepared to see that there should be no
conveyance over sea of the Lady Mary secretly done. Also appointed that
the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chamberlain, the Vice Chamberlain and the Secre-
tary Petre should see by all means they could whether she used the Mass ;
and if she did that the Laws should be executed on her chaplains. Also that
when I came from this Progress to Hampton Court or Westminster both my
sisters should be with Me till fm-ther Orders were taken for this purpose.
No regrets are expressed with regard to the trial and execution
of Somerset, and when anyone is " condemned to the Fire " he
notes it without comment. His supposed compassion for Joan
of Kent is not expressed in the diary, in which her fate is simply
related in the following words ;
May 2. Joan Boacher otherwise called Joan of Kent was biu^t for
liolding that Christ was not Incarnate of the Virgin Mary ; being condemned
the year before but kept in hope of Conversion and the 30th of April the
Bishop of London and the Bishop of Ely were to persuade her but she with-
stood them and reviled the Preacher that preached at her Death.
He gives an interesting description of the funeral of Martin^
Bucer, the well-known Protestant divine, whose body in Queen
Mary's reign was exhumed and burnt.
1550. Feb. 28. The learned man Bucerus died at Cambridge who was two
days after buried in St. Mary's Church at Cambridge ; All the whole Univer-
sity with the whole town bringing him to the Grave to the number of 3,000
persons. Also there was an oration of Mr. Haddon made very eloquently at
his death and a sermon of (Dr. Parker) after that Master Redman made a
third sermon ; which three sermons made the People wonderfully to lament his
Death. Last of all all the learned men of the University made their epitaphs
in his praise laying them on his grave.
/
58 ENGLISH DIARIES
He notes his illness in April, 1551. " I fell sick of the measles
and small pox." The diary concludes some time before his
death.
It was used by Sir John Heywood in the first history of Edward
VI 's reign, which appeared shortly after the King's death. The
original manuscript formed part of the Cottonian Library now in
the British Museum.
HENRY MACHYN
THE diary of Henry Machyn extends over a period of
thirteen years from 1550 to 1563. He was an undertaker
or furnisher of funeral trappings resident in London. The
diary is largely taken up with elaborate accounts of funerals, but he
also describes pageants, revels, processions, proclamations, trials
and punishments. The latter occur with very great frequency
during Queen Mary's reign. Of himself and his opinions he says
practically nothing. On the few occasions when he mentions
himself he refers to himself in the third person. Living as he
did in the reigns of Edward VI, Mary and Ehzabeth, he wit-
nessed extreme rehgious changes. His sympathies were evi-
dently inclined to the old form of worship which in its elaborate
ceremonial gave a better chance to the craft by which he gained
his hvelihood. He mentions the preachers at St. Paul's Cross
and at the Court, and elsewhere, and once or twice he comments
on the weather. The entries are not regular but frequent, and
the diary is as impersonal as a diary can be. The spelling
is so bad as at times to be unintelhgible ; the extracts will,
therefore, be transcribed into modern speUing. But an instance
of Machjoi's own speUing may first be given. The entry records
the arraignment of Sir Thomas Arundell in the reign of Edward
VI.
The XXVII day of Januarii was reyned Sir Thomas Arundell knyght and
so the quest cold nott fynd ym tyll the morow after and so he whent to the
Towre agayn and then the quest wher shutt up tyll the morrow with-owt mett
or drynke or candylle or fyre and on the morow he cam a-gayne and the quest
quytt ym of tresun and cast hym of felony to be hangyd.
The very full descriptions of funerals are filled with technical
terms and heraldic expressions. This being his main interest,
HENRY MACHYN 59
they recur on very many pages throughout the diary. It will
suffice to give one example.
Edward VI Funeral.
1553. The VIII day of Augiist was buried the noble King Edward VI ;
and at his burying was the greatest mourning (mone) made for him of his
death as ever was heard or seen both of all sorts of people weeping and lament-
ing ; and first of all went a great company of children in their surplices and
clerks singing and then his father's bedeman and then ii heralds and then a
standard with a dragon and then a great number of his servants in black and
then another standard with a white greyhound and then after a great number
of his officers and after them comes more heralds and then a standard with the
head officer of his house ; and then heralds, Norroy bore the helmet and the
crest on horseback and then his great banner of arms in embroidery and with
divers other banners and then came riding Master Clarenceaux with his target
with his garter and his sword gorgeously and rich, and after Garter with his
coat armour in embroidery and then more heralds of arms ; and then came
the chariot with great horses draped with velvet to the ground and every
horse having a man on his back in black and every one bearing a banner roll
of divers kings arms and with scutcheons on their horses and then the chariot
covered with cloth of gold and on the chariot lay a picture lying " recheussly "
with a crown of gold and a great coUar and his sceptre in his hand lying in hia
robes and the garter about his leg and a coat in embroidery of gold ; about
the corpse were borne four banners, a banner of the order another of the red
rose another of Queen Jane another of the queen's mother. After him went
a goodly horse covered with cloth of gold unto the ground and the master of
the horse with a man of arms in armour which was offered both the man and
the horse. There was set up a goodly hearse in Westminster Abbey with
baimer rolls and pensells and hung with velvet about.
A couple of instances may be given of other events. The visit
of " the old Quyne of Schottes " to London in 1551 :
Then came the Queen of Scots and all our ladies and her gentlewomen and
our gentlewomen to the number of 100 ; and there was sent her many great
gifts by the mayor and aldermen as beefs, muttons, veals, swines, bread,
wild foul, wine, beer, spices and all things and quails, sturgeon, wood, and coals
and salmons by divers men.
A May game in 1555 :
The same day was a good May game at Westminster as has been seen with
giants, morris pikes, guns and drums and devils and three morris dances and
bagpipes and viols and many disguised and the lord and the lady of the May
rode gorgeously with minstrels divers playing.
The punishments he records occur in the earlier part of the
diary with great frequency. But even executions he only de-
scribes from the ceremonial point of view. Latimer's and Ridley's
burning is noted, but with no further comment than " they were
some time great preachers as ever was; and at their burning
did preach doctor Smyth," In one entry in 1554 he records the
60 ENGLISH DIARIES
hanging and quartering of no less than fifty-seven people in different
parts of London. Almost consecutive extracts may be given
showing how common these excessive punishments were in Queen
Mary's reign.
1555. The 6th day of July rode to Tybivrn to be hanged 3 men and one
drawn upon a hurdle.
The 8th day of July were 3 more delivered out of Newgate and sent into
the country to be burned for heretics.
The 12th day of July was burned at Canterbury 4 men for heresy 2 priests
and 2 lajrmen.
The 20th day of July was carried to the Tower in the morning early 4 men.
The 2nd day of August was a shoemaker burned at St. Edmundsbury for
heresy.
The 8th day of August between 4 and 5 in the morning was a prisoner
delivered unto the sheriff of Middlesex to be carried to Uxbridge to be btu'ned.
Machyn belonged to the Merchant Taylors and he mentions the
Company several times. He notes very often the names of
preachers, but makes no remarks about the sermons. All pro-
clamations are duly set down.
The only personal references to himself are : Two occasions on
which he mentions his birthday, not however on the same date,
nor does the age tally. Such trivialities were beneath the notice
of one who was occupied with hearses and scutcheons and banners
and mantles. On the 16th of May, 1554, he makes himself
out to be 56, and on May 20th, 1562, he says he is 63 ; on another
occasion he records the birth of " a whenche," afterwards chris-
tened Katherine, who was probably a grandchild ; and further
the occasion on which he had to sit on the stool of penance for
ha^^ng spread defamatory reports concerning Veron, the French
Protestant Minister.
1561. The 23 day of November did preach at Paul's cross Renagir, it was
St. Clement's day, did sit all the sermon time " monser Henry de Machjni "
for 2 words the which was told him that Veron the Frenchman the preacher
was taken with a wench, by the reporting by one William Laurans . . . the
which the same Harry [i.e. Machyn himself] knelt down before Master Veron
and the bishop and they woiild not forgive him for all his friends that he had
worshipful.
He gives an account of an amusing but scandalous incident dated
April 8th, 1554.
On the same day somebody unknown hanged a cat on the gallows beside
the cross in Cheap, habited in a garment like to that the priest wore that
JOHN DEE 61
said mass ; she had a shaven crown and in her fore feet held a piece of paper
made round representing the wafer.
A few days later (and as this is our last extract we will relapse
into Machyn's own spelling) :
was a proclamasyon was mad that what so mever he wher that cold bryng forth
hym that dyd hang the catt on the galaus he shuld have xx marke for ys
labur.
Machyn writes " welwet " and " wacabond," early examples
of cockney pronunciation which remind one of Sam Weller.
The diary is of historical and antiquarian interest because of
its age and the rareness of such complete descriptions of pageants
of that time. A diary, however, on the same subjects to-day
would be unreadable.
The manuscript was one of the volumes which suffered from
the fire of the Cottonian Library, but it was not destroyed. In
1848 it was printed and published with notes by the Camden
Society.
JOHN DEE
JOHN DEE was a magician, a necromancer and astrologer,
who was consulted by queens and princes and the nobihty.
Before examining his diary some brief account of his strange
career may be given. He was born in 1527 ; he took up mathe-
matics and astronomy at Cambridge, working at times with only
four hours' sleep, and was elected a Fellow of Trinity College. He
also studied abroad in France and Holland, and became celebrated
as a learned mathematician. He was assigned a pension by
Edward VI in 1551, but on the accession of Mary he was accused
of using enchantments against the Queen's life, placed in confine-
ment, and only obtained his liberty after four years. He was
always in favour with Queen Elizabeth from the time that he was
asked by Lord Dudley to name a propitious day for her corona-
tion. His home was at Mortlake, where the Queen on more than
one occasion visited him. He travelled abroad to present a copy
of one of his books to the Emperor Maximilian, and later again
to consult with German physicians and astrologers in regard to
the illness of the Queen. Edward Kelly, an apothecary who had
been convicted of forgery and lost both his ears in the pillory,
became Dee's friend, and together they performed various incan-
tations and maintained a frequent imaginary intercourse with
62 ENGLISH DIARIES
spirits. They travelled together and stayed with Albert Laski, a
Polish nobleman who visited Dee when he was in England. But
Dee quarrelled with his companion and returned home. During
his absence the mob, believing him to be a wizard, had broken
into his house and destroyed furniture, books and chemical
apparatus. In 1595 he became warden of Manchester College,
where he stayed nine years. He died at Mortlake in 1604, at the
age of 81, in the greatest poverty. We have the following descrip-
tion of him from Aubrey, which seems to fit in with the part he
played : " of very fair clear sanguine complexion, with a long
beard as white as milk — a very handsome man tall and slender.
He wore a gown like an artists gowne with hanging sleeves."
His diary covers the period from 1577 to 1600, although also
from 1554 to 1577 there are a few entries each year consisting of
notes of nativities inserted by him at various times when he was
consulted as an astrologer. For instance :
1560. July 8. Margaret Russell Countess of Cumberland hora 2 min 9
Exonioe mane.
1563. March 23. Mr. William Fennar a meridie inter horam imdecimam
et duodecimam nocte.
The diary does not provide the amount of occult material that
we should expect, as it is taken up with lists of visitors, business
about his property, weather reports, accounts, the borrowing of
money and a great deal about his changes of servants and the
wages he paid them. The servant problem, acute in all ages, was
no doubt specially anxious for a man who was suspected of being
a magician.
I did before Barthilmew Hikman pay Letice her full yere's wages ending the
7th day of Aprill : her wages being four nobles an apron a payr of hose and
shoes.
I discharged Letice of my service and payd all duetyes untyll this day. I
gave her for a month over 2s. Qd. and for to spend on the way I gave her
2s. 6d.
Anne Powell cam to my service ; she is to have four nobles by the year a
payr of hose and shoes.
Jane (his wife) most desperately angry in respect her maydes.
He has frequent visits from celebrated people :
The Erie of Lecester, Mr. Philip Sydney, Mr. Dyer came to my house.
The Countess of Kent and the Coimtess of CHmiberland visited me in the
afternoon. The Lord WiUoughby dyned with me.
JOHN DEE 63
The Lady Walsingham cam suddenly into my house very freely.
The Lord Albert Laski cam to me and lay at my howse all night.
The Erie of Derby with Lady Gerard Sir — Molyneux and his lady dawghter
to the Lady Gerrard, Master Hawghton and others cam suddenly uppon me
after three of the clok. I made them a skoler's collation and it was taken
in good part.
He also dines with Sir Walter Raleigh, the Archbishop and other
great people. No doubt he was the fashionable rage at one time
owing to the Queen having patronized him. It is known that in
1577 his services were hurriedly demanded in order to prevent the
mischief to Her Majesty's person apprehended from a waxen image
of her with a pin stuck through its breast found in Lincoln's Inn
Fields. We will give a selection of entries concerning his meetings
with Queen Ehzabeth.
1578. I spake with the Quene hora quinta : I spake with Mr. Secretary
Walsingham.
The Queen's Majestic had conference with me at Richmond inter 9 et 11.
1580. The Queen's Majestic cam from Rychemond in her coach, the
higher way of Mortlake felde and when she cam right against the church she
turned down toward my house : and when she was against my garden in the
felde she stode there a good while and then cam ynto the street at the great
gate of the felde where she espied me at my doore making obeysains to her
Majestic : she beckend her hand for me ; I cam to her coach side, she speedily
pulled off her glove and gave me her hand to kiss and to be short asked me to
resort to her court and to give her to wete when I cam ther : hor. 6J a meridie.
The Queue's Majestie to my great comfort (hora quinta) cam with her
trayn from the court and at my dore graciously calling me to her, on horsebak,
exhorted me briefly to take my mother's death patiently.
1583. The Quene lying at Richmond went to Mr. Secretary Walsingham
to dynner ; she coimng by my dore gratiously called me to her and so I went
to her horse side as far as where Mr. Hudson dwelt [the following referring to
the Due d'Anjou is in Greek characters which Dee uses occasionally for the
more secret entries] Her Majestie asked me oboscurely of Monsieur's state dixi
biothanatos erit. The Quene went from Richmond toward Grenwich and at
her going on horsbak being new up she called for me by Mr. Rawley his putting
her in mynde and she sayd " quod defertur non aufertur " and gave me her
right hand to kisse.
1590. The Queue's Majestie being at Richmond graciously sent for me.
I cam to her at three quarters of the clok afternone and she sayd she wold send
me something to kepe Christmas with.
The Quene's Majestie called for me at my dore circa 3J a meridie as she
passed by and I met at Estshene gate when she graciously, putting down her
mask, did eay with merry chere " I thank the Dee there was never promisse
64 ENGLISH DIARIES
made but it was broken or kept." I uiiderstode her Majesty to mean of the
hundred angels (coins) she promised to send me this day.
1594. Between 6 and 7 after none the Quene sent for me to her in the
privy garden at Grenwich when I delivered in ^\Titing the hevonly admonition
and Her Majestie tok it thankfully. Onely the Lady Warwyk and Sir Robert
Cecil his lady war in the garden with Her Majestie.
But royal favour, as he learned, is capricious, for Dee died In
great poverty.
Controversies and disputes figure frequently in the diary. There
is Emery's " most unhonest, hypocriticall and devilish dealings
and devises agaynst me " ; there is Roger Cook's " unseemly
deahng " ; there is " the knavery " of Vincent Murfyn against
whom he gets £100 damages ; there are " the nowghty dealings "
of one Barnabas, a dispute with the Bishop of Leightyn, and
eventually he fell out with his fellow astrologer Edward Kelly.
But they were close friends for some years and Kelly's name
occurs very frequently.
Mr. E. K. at nine of the clock af ternone sent for me to his laboratory over
the gate to se how he distilled sex-icon.
Mr. E. K. did disclose some accounted me frendes how untrue they were
[in Greek characters].
Mr. K: put the glass in dung.
E. K. did open the great secret to me, God be thanked.
Vidi divinam aquam demonstratione magnifici domini et amid mei inconi-
parabilis D. Ed Kelei ante meridiem tertia hora.
I gave Mr. Ed Kelly my glass so highly and long esteemed of our Quene and
the Emperor Randolph the second.
Mr. Edward Kelly gave me the water earth and all.
I, delivered to Mr. Kelly the powder, the bokes, the glas and the bone.
After they parted Dee corresponds with him and refers to him
as Sir Edward Kelly. A few extracts must be given of the more
mysterious references to rappings, spirits and dreams.
It was the 8th day being Wednesday hora noctis 10, 11, the strange noyse i
in my chamber of knocking and the voyce ten times repeted, somewhat Uke
the shriek of an owle, but more longly drawn and more softly as it were in my
chamber. All the night very strange knocking and rapping in my chamber.
Barnabas Saul lying in the hall was strangely troubled by a spiritual
creature about midnight.
Robert Gardner declared unto me hora 4^ a certeyn great philosophical
JOHN DEE 65
secret, as he termed it, of a spirituall creatuer, and was this day willed to come
to me and declare it which was solemnly done and with common prayer.
Robert Wood visitted with spiritual creatiores had comfort by conference.
^ My dream of being naked and my skyn all overwrought with work like some
kmde of tuft mockado with crosses blew and red ; and on my left arme about
the arme in a wreath this word I red — sine me nihil potestis facere.
Saturday night I dremed that I was deade and afterwards my bowels wer
taken out I walked and talked with diverse and among others with the Lord
Threserer who was cam to my howse to burn my bokes when I was dead and
thought he loked sourly on me.
My terrible dream that Mr. Kelly would by force bereave me of my bokes,
toward day break.
This night I had the vision and shew of many bokes in my dreame and
among the rest was one great volume thik in large quarto new printed on the
first page whereof as a title in great letters printed " Notiis in Judaea Deus."
Many other bokes methought I saw new printed of very strange arguments.
[In Greek characters.] This night my wife dreamed that one cam to her
and touched her saying Mistres Dee you are conceived of child whose name
must be Zacharias be of good chere he sal do well as this doth.
We also get this account of a curious ceremony :
Ann my nurse had long byn tempted by a wicked spirit but this day it was
evident how she was possessed of him ... at night I anoynted (in the name
of Jesus) Ann Frank her brest with holy oyle. In the morning she required
to be anoynted and I did very devowtly prepare myself and pray for vertue
and powr and Christ his blessing of the oyle to the expulsion of the wycked :
and then twyse anoynted the wycked one did resest a while.
He records quite a trivial incident, evidently attaching to it
some occult significance :
The spider at ten of the clok at night suddenly on my desk and suddenly
gon ; a most rare one in bygnes and length of feet. I was in a great study
at my desk. * ^
His marriage with his second wife, Jane Fromonds, is briefly
noted in Latin. There are references to her and frequently these
words occur in Greek character, " Jane had them," but it cannot
be said what " them " refers to. His children are also mentioned;
specially Arthur, who on one occasion was wounded " on his hed
by his own wanton throwing of a brik bat upright and not well
avoyding the fall of it agayn " ; and Theodor, who " had a sore
fall on his mowth at mid-day."
Dr. Dee was naturally concerned about his own health and there
are many references to it and to the remedies he took ;
66 ENGLISH DIARIES
My mervaglous horsnes and in manner spechelesnes toke me, being nothing
at all otherwise sick.
I was very sick upon two or thre sage leaves eten in the morning ; better
suddenly at night ; when I cast them up I was weU.
I had on the Sunday afternoon the cramp most extremely in the very centre
of the calves of both my legs and in the place where I had the suddejm grief
on Bartilmew even last I had payn, so intoUerable as if the vaynes or artheries
wold have broken by extreme stretching or how else I cannot tell. The payn
lasted about half a quater of an hour. I took my purgation of six grayns.
A great fit of the stone in my left kydney ; all day I could do but three or
four drops of water but I drunk a draught of white wyne and salet oyle and
after that crab's eyes in powder with the bone in the carps head and abowt
four of the clok I did eat tosted cake buttered and with sugar and nutmeg on
it and drunk two great draughts of ale with it and I voyded within an howr
much water and a stone as big as an Alexander seed. God be thanked.
In the morning began my hed to ake and be hevy more than of late and had
some wambling in my stomach. I had broken my fast with sugar sopps.
Much more is known of Dr. Dee than what is contained in this
diary. He wrote nearly eighty different works, but most of them
were not printed. • He was very much interested in the reform of
the Calendar and refers to it several times in his diary. In his
Compendious Rehearsal he gives a full account of his career, but
this was written for the official eye. As will be seen, he was
religious but intensely superstitious, and he had an intellectual
and scientific mind which was obscured by his belief in the occult.
The diary was discovered in the library of the Ashmolean
Museum at Oxford written in a small illegible hand on the margins
of old almanacs. It was printed; together with the catalogue he
made of his Library Manuscripts, by the Camden Society (edited
by J. O. HaUiwell) in 1842. j
SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM
THE high offices held by Sir Francis Walsinghara under
Queen Elizabeth and the important negotiations with
which he was entrusted would lead one to suppose that,
if he kept a diary at all, it would be one of particular interest.
It is a disappointment, therefore, that the Journal which exists
consists of nothing more than notices of his movements, the
Queen's movements when he is in England, and occasionally of
other events, with memoranda for each day of all letters received
and sent.
I
SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM 67
A peculiar feature of the diary is that, although the entries are
in the first person, the manuscript is not in Walsingham's own
hand but in that of his secretary.
The diary begins in December, 1570, when Walsingham, who
^ had been already sent as ambassador to France to assist in nego-
tiating an accord between Charles IX and the Huguenots, had
been again dispatched thither as resident ambassador, and part
of his instructions was to prepare the way for the marriage of the
Queen with the Duke of Anjou. This is interesting, but all we
get in the Journal is :
I went to the Palais and there had audience at Queen Mother's handes.
I went to Gallion and there had audience of Queen Mother and Monsieur
or equally brief entries of the same description.
The last entries are dated April, 1583, but there are several
breaks, one of nearly two years between 1578 and 1580. It is
unnecessary to quote the entries as they are seldom more than
one hne and they tell us practically nothing of what Walsingham
was doing and absolutely nothing of what Walsingham was hke.
The very first entry is in peculiar grammar ;
Sunday Dec. 3. That the Queene of Scotes shotdde be verie sycke.
But on Monday Walsingham corrected his secretary and no doubt
instructed him that he did not want the diary kept in the oratio
ohliqua.
Great events are suggested, but never related :
I wente unto the Courte and had conference with my Lord of Lecestre
and Mr. Secretarie about a matter of great importance.
This is how he records a journey :
Monday 8. I departed from Abbeville and came to bed at Piquenel.
Tuesday 9. I departed from Piquenel and came to bed at Amiens.
And so on till he gets to Paris.
Apart from his official duties, the only entry which suggests
■j anything in the least domestic seems to refer to the engagement
' of a coachman.
Oct. 21. Entertaynment of a new cochier.
Just to illustrate the brief memorandum style of the diary,
some consecutive entries may be given in February, 1581.
68 ENGLISH DIARIES
Thursday 1. The Court removed to Rochester. Monsieur departed.
Friday 2. I went to Rochester.
Saturday 3. Hir Majestic removed to Sittingboume. I went to Mr. Cromar's
to bed.
Monday 5. Hir Majestie removed to Canterbury. I went to Canterbury
to bed.
Wednesday 7. Monsieur departed from Canterbury to imbarke at Sand-
wich. I wayted on him some part of the way and returned to Canterbury.
Luckily there is a great deal more known about Sir Francis
Walsingham than can be gathered from these meagre diaries
His correspondence during Ms embassies in France was pubMshed
in extenso by Sir Dudley Digges in 1655, mider the title The
Compkat Ambassador.
The diary was pubhshed by the Camden Society in 1871.
SIR THOMAS CONINGSBY
THIS is the earhest of the soldiers' diaries which are in-
cluded in this collection. It is only a fragment covering,
vrith some breaks, the few weeks from August 13 to
December 24, 1591. Like the majority of soldiers' diaries, it is
concerned exclusively with military ojaerations and contains no
personal references. Sir Thomas Coningsby wrote definitely for
the information of some particular person whom he addresses once
or twice. His notes are full and grapliic ; his style is so natural,
easy and mistilted that it makes one regret that the fragment is
so brief.
The Siege of Rouen with wliich the diary deals is well known
in the liistory of France as one of the incidents of the wars of the
League. The city was seized and garrisoned by that party in the
year 1590. Henry IV invested it on November 11, 1591, and the
siege was raised on the approach of the Duke of Parma in the;
following April. Queen Ehzabeth was prevailed upon to send
forces in aid of the protestant King of France, as she then had
reason to esteem him. It was with this expeditionary force mider
the Earl of Essex that Sir Thomas Coningsby ser\'ed.
The diary is headed :
A Jomall of Cheife Thinges happened in our ^Jomey from Deape the 13 of
Auguste untyll [blank]
The first entry begins :
Upon Satterdaie binge the 13 of Auguste my lord having intelligence that
those of Roan mente to give him a camisado [surprise] in the nighte, in hia
SIR THOMAS CONINGSBY 69
army provided all things necessarie to welcome them, together with a deter-
mynation that if they came not that nyghte then the next morninge he would
have surprysed some of them in some of their own holdes and fortresses nere
adjoynynge.
They leave Dieppe and proceed on their march
in a very hot daie wonderfullie dusted and pestered with flies.
They are as hospitably received in the French villages as the
expeditionary force 323 years later :
We found the villages and howses utterlie abandoned but yet mylke, syder,
freshe water and bread almost in everie house readye sett to reheve our soldiers.
Some of Sir Thomas's descriptions of adventures and engage-
ments with the enemy may be given.
Having scarcely ended our soldierly repaste there came four harquelatieres
who advertysed that they had discovered the enemye comynge out of a wood
nere unto us ; and being sente backe to take some better understanding of
them in going to the rising of a lytel hill they were encountered by seven
harquelatiers of th' ennemy, who shrowded themselves behind a wyndmyll
and assalting ours slewe ii of them and hurt the third.
My lord only accompanyed with two gentlemen wente to the King's quarter
where after dynner th' eixnemye sallyed out on every syde and were verie
braggante and upon the castle syde made skyrmysh with our French there.
The King, my lord and his grand esquire lay upon an immynente place all on
a cloake and beheld it. Upon our quarter they sallyed out upon our neighbor
Mounte Morancy's men who indevored to take a chiu-ch nere unto the verie
gate and possessed themselves of it. Whereupon they made their sally and
inforced their horse and foote to abandon the place with more than a lytle
haste.
Although I sale it, our forwardnes doth make the French wonder to see
ours of the beste sorte eyther well mounted or placed in the head of the
troupes of pykes, to aunswere all alarme and to make the proudest ronne when
any offer to charge them.
We might see many of their horse drove downe and th' ennemye withdraw
within the covert of the towne ; and there we might behold many a horse well
spurred and many a sword joUyly glystering in the simn on both sydes.
This daie a page conamynge into the king's quarter with a letter from
Villiers to some men aboute the king, was reprehended, and he ymmediatly
rj put the letters into his mouth to have eaten them and had so doan but that
one caught him by the throate and made spytt them out ; but they were so
marred that noething could be read at all ; he hath bene tortured and con-
fessed some things for the king's tome in this buysines.
This daie being a great myst, th' ennemye had laid soundrie ambuscadoes
for us, and with all invention of villanous raihng they thoughte to have drawn
us out of our trenches to skyrmysh but ours foreseeing the padd in the strawe
70 ENGLISH DIARIES
have deferred to aunswer their words tyll we be strong ynough to breake their
heads.
But Coningsby makes notes about the lighter moments of
recreation as well as about the fighting.
The next daie being well loged, my lord invited for solace monsieur Revience
lieutenant governor of Picardye where a great nomber of ladies were gathered
together not without dauiicing and musicke.
This eveninge being the 22 of Auguste the kinge with his nobles would
neades leap where our lord generall did overleape them all.
The 19 and 20 October we passed in making goode cheare, coursing in the
fields, ryding of horses playing at ballone and the lyke.
The 22 daie we passed with playinge at tennys in the forenoone and a
playinge at ballon in th' afternoone with the lieuetenant-gouvemor of Deape
and the victorie fell on our syde.
Sir Roger and I were invyted to certaine French gentlemen where we dranke
carowses ; and what eyther with the cold of the long expectation in the
momynge or overmuch wyne at dynner th' one syde of my head ake 2 daies
after.
The diary closes on December 24 and was transmitted to
his friend for whom it was written; whom he addresses in one
passage : "I pray you use it (the information) with your wonted
dyscretion ; for I would not wrjrte thus much but to you."
Probably Coningsby went on writing : unfortunately nothing
further is in existence. It is to be regretted that we have not his
account of the first demonstration made by the Englishmen before
Rouen in which the Earl of Essex had not only the misfortune to
lose his brother but also to incur the censure of his detractors at
home and the displeasure of his royal mistress.
Sir Thomas Coningsby was elected to Parliament for the city
of Hereford in 1593, and also became sheriff of the county. He
died in 1625.
The journal was pubHshed in 1847 in the first volume of the
Camden Miscellanies.
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
SIR SIMONDS D'EWES
BORN in Coxden, in Dorsetshire, in 1602, Simonds d'Ewes
was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, and called
to the Bar. He became High Sheriff for Suffolk in 1639
and was elected member of Parliament for Sudbury in 1640. In
1641 he was created a Baronet by Charles I, but on the outbreak
of the Civil War he adhered to Parliament. In 1648 he was turned
out of Parliament by the army as one of those who were thought
to retain some regard for the person of the King. He then gave
himself up to literary and, more especially, antiquarian studies
and died in 1650.
Between 1619 and 1636 he kept a diary, and for a few years
again at a later date. This diary he wrote up and left in the form
of an autobiographical note. It therefore comes very near the
limit where diary becomes autobiography, but after a prefatory
chapter or two he retains the diary form, often copying several
pages from the original diary. Although repetitions and the
awkwardness of diary style may have been avoided by this re-
vision, it is doubtful whether he improved his original notes,
because the final result is heavy and often tedious and lacks the
freshness and spontaneity of momentary writing.
The heaviness is added to by the fact that Sir Simonds was
deeply religious, and took himself very seriously. He comes
dangerously near being a prig.
The diary deals largely with historical events and is of value
to historians as the careful opinion of a contemporary observer.
His estimate of James I is on the whole favourable, owing to the
fact that he compares him with his successor. He gives a char-
acteristic picture of the King going down to open Parliament in
1621.
First he spoke often and lovingly to the people standing thick and threefold
on all sides to behold him, " God bless ye ! God bless ye ! " contrary to his
71
72 ENGLISH DIARIES
former hasty and passionate custom which often in his sudden distemper
would bid a p or a plague on such as flocked to see him. Secondly, though
the windows were filled with many great ladies as he rode along yet that he
spake to none of them but to the Marquis of Buckingham's mother and wife :
that he spake particularly and bowed to the Count of Gondomar the Spanish
Ambassador ; and f otu-thly looking up to one window as he passed, full of
gentlewomen or ladies, all in yellow bands, he cried out aloud " A p take
ye ! are ye there ? " at which being much ashamed they all with<^ew them-
selves suddenly from the window.
D'Ewes expressed special admiration for Prince Henry, Charles
I's elder brother, " a prince rather addicted to martial studies and
exercises than to golf, tennis or other boy's play." His bias against
Bacon is very marked : "his vices were so stupendous and great
as they utterly obscured and out-poised his virtues." He gives
a charming description of Henrietta Maria :
On Thursday I went to Whitehall piirposely to see the Queen which I did
fully all the time she sat at dimier and perceived her to be a most absolute
deUcate lady after I had exactly surveyed aU the features of her face much
enlivened by her radiant and sparkling black eye. Besides, her deportment
amongst her women was so sweet and humble and her speech and looks to her
other servants so mild and gracious as I could not abstain from divers deep-
pitched sighs to consider that she wanted the knowledge of the true religion.
His puritanical religious views gradually estrange him from the
Court in Charles's reign and his disapproval of Buckingham makes
him go the length of not only defending but almost excusing
Felton. He regards Laud " a little, low, red-faced man of mean
parentage," with the strongest misgivings, greatly preferring a
virtuous Papist to the men " who call themselves Protestants as
Bishop Laud and Bishop Wren and their wicked adherents."
Needless to say he condemns Ship-money and prays daily that the
Sovereign may abohsh " this lamentable and fatal taxation."
Much of his time is taken up with antiquarian research. Not
only does he transcribe all the Journals of Parliament of Queen
Ehzabeth's reign, but he is perpetually examining Escheat Rolls,
Communia Rolls, Plea Rolls and all kinds of registers and deeds.
Hours upon hours he spends in this way. The vast histories he
projected, however, never materialised, and indeed he evidently
had httle power of exposition or narrative. Many of the fruits of
his industry in the shape of transcripts from ancient records are
contained in the Harleian Collection in the British Museum.
D'Ewes, however, does not only deal with pubUc affairs, and we
can discover a good deal about the man in the more domestic
pages of the diary even in its amended form.
He is very proud of his pedigree. " I ev^ accounted it a great
SIR SIMONDS D'EWES 73
i^ outward blessing to be well descended," and he spends much time
in tracing his family history and that of his wife. Cambridge did
not suit him.
The main thing which made me even weary of the College was that swearing,
drinking, rioting and hatred of all piety and virtue under false and adulterated
nicknames did abound there and in all the imiversity.
He is in every way exemplary, or anyhow says he is :
My love to the study of the law began now to increase very much, being
resonably well able to command what I read and finding daily use for it, I
exceedingly desired knowledge.
When the Prince Elector comes over Sir Simonds visits him and
modestly writes :
I gave him such solid and faithful advice for the recovery of his lost coimtry
and dominions as he highly approved and might I believe ere this have been
resettled in them had it laid in his own power to have put my advice into
execution.
In fact, on one occasion he is obliged to admit that " self-con-
ceit and pride of heart " were faults " to both of which I was
naturally prone and inclined,"
To his " dear and tender mother," who died when he was a boy,
he had been passionately devoted, but with his father he was apt
to have rather acrimonious disputes. First over his desire to
have a private chamber of his own for a study, which desire " by
reason of my father's unreasonable and ever-to-be-condoled tena-
city and love of money " was thwarted at first. Later over his
allowance ;
Coming to my father on Saturday Oct. 6 to receive and demand that small
stipend he allowed me he denied me part of it upon some pretended defalca-
tions. This so amazed me being vmprovided of most necessaries and consider-
ing also that he kept from me an estate of five or six thousand poimds of mine
own that I unawares expressed my gTief unto him somewhat unadvisedly, at
which he grew so extremely offended with me as he was never before that
time nor after it so as I spake but once with him for about the space of five
weeks ensuing although I resided near him all that time.
Again, after his marriage, when his father wanted part of the
jointure to his wife to be released owing to the fact that she had
no children, there is a sharp dispute between them. When his
father dies he becomes more charitably disposed towards him,
but he cannot resist some comment on his faiUngs :
I have much confidence also that he did seriously set himself during all
that time (when he was ill) to search and try his own heart, which had been
74 ENGLISH DIARIES
too much set upon the business and profits of his present life and to prepare
his way by a lively faith and a true repentance.
Sir Simonds married Anne Clapton. Love and courtship do
not enter into the proceedings, which were arranged by contract
between the two fathers. We do not learn anything about his
wife's character, though he frequently expresses devotion to her.
He earnestly desired a male heir, but although she had a number
of children they none of them survived. He recites the ever-
recurring death of these infants with great resignation, attributing i
it all to God's will. By Elizabeth Willoughby, his second wife,
he had a son who survived him.
He was very strict in his religious practices. Constantly we
read ; " I spent the day in a private religious fast and humilia-
tion," or " Saturday I devoted to a family humiliation and
religious fasting with my wife and most of our people." It was
his religion indeed that was the motive power behind his politics.
As a young man he was once assailed by serious doubts and " fell
into a strong and dangerous temptation." The occasion of this
was the death of a friend. His reflections on it made him fall
upon " two dangerous rocks of atheism." He argues the whole
problem at length and finally coftcludes :
I found that those unriily thoughts of atheism were the devils engines and
the fruits of infidelity not to be dallied withall or disputed, but to be avoided
prayed against and resisted by a strong and lively faith.
And for the rest of his hfe his rigid orthodoxy and puritanical
strictness never leaves him.
However, with his own parson in Suffolk, Mr. Danford, he has
the most embittered relations. We are never told quite plainly
what the cause of controversy is and we cannot help feehng some
sympathy with Mr. Danford, who was brought into such close
contact with the self-righteous and sanctimonious baronet.
Mr, Danford practised daily new and malicious devices to vex us so as we
feared we should at last be driven for very peace and quiet's sake to forsake
our mansion house and dwelling. . . . Loath I am to mention his malicious
practices but that the necessity of setting down a full and true relation of the
good and evil events and passages of mine own life enforceth me to it.
I might have bestowed more time on my precious studies had I not been
interrupted by Mr. Danford's wicked malice. . . . For though he had for-
borne to catechise in the afternoons upon Smidays merely out of his spleen
to me and had sometimes leavened his forenoon sermons with some malicious
sprinklings — yet did he never break out into an open invective and a profana-
I
I
ft
SIR SIMONDS D'EWES 75
tion of the church and pulpit with downright raihng till Siuiday April 13 of
which wicked discourse unworthy the name of a sermon, I then took notes.
He complains to Dr. Corbett, Bishop of Norwich, who however
seems 'to have taken Mr. Danford's side and the " malicious prac-
tices " continue, so that he removes his wife, when she is about
to have a child, to his stepmother's house, " so as I might not
be vexed with his cross and mischievous oppositions." We find,
however, Mr. Danford being called in at a later date to christen
one of his dying infants, and it is to be hoped that on that occasion
anyhow there were no " malicious sprinklings."
Sir Simonds' own health did not trouble him to any extent.
He only records one occasion on which a series of " aguish fist "
made him very ill. His wife's many confinements and her even-
tual death, which he attributes to the negligence of his stepmother,
Lady Denton, caused him great anxiety. Religion and study
throughout are his solace and comfort in the terribly solemn
business of living.
Sir Simonds did not write with a view to publication. But
considering himself a person of no small importance, he desired
that this account of his life should be handed down to his descend-
ants as a memorial of their illustrious ancestor.
The diary, together with his will and family letters, edited by
J. O. Halhwell, was published in 1845.
SIR HENRY SLINGSBY
IF special notice is taken of this diary, which only covers ten
years very cursorily, it is not because of the circumstances
which made Sir Henry Slingsby an eye-witness of and partici-
pant in the defeat of Charles I's armies, nor because of his own
tragic fate some years later, but because the diary itself is a
document which discloses an attractive personality and which in
its literary style and lively presentation of domestic as well
as public events seems to claim a more than usual amount of
attention.
Sir Henry Slingsby was born in 1601 ; he married Barbara
Bellasyse, daughter of Viscount Falconbridge, in 1631. He sat
in Parhament for Knaresborough and was one of the fifty-nine
members who voted against the Bill for the attainder of Strafford.
He adopted the King's cause against Parliament ; was with
Charles at York, fought at Marston Moor, was present at Naseby,
and at the surrender of Newark. In 1655 he was implicated in
a Royalist plot at Hull. He was taken to London, tried, con-
victed, and condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered. The
sentence was altered to one of execution and he was beheaded on
Tower Hill in 1658. Sir Henry lived in a time of public calamity,
his natural preference would have been for the tranquil employ-
ments of a country life. He shows a high degree of learning, and
often quotes passages and takes illustrations from the classics.
The diary begins in 1638 and continues for ten years. Charles
I's execution is mentioned in one of the last entries. Sometimes
he seems to write on the day, but more often he summarises
periods. In diary writing he took Montaigne as a model. He
describes Montaigne's Day Book or memorial of household affairs
and adds :
Hereupon I follow'd the advise of Michael de Montaigne to sett down in this
Book such accidents as befell me not that I make my study of it but rather a
recreation at vacant times without observing any time, method, or order in
my wrighting or rather scribbling. i
76
SIR HENRY SLINGSBY tt
Like the great majority of diarists, Slingsby is far more effective
when he is describing domestic matters than when he deals with
mihtary engagements and the pohtical turmoil of the Civil War.
He has a happy knack of describing people. He records the death
from falhng cliimneys during a gale of Edward Osborn, a nephew
of his wife's :
He was but of a slender body and indifferently shot out in height, his limbs
small but sinewy, his hair of a light colour and long and curled, his disposition
gentle and sober, of a good meine and carriage of body, loving and affable to
everyone and thus was he taken away before he had experience of the vanities
and vices of the Times.
Here is his account of Francis Oddy, a most useful man in Sir
Henry's household, who acted as upholsterer, " to furnish the
Lodgin rooms and dress them up," and also as caterer :
He is of very low stature, his head little, and his hair cut short, his face
lean and full of wi-inkles, his complection such that it shows he hath endured
all wethers : his disposition not suitable with the rest of his fellow servants
which both either by diligence breed envy or else thro' plain dealing Stir up
variance : and having a working head is in continual debate.
We learn a good deal about his servants, he takes a great
interest in them. He has sixteen men servants and eight women
servants. When his cook, George Taylor, marries, he writes
some reflections on his experience of cooks :
This cook hath been the freest from disorder of 5 several Coolis which I
have had since I became a housekeeper ; some of which hath been without all
measure disorder 'd. When they have sometimes stolen abroad I should not
hear of them for 3 or 4 days together : yet commonly I never part'd with any
of them tiU I made them as glad to be gone as I woiild have them. I never
grew passionate with them nor threatened them much if I f omad them service-
able otherwise but still sought to win them from the habits of drinking, by
fair means, willing to accept their future promise of amendment. ... I
required not of them so much their dressing the meat having a woman servant
that took into her custody all the provision and delivered it out : so that I
need not fear the cook embezeling, especially if he be a married man as this
cook Samuell was ; and for their cm-iosity in the art of cooking I do not much
value, not have we much use for it in our country housekeeping unless
sometimes when we have a meeting of friends and then only to comply with
the fashion of the times, to show myself answerable to what is expected, and
not out of any love unto excessive feasting which now a days is very much
practised.
There is also a note about his gardener :
The last of October dy'd my Guardener Peter Clark after 12 or 14 years
service to my father and me ; he was for no curiosity in Guardening, but
78 ENGLISH DIARIES
exceeding laborioiis in grafting, setting and sewing : which extream labour
shortened his days ; he languish'd many years and so handl'd as he was nor
could any judge what he ail'd ; sometimes he would say he was bewitch'd and
at other times that he had a great worm in his gutts that did knaw and torment
him which made me when he dy'd send for a chirurgeon from York to embowell
him ; but no such thing appeared.
Slingsby is affectionate about his wife, who unfortunately is a
great sufferer and gets little or no relief from the various doctors
he employs ; he says of her :
She is by nature timorous and compassionate which makes her full of
prayer on the behalf of others. I have sometimes been awakened in the night
when I have heard her praying to herself as she never mist that duty in the
day time.
He is called home and finds her very ill :
It did at first puzeU the Physitians to understand what she ail'd ; that
thought it had been the cholick, then the Cardiaca Passio, then the Jaundice,
then the Spleen.
One doctor after another visits her : Dr. Parker who gives her
a vomit, Dr. Micklethwate who declares it is jaundice. Dr. Frires
who is a speciaHst for spleen, and prescribes very elaborate
medicines, including hot beer at meals, which are all carefully set
down. The latter he describes thus :
This man is of great fame for his skiU and cures which he doth not a little
brag of who tells you of his £50 and £100 cures.
Later on he goes to another and still greater man, a consultant,
Sir Theodore Mayerne.
He seldom went to any, for he was corpulent and vmwieldy ; and then
again he was rich and the King's physician and a linight which made him
more costly to deal withaU.
Yet another doctor he tries, but again in vain, and his wife
dies " after she had endur'd a world of misery." He writes of her
with charming affection and without a trace of sentimentality :
The loss of her by death is beyond expression both to her children and all
that knew her ; but chiefly to myself who hath enjoy'd happy days in the
company and society which now I find a want of ; she was a woman of very
sweet disposition, pleasant and affable ; and when anything moved her to
anger or that she conceived any injury done to her she would easily forgive
and be the first that would offer termes of reconsilement ; and though she
was passionate it was not lasting but soon passed over.
I
SIR HENRY SLINGSBY 79
He hesitates to go to his home, Redhouse at Scaglethorp, after
her death ;
I had not been yet at my own house, not abiding to come where I should
find a miss of my dear wife and where every room will call her to my memory
and renew my grief I therefore staid at Alne at my sister Bethell's house until
I had better digest'd my grief.
It was while he was here that he received his commission to
command the " trainbands of the City of York." But before we
come to his public experiences his references to his son Thomas
may be quoted. He was evidently a believer in early education.
Before the child was four years old he could " tell the Latin words
for the parts of his body and of his cloaths," but Sir Henry adds
when he is engaging a tutor ;
I find him duller to learn this year than last (he was not yet five) which
would discourage one but that I think the cause to be his too much minding
Play which takes oH his mind from his books ; therefore they do ill that do
foment and cherish that hmnour in a child and by inventing new sports
increase his desire to play which caviseth a great aversion to their book ;
and their mind being at first season'd with vanity will not easily loose the relish
of it.
The next year he buys him a suit of clothes,
being the first breeches and doublet that he ever had and made by my tailor
Mr. Miller ; it was too soon for him to wear them being but 5 years old, but
that his mother had a desire to see him in them, how proper a man he would
be.
Slingsby has a way of branching off into general reflections and
aphorisms after he has recorded some particular event. On the
subject of ambition and ostentation he says :
We judge our actions lost if they be not set out to show like Mountebanks
that show the operation of their skill upon scaffolds in view of all passengers
that more notice may be taken of them ; so ambitious are we of renown that
goodness, moderation, equity, constancy and such qualities are little set by.
He deplores the morals of the age in which he Uves :
The approbation of others in so corrupt an age is an uncertain foundation
to build vertuous actions upon ; that which is commendable is not always
learnt by example of the most part, God keep every man from being an
honest man according to the description is now a days made of it ; that
which was account'd vice is now grown in fashion and nothing count'd vice.
And this on war ;
There is no stability in anything of this world ; when things are once
advanced to such a height, it is not to be expected they will there settle but
rather return to the same degree they were. But all is lost if warr continue
80 ENGLISH DIARIES
among us ; one year's continuance shall make a greater desolation than 20
years shall recover.
Yet warlike operations were to occupy so much of his time. He
partakes in them out of a sense of duty and loyalty to the King,
but in the middle of them he confesses, " My own disposition is
to love quietness," and occasionally he snatches a day at home.
His descriptions of the engagements were evidently written some
time afterwards. They are often difficult to follow, and though
detailed are not very illuminating.
In marching about the accommodation was not always of the
best :
At old Radnor the King lay in a poor low Chamber and my Ld of Linsey
and others by the Kitching fire on hay ; no better were we accomodat'd for
victuals ; which makes me remember this passage ; when the King was at
his supper eating a pullet and a piece of cheese the room without was full
but the mens' stomachs empty for want of meat ; the good wife troubl'd with
continual calling upon her for victuals and having it seems but the one cheese
comes into the room where the King was and very soberly ask if the King
had done with the cheese for the Gentlemen without desired it.
There are one or two httle sketches of Charles :
He kept his hours most exactly both for his exercises and for hia dispatches
as also his hours for admitting all sorts to come to speak with him. You
might know where he would be at any hour from his rising which was very
early to his walk he took in the garden and so to Chappie and dinner ; so after
dinner if he went not abroad he had his hours for wrighting and discourcing,
or chess playing or Temiis.
Here I do wonder at the admirable temper of the King whose constancy
was such that no perils never so unavoidable covild move him to astonishment ;
but that, still he set the same face and settl'd covmtenance upon what adverse
fortitne soever befell him : and neither was exalt'd in prosperity nor deject'd
in adversity ; which was the more admirable in him seeing that he had no
other to have recoui'se luato for councill and assistance but mvist bear the
whole bvu"den upon his shoulders.
Slingsby makes a flying visit home disguised and at night time :
" scarce any in my own house knowing that I was there." The
record of fighting is of course one of continual disaster. The last
entries are very scrappy. There is a note on the King's execution :
But not withstanding all his prayers and intreaties they would not release
him : and while I remained concealed in my house I covdd hear of his going
to Holmby, to the Isle of Wight and to Whitehall at last ; where he end'd his
good life upon the 30 of January 1648-9. I hear heu me ; quid heu me ? humana
perpessi sumus. Thus I end'd these conunentaries or book of remembrance
beginning in the year 1638 and ending in the year 1648.
SIR HENRY SLINGSBY 81
He then adds some notes about his garden and about the " great
flouds as seldome hath been known."
When he was in prison in 1658 Sir Henry Slingsby wrote
A Father's Legacy to his Sons, which was a sort of moral and
philosophic injunction. Clarendon says he was " in the first rank
of the gentlemen of Yorkshire " and " was a gentleman of a good
understanding but of a very melanchohc nature." " When he
was brought to die he spent very little time in discourse ; but
told them ' he was to die for being an honest man of which he
was very glad.' "
Extracts from the diary were published by Sir Walter Scott
m 1806. A more or less complete edition of it, edited by the
Rev. D. Parsons, was published in 1836.
6
SAMUEL PEPYS
BY general consent the diary of Samuel Pepys may be
awarded the first place among English diaries. It fulfills
all the conditions of what a diary should be. It is written
with scrupulous regularity daily and is therefore quite spon-
taneous. Detailed narrative of public events, intimate domestic
incidents and candid self-revelation all find a place in it. Such
are the powers of narration and observation of the writer that it
may certainly be said that any page from Pepys occurring in
anyone else's diary would be worth quoting in full.
We are concerned with Pepys as a diarist, not wath his official
or political career. But it will be well to give a brief outline of his
life.
Samuel Pepys was born in 1633. His father, John Pepys, was
a London tailor, who subsequently inherited an estate at Bramp-
ton, near Huntingdon. Samuel, the fifth child of a large family,
was educated at Magdalene College, Cambridge. All we hear of
his university career is that on October 22, 1653, he was publicly
admonished with another undergraduate for having been " scan-
dalously overserved with drink." In 1655 he married Elizabeth
Marchant, daughter of a French Huguenot exile. He started his
official career as secretary to his cousin, Edward Montague,
afterwards Earl of Sandwich, through whose influence he was ap-"
pointed " clerk of the acts " in the Navy Office and afterwards
clerk of the Privy Seal. In 1668 he delivered a speech at the
Bar of the House of Commons in defence of the Navy, which had
been violently attacked after the war with Holland. This gave
him the ambition of becoming a member of Parliament. After
an interval during which he became secretary of the Admiralty,
Pepys was elected in 1679 member for Harwich. He had been
unjustly suspected of popery and was also accused of betraying
naval secrets to the French. This arose out of his friendship
with the Duke of York (James II). In 1684 he was elected presi-
dent of the Royal Society, which he had joined in 1664. On the
accession of James II he became virtually Minister for the Navy.
82
SAMUEL PEPYS 88
The revolution of 1688 ended his career. Except for a brief
period of imprisonment in 1690 on the charge of Jacobite intrigue,
he spent the rest of his hfe in retirement, corresponding with his
friends and arranging his valuable library. He died on May 25,
1703, at his house at Clapham.
^ Such a career as this, though quite successful, would not bring
any man's name to the front, and the name of Pepys would only
have been known to the more industrious students of history who
were investigating the condition of the Navy in Stuart times.
It is safe to say that for over a hundred years after his death his
name was absolutely unknown except to those who came across
the various portraits made of him. He was painted by Savill
Hales, Lely and Kneller. There is a uniform similarity of type
in the portraits of periwigged gentlemen of that period, and
admirable as the representations of Pepys by these distinguished
painters may be, they are as nothing compared to the detailed
finished and living picture he gives of himself.
The diary, written between 1660 and 1669, M^as first partially
pubhshed in 1825. The fuller edition did not appear till 1848.
The six manuscript volumes had remained in the interval since
their author's death undisturbed in the library at Magdalene
College with Pepys' other books. The diary was very neatly
written in cipher or shorthand (Sheltons' system, published in
1641) and was further comphcated by the use of foreign languages
and varieties of his own invention. It was deciphered by John
Smith, rector of Baldock, in Hertfordshire, between 1819 and
1822, and after its pubhcation the unique fame of Samuel Pepys
was established for all time.
General considerations as to motive in keeping a diary have
already been discussed. In the case of Pepys the motive is by no
means clear. That he intended it to be kept secret from his
contemporaries and specially from his wife, is obvious enough,
not only because of his use of cipher, but because he only once
divulged the fact that he was keeping a diary to a friend (Sir
William Coventry) and he reg'retted it afterwards, " it not being
necessary nor may be convenient to have it known." But how
about posterity ? Dr. R. Garnett says : " He certainly did not
intend or expect his Diary to be read." i This seems almost im-
possible. The diary writer whose intentions were as decided
as this would leave direction for the destruction of his diary on
his death. Pepys never did this, and when arranging and burn-
mg old papers he explains that he went through them all " that I
1 Preface to Everyman's Library Edition of the Diary.
84 ENGLISH DIARIES
may have nothing by me but what is worth keeping and fit to be
seen if I should miscarry."
R. L. Stevenson suggests that he was writing for himself in his
old age. " The appeal to Samuel Pepys years hence is unmis-
takable." ^ Against this we would set the fact that the diary
shows no signs whatever of having been read over by him sub-
sequently. Except for one unimportant addition of the dates
of death to a list of names (written in longhand as all names were),
there is not a single correction, addition or alteration. No, it
seems clear that Pepys had not the failing common to many
diarists of reading over their past effusions, though this may be
also attributed to his faihng eyesight. Moreover, reading short-
hand comfortably is a different matter from writing it, and its
casual perusal would in any case have been a labour. The idea
that Pepys was engaged in building up posthumous fame may also
be dismissed. He could not have regarded with equanimity the
disclosure of his indiscretions, weaknesses, petty faults, and
doubtful and sometimes positively disreputable behaviour. He
had, we feel sure, no sort of idea of the value of what he had
written. The habit of daily diary writing had grown on him T
and he wrote primarily for his own satisfaction ; although no ^
doubt he was unconsciously aware that the position in which he
was placed in constant contact with eminent people made his i
experiences worth recording. Gradually the diary became a
friend, a confidant, and indeed a treasure. He filled three thou-
sand pages and never missed a day, with the exception of one fort- '
night in 1668. He only left off writing because of the trouble
with his eyesight. But the six volumes could not have been for-
gotten. There they were in the library which he was always
arranging and rearranging with the minutest care. Mr. Percy
Lubbock seems really to get nearest to the possible solution
when he suggests that Pepys in his old age was always consider-
ing the question, should he destroy it, should he revise it, should
he use the material for a book ; and finally died before he had
decided on the answer. ^
A word about his style. As to whether it was literary or not
is beside the question. He was certainly not a scholar like
Slingsby, d'Ewes and Evelyn. The advantage of a literary
style in diary writing is a very minor consideration. One of the
indispensable essentials is the faithful disclosure of individuality ;
and no diary ever written more completely portrays the character
* Men and Books.
* Pepys (Literary Lives Series), by Percy Lubbock.
SAMUEL PEPYS 85
of the writer. He does not write, he talks or rather chats. The
absurdly trivial details most carefully recorded give the atmo-
sphere and finish of a Dutch picture. There is a consequent loss
of relative values. For no one with their eye or, as in the case of
Pepys, a magnifying glass concentrated on the present, day by
day, can distinguish the importance or unimportance of passing
events. Anyhow we would not miss his telling us that the candle
was going out, " which makes me %vrite thus slobberingly," nor
the hundred details about his clothes, his food and his servants ;
nor when he fetches his watch from the watchmaker :
But Lord to see how much of my old folly and childishness hangs on me
still that I cannot forbear carrying my watch in my hand in the coach all this
afternoon and seeing what o'clock it is one hundred times.
Nor his first shave with a razor ;
This morning I begun a practice which I find by the ease I do it with that
I shaU continue it saving me money and time ; that is to trimme myself with
a razer, which pleases me mightily.
The secret of his genius was his zest for hving. He was an
amateur in the highest sense of the word. Not only did the arts
appeal to him so that he was able to give a good critical opinion
about painting and specially about music, but his intense interest
in life carried him much further, and politics, the drama, theology,
mechanics, gardening, hydrostatics, astronomy as well as riding^
dancing, games, dressing, eating and drinking, all claim his rapt
attention. To his friends and acquaintances he must have
appeared specially sympathetic. He was not, however, a wit,
nor a raconteur or a great talker. Such people are far too egotis-
tical to be observant. John Evelyn, his fellow-diarist, mentions
him when he dies as his " particular friend," and describes him as
" a very worthy industrious and curious person none in England
exceeding him in knowledge of the navy ... he was universally
beloved, hospitable, generous, learned in many things, skilled
in music, a very great cherisher of learned men of whom he had
the conversation." The word "curious," here meaning eager
for knowledge, is the exact right adjective.
We picture Pepys in company watching, hstening, observing,
making mental notes, encouraging others to give him material
for the faithful record which in a few hours he was going to write
down. He was all eyes and ears, and whether it was at a council
meeting, a court of justice, a church service, a play, a dinner,
a dance, or a ride, he was collecting impressions and hoarding
up gossip.
86 ENGLISH DIARIES
The production of his diary in an expurgated forni has been
necessary owing to the coarseness and reahstic detail of some
passages in the original manuscript. The result of this is to
give us a Pepys of greater refinement and modesty than was ac-
tually the case. Pepys was not a model man. Far from it.
He was a mass of faults, petty, frivolous, venal, sensual, often
drunken and sometimes brutal. In fact, the unpublished pas-
sages rather destroy some of the illusions we get in the pubhshed
editions. But whatever his faults and vices were he admits
and records them all. He regrets many of them. He is often
humble, but his repentances are never morbid.
His natural " mirth " saved him from over-indulgence in self-
depreciation and helped him too in sorrow and danger and in
discomfort. Crowded in a most uncomfortable way in a cabin
on board ship, instead of complaining, he writes :
But, Lord, the mirth which it caused to me to be waked in the night by this
snoring round about me ; I did laugh till I was ready to biu-st.
To a man of this temperament much can be forgiven. He
never allowed tragic incidents of which he was a witness to depress
him unduly, and as soon as there was an opportunity for mirth
he took advantage of it. So that as he looked back these were the
times that coloured his hfe most : " Thus ends this year with
great mirth to me and my wife."
I Pepys was industrious in his official duties, took them seriously
• and performed them efficiently. The keeping of the diary is
, itself a testimony to his industrious persistence. He was very
orderly in his household arrangements and liked everything to be
" neat." He was a bon viveur and a materialist without any
great refinement, yet he had artistic perceptions far above the
average ; while he was absurdly punctihous in one direction
he could be frivolously and childishly bohemian in another:
without special erudition he was naturally critical, and while
in many ways a snob he hated snobbishness.
But reflections on his character, style, and career are better
illustrated by extracts from the diary than by inferences. The
great difficulty in this, however, is that there is such a vast amount
of quotable material, and extracts must spoil one of the chief
features of the diary, which is the fulness of the consecutive
record. Unlike some diarists, Pepys does not set out with the
intention of laying bare by self-revelation and self-analysis the;
light and shade of his character. But the faithful and minute
SAMUEL PEPYS 87
recital of his every-day pursuits gives us the portrait even better
than any self-conscious dissection of himself would have done.
Compared to some other diarists, Pepys' entries with regard
to his ailments are comparatively rare. The anniversary of the
operation when he was successfully " cut for the stone " was
always celebrated by a family dinner on " the day of my solemnity
for my cutting of the stone." On these occasions the stone,
which was carefully preserved in a case, was exhibited to his
friends. It was even lent for inspection more than once in order
to encourage some sufferer to undergo the operation. His failing
eyesight, which was eventually the cause of his giving up diary
writing, is naturally spoken of more and more towards the end.
Otherwise, except for occasional excesses, he seems to have
enjoyed good health. He was an early riser. " Up betimes "
is a frequent introduction to the day's entry, and sometimes
*' up mighty betimes," though there were occasions when he lay
in bed till late in the day. Of course if he has a bilious attack
or a cold he tells us :
About the middle of the night I was very ill — I think with eating and
di'inking too much — and so I was forced to call the mayde who pleased my
wife and I in her running up and down so innocently in her smock.
Home to supper having a great cold, got on Sunday last, by sitting too long
with my head bare for Mercer [his wife's maid] to comb and wash my eares.
As an epicure and hedonist Pepys thoroughly enjoyed his food.
He shows this as much by his reference to his relish of certain
dishes as by his indignation at bad food. On one of the cele-
brations of his operation for the stone he says :
Very merry at before and after dinner and the more for that my dinner was
great and most neatly dressed by our own only maid. We had a fricassee of
rabbits and chickens, a leg of mutton boiled, three carps in a dish, a great dish
of a side of lamb, a dish of roasted pigeons, a dish of fotu* lobsters, three tarts,
lamprey pie (a most rare pie) a dish of anchovies, good wine of several sorts,
and all things mighty noble and to my great content.
But sometimes he complains :
Dined at the Duke of Albermarle's and a bad and dirty, nasty dinner.
He [Sir W. Hiekes] did give us the meanest dinner of beef shoulder and
umbles of venison . . . and a few pigeons and all in the meanest manner that
ever I did see to the basest degree.
Pepys drank ; but who did not in Restoration days ? He does
not by any means become a slave to the habit, but rather notes
88 ENGLISH DIARIES
its injurious effects on his health and finally makes a resolution
to abstain.
Finding my head grow weak now a days I come to drink wine and therefore
hope I shall leave it ofi of myself which I pray God I could do.
What at dinner and supper I drink I know not how, of my own accord, so
much wine that I was even almost foxed and my head aked all night ; so
home and to bed without prayers, which I never did yet since I come to the
house of a Sunday night ; I being now so out of order that I durst not read
prayers for fear of being perceived by my servants in what case I was.
After the vow there seems to have been an improvement :
There (at the Guildhall) wine was offered and they dnink, I only drinking
some hypocras which do not break my vowe it being to the best of my present
judgment only a mixed compound drink and not any wine.
His clothes interested him even more than food or drink and
the references to them are innumerable. A few only can be
given.
This morning my brother's man brought me a new black baize waistcoate
faced with silk, which I put on, from this day laying by half shirts for this
Winter. He brought me also my new gown of purple shagg ; also as a gift
from my brother, a velvet hat very fine to ride in and the fashion which
pleases me.
My tailor brings me home my fin>^ new coloured cloth suit my cloak lined
with plush — as good a suit as ever I wore in my life and mighty neat to my
great content.
He tells us a great deal about his servants. Some pleased him,
others made him impatient and angry. On one occasion he is
brutal enough to kick his maid, and on another occasion he loses
his temper with the boy.
I sent my boy home for some papers when he staying longer than I would
have him I became angry and boxed my boy when he come that I do hurt
my thumb so much that I was not able to stir all the day after and in great
pain.
Nothing in the diary is exposed in a more vivid and natural
way than the relationship between Pepys and his wife. His
pride and affection alternate with his impatience and irritability,
and his changing moods are recorded with unfailing candour.
Her untidiness exasperated him frequently and she dressed badly.
Although he spent a great deal on his own clothes, he was often
very niggardly in this respect towards her. She had ample
cause for complaint in his infidelities and his incurable flirta-
tiousness, but so deep was their underlying affection that it stood
SAMUEL PEPYS 89
the strain of what proved sometimes to be rather severe wear
and tear. A succession of extracts from the diary will give the
picture.
I was angry with my wife for her things lying about and in my passion
Ificked the Httle fine basket which I bought her in Holland and broke it which
troubled me after I had done it.
Somewhat vexed at my wife's neglect in leaving of her scarfe, waistcoate
and nightdressings in the coach to-day that brought us from Westminster
though I confess she did give them to me to look after.
A little angry with my wife for minding nothing now but the dancing
master, having him come twice a day which is folly.
My Lord [Lord Sandwich] replied thus : "Sir John, what do you think
Of your neighbour's wife ? " looking upon me. " Do you not think that he
hath a great beauty to his wife ? " " Upon my word he hath." Which I
was not a little proud of.
By and by comes my wife by coach well home, and having got a good fowl
ready for supper against her coming, we ate heartily and so with great content
and ease to our own bed, there nothing appearing so to our content as to be at
our own home, after being abroad awhile.
Lay long in bed talking with pleasure with my poor wife, how she used to
make coal fires and wash my fotU; clothes with her own hand for me, poor
wretch ! in our little room at my Lord Sandwich's : for which I ought for
ever to love and admire her and do ; and persuade myself she would do the
same thing again if God should reduce us to it.
My wife having dressed herself in a silly dress of a blue petticoat uppermost
and a white satin waistcoat and white hood . . . did, together with my being
hungry which always makes me peevish, make me angry.
My wife dressed this day in fair hair did make me so mad that I spoke not
one word to her though I was ready to burst with anger.
Anon comes down my wife dressed in her second mourning with her black
moyre waistcoat and short petticoat laced with silver lace so basely that I
could not endure to see her . . . so that I was horrid angry and would not go
to our intended meeting which vexed me to the blood.
Somewhat out of humour all day reflecting on my wife's neglect of things
and impertinent humour got by this liberty of being from me which she is
never to be trusted with : for she is a fool.
So home to dinner with my wife very pleasant and pleased with one another's V
company and in our general enjoyment one of another, better we think than
most other couples do.
Away home when I told my wife where I had been. But she was as mad
as a devil and nothing but ill words between us aU the evening while we sat
at cards, even to gross ill words, which I was troubled. for.
My wife extraordinary fine to-day in her flower tabby suit bought a year
90 ENGLISH DIARIES
and more ago before my mother's death put her into moiiming and so not
worn tiU Ihis day ; and everybody in love with it ; and indeed she is very
fine and handsome in it.
My wife fell into her blubbering ... and then all come out that I loved
pleasure and denied her any ... I said nothing but with very mild words
and few suffered her humour to spend tiU we begun to be very quiet and I
think all will be over and friends.
This evening I observed my wife mighty dull and I myself was not mighty
fond because of some hard words she did give me at noon out of jealousy of
my being abroad this morning . . . but I to bed thinking but she would come
after me . . . after an hour or two she silent and I now and then praying her
to come to bed she feU out into a fury that I was a rogue and false to her.
I did, as I might truly, deny it and was mightily troubled but all would not
serve. At last about one o'clock she came to my side of the bed and drew
my curtain open and with tongs red hot at the ends made as if she did design
to pinch me with them at which in dismay I rose up and with a few words
she laid them down and did little by little very siUily let all the discourse fall
and about two, but with much seeming difficulty come to bed and there lay
well aU night and long in bed talking together with much pleasure.
Pepys's susceptibility to female beauty which so often caused
his wife anguish was incorrigible. He never fails to express his
admiration of Lady Castlemaine after he has seen her, and after-
wards of Mrs. Stewart, Nell Gwyn and many others both high
and low. He describes it as " a strange slavery that I stand in
to beauty, that I value nothing near it."
Even in church he was distracted by his amorous passions :
Stood by a pretty modest maid whom I did labour to take by the hand ;
but she would not but got further and further from me ; and at last, I could
perceive her to take pins out of her pocket to prick me if I sho-ald touch her
again, which seeing I did forbear and was glad I did spy her design. And
then I fell to gaze on another pretty maid in a pew close to me and she on
me ; and I did go aboiit to take her by the hand which she suffered a httle and
then withdrew. So the sermon ended and church broke up and my amours
ended also.
He was a great church-goer (from social rather than rehgious
motives) and invariably notes the sermon with some comment,
such as " a sorry silly sermon," " heard a man play the fool,"
" an unnecessary sermon," " full of action but very decent and
good." But his two mastering passions were music and the
drama. The vow he made with regard to drink included also
play-going, but in respect to the latter it entirely broke down
and he remained an inveterate play-goer.
Troubled in mind that I cannot bring myself to mind my business but to
be so much in love of plays.
1
SAMUEL PEPYS 91
Sat by Colonel Reamea who understands and loves a play as wqU as I do
and I love him for it.
The plays he saw were innumerable and of every description.
He is critical both about the play and the acting :
To the Duke of Yorks playhouse and there saw " Mustapha " which the
more I see the more I like and is a most admirable poem and bravely acted ;
only both Betterton and Harris could not contain from laughing in the midst
of a most serious part from the ridiculous mistake of one of the men upon
the stage : which I did not like.
The play was a new play and infinitely f uU the King and all the court there.
It is " the Storme " a play of Fletchers' : which is but so-so methinks.
He was no admirer of Shakespeare. Romeo and Juliet, " a
play of itself the worst that ever I heard." Midsummer Nighfs
Dream, " which I had never seen before nor shall ever again
for it is the most insipid ridiculous play that ever I saw in my
hfe." The Merry Wives of Windsor, " which did not please me
at all in no part of it." The Taming of the Shrew, " a silly play
and an old one."
He generally sat in the pit (the stalls) and spent several shillings
on oranges. Of course he went behind the scenes frequently
as he had many friends among the actresses.
Here is the best description of the other side of the curtain :
To the King's house : and there going in met with Knipp and she took
us up into the tireing rooms ; and to the womens' shift where Nell was dressing
herself and was all unready, and is very pretty, prettier than I thought. And
into the scene room and there sat down and she gave us fruit. . . . But Lord
to see how they were both painted would make a man mad and did make me
loath them ; and what base company of men comes among them and how
lewdly they talk ! And how poor the men are in clothes and yet what a show
they make on the stage by candle light is very observable. But to see how
Nell CTirsed for having so few people in the pit was pretty ; the other house
carrying away all the people at the new play and is said nowadays to have
generally most companj^ as being better players. By and by into the pit and
there saw the play which is pretty good.
But acting and even beautiful women were secondary with
Pepys compared to his love of music. For not only was he
rapturously fond of listening to it, but he played several instru-
ments, he sang and he composed. So much so that in after life
there are notes in his letters saying it is " still my utmost luxury "
and referring no doubt to his growing blindness " music was never
of more use to me than it is now." The references to music are
far too numerous to be sufficiently quoted to show what a large
part of his time was occupied with it. But as some of the most
92
ENGLISH DIARIES
charming passages in the diary have music as their background;
a few examples must be given :
Coming in, I find my wife plainly dissatisfied with me that I can spend so
much time with Mercer teaching her to sing and coiild not take the pains with
her which I acknowledge, but it is because that the girl do take musique
mighty readily and she do not and musique is the thing of the world that I
love most.
To the King's House to see " the virgin Martyr "... that which did please
me beyond anji:hing in the whole world was the'wind-musique when the angel
comes down, which is so sweet that it ravished me and indeed in a word did
wrap up my soul so that it made me really sick, just as I have formerly been
when in love with my wife ; that neither then nor all the evening going home
and at home, I was able to think of anything but remained all night trans-
ported so as I could not believe that ever any miosic hath that real command
over the soul of a man as this did upon me ; and makes me resolve to practice
wind-musique and to make my wife do the like.
I played also, which I have not done this long time before upon any instru-
ment and at last broke up and I to my office a little while being fearful of
being too much taken with musique for fear of returning to my old dotage
thereon and so neglect my bvisiness as I used to do.
I by water at night late to Sir G. Carteret's but there being no one to carry me
I was fain to call a skuller that had a gentleman already in it, and he proved
a man of love to musique and he and I sung together the way down with great
pleasure and an incident extraordinary to be met with.
[Even as he walked along] . . . humming to myself (which now a days is my
constant practice since I began to learn to sing) the trillo and find by use
that it do come upon me.
[While Hales paints his wife's portrait] while he painted, Knipp, Mercer
and I sang.
Wife did a little business while Mercer and I staid in the coach and in a
quarter of an hour I taught her the whole Larke's song perfectlj"^ so excellent
an ear she hath.
Reluctantly indeed must we pass on from these and many other
quotations showing him playing his many instruments, teaching
his wife, criticising and appreciating the music he hears, and
composing his songs, the chief one of which was " Beauty Retire."
Pepys was a courtier. His business brought him into close
contact with the King, the Duke of York, and what he calls " very
high company." While he thoroughly enjoys the pomp and
circumstances of Court life, he fully realises the dissolute char-
acter of Charles II's entourage. He cannot refrain from admiring
the King's various mistresses, but he deplores the general tone
of the Court and foresees trouble : " every day things look worse
and worse. God fit us for the worst." While he himself is
SAMUEL PEPYS 93
mightily pleased at a word from the King, the sycophancy and
adulation of courtiers sicken him.
He was an embarrassingly close observer of Lady Castlemaine
whenever he saw her :
One thing of familiarity I observed in my Lady Castlemaine : she called to
one of her women for a little patch off of her face and put it into her mouth
and wetted it and so clapped it upon her own by the side of her mouth, I suppose
she feeling a pinaple rising there.
The constant references to the King's amours are not very
edifying, nor indeed interesting. He pictures the King in Council
making inane remarks or playing with Ms dog instead of listening
to the business, and at the tennis court :
but to see how the King's play was extolled without any cause at all was a
loathsome sight though sometimes indeed he did play very well and deserved
to be commended ; but such open flattery is beastly.
Pepys was quite shrewd enough to see that the Court were
riding for a fall. He disapproved strongly of the Duke of York's
advice to the King to rule without a parUament, and he sums up
the situation when Parhament is dissolved in 1667 :
Thus they are dismissed again to their general great distaste, I believe the
greatest that ever Parliament was, to see themselves so fooled and the nation in
certain condition of ruin while the King, they see, is only governed by his lust,
and women, and rogues about him.
The best epitome of the situation that any historian could
make.
Pepys was a zealous official and there are many entries with
regard to his work, the naval policy of the day and the war with
Holland. His general estimate of the Duke of York in connection
with the Navy is favourable. But he is often in despair at the
state of affairs :
All the morning I was much troubled to think what the end of our great
sluggishness will be, for we do nothing in this office hke people able to carry
on a war.
His great opportunity came when he was called to the Bar of
the House of Commons, and there made his celebrated defence
of naval administration before a very hostile House.
I began our defence most acceptably and smoothly and continued at it
without any hesitation or losse but with full scope and all my reason free about
me as if it had been at my own table.
The speech was a huge success.
94 ENGLISH DIARIES
All the world that was within hearing did congratulate me and cry up my
speech as the best thing they ever heard.
The King said " Mr. Pepys I am very glad of your success yesterday."
No wonder we read later :
and my great design if I continue in the Navy is to get myself to be a Par-
liament man.
During the terrible days of the Plague, Pepys remained at his
post and gives descriptions of the gruesome scenes and his con-
stant sight of corpses in the streets. Of the fire, too, he was also
an eye-witness :
Staid tiU it was dark almost and saw the fire grow ; and as it grew darker
appeared more and more ; and in corners and upon steeples and between
churches and houses as far as we could see up the hill of the City m a most
horrid, malicious, bloody flame not like the fine flame of an ordinary fire . . .
we saw the fire as only one entire arch of fire from this to the other side of the
bridge and in a bow up the hill for an arch of above a mile long ; it made me
weep to see it.
Pepys' capacity for being interested and entertained by ex-
periences of widely different characters might be illustrated by
his delightful description on the one hand of the Shepherd on the
Downs, and on the other hand of the gambhng scene at the
" Groome Porters." But justice cannot be done to either without
very long extracts.
In quest of experiences indeed he once goes into very low
company and ends his account of it :
But Lord ! What loose company was this that I was in to-night, though
full of wit and worth a man's being in for once to know the nature of it, and
their manner of talk and lives.
This is Pepys' secret, nothing was above or beneath him. To
the appeal of human nature in all its various disguises he was ever
ready to respond — only sohtude to him was intolerable. His
,, extreme sociability helped him.
Dined alone ; sad for want of company and know not how to eat alono.
His passing comments and characterisation in a line or two on
people he meets are often inimitable :
Aunt James ; a poor, religious, well meaning, good soul talking of nothing
but God Almighty and that with so much innocence that mightily pleased me.
Dr. Tom Pepys is dead for which I am but little sorry not only because he
would have been troublesome to us, but a shame to his family and profession
— he was such a coxcomb.
SAMUEL PEPYS 95
Lady Crewe ; the same weak silly lady as ever asking saintly questions.
Mr, Case : a dull fellow in his talk and all in the Presbyterian manner ; a
great deal of noise and a kind of religious tone, but very dull.
Mrs. Horsfield ; one of the veriest citizen's wives in the world, so fxoll of
little silly talk and now and then a little slyly indecent.
Nothing has been said of the books he read, bought, collected,
and had bound. It was yet another hobby of his and the one
to which in his old age he devoted much attention, with the result
that his collection is handed down to us in the Pepysian Ubrary
at Cambridge. He must have spent a great sum on books, though
he was by nature extremely careful about his money.
Every year he gives us a note of his balance, which gradually
grows as his position improves. Throughout he maintains his
loyalty and gratitude to his original patron. Lord Sandwich, to
whom when his lordship was out of favour he writes an admir-
able letter of respectful advice.
Although the diary is regularly kept, the entries vary in length.
The political situation or some particularly entertaining ex-
perience sometimes occupies several pages. But the briefest one
line entry somehow gives one a faithful reflection of mood as well
as of event ; for instance, " April 4. Home, and being washing-
day, dined upon cold meat," or to take an example of his more
compressed style, packing all the events of the day into a few
lines :
April 10. Friday. All the morning at office. At noon with W. Penn
to Duke of York and attended Council. So to Duck Lane and then kissed
bookseller's wife, and bought Legend. So home, coach. Sailor. Mrs.
Hannam dead. News of peace. Conning my gamut.
No doubt the Pepys of the later years became more discreet,
more important, and probably less frivolous. But we must part
from him, not because we lose interest in him, but simply because
he ceases to be a diarist.
JOHN EVELYN
EVELYN'S diary covers more than half a century, 1640-
1706. There is a natural inclination to draw a comparison
between the journals of Evelyn and Pepys. But although
the two diarists were contemporaries and friends, and although
they came across many common acquaintances in their official
and Court experiences, they did not hve in the same stratum of
society, and their method, their motive, their point of view, their
manner and their characters were so completely different that
except for the fact that they refer to the same people and the
same events, the two celebrated journals that have been handed
down to us have very little resemblance, and they seem to call
for different moods in the reader. Pepys covers a period of a
little over eight years, Evelyn a period of sixty-six years, but
Pepys' diary is longer than Evelyn's. Pepys wrote daily, Evelyn
wrote intermittently. Pepys left his diary untouched, Evelyn's
is written up at subsequent dates, so much so that it comes very
near to being memoirs. Unlike Pepys, Evelyn indulges in no
introspection, and except for his tastes and his political views we
do not get in the pages of his diary any intimate revelation of his
character. In fact, we have to go to Pepys for a view of him
which mitigates the rather severe and sedate impression which
his own writing seems to suggest. Just as Evelyn's estimate
of Pepys portrays a more dignified figure than we might otherwise
have expected, so in Pepys' estimate of Evelyn we get a more
human picture than Evelyn himself gives us. Pepys refers to him
as " a very fine gentleman " and " a most excellent humoured
man " and tells the following anecdote :
The receipt of this news [a successful engagement against the Dutch] did
put us all into such an extasy of joy that it inspired into Sir J. Minns and Mr.
Evelyn such a spirit of mirth that in all my life I never met with so merry a
two hours as oiu* company this night was. Among other humours, Mr.
Evelyn repeating of some verses made up of nothing but the various accepta-
tions of '>nay and can and doing it so aptly upon occasion of something of that
nature and so fast did make us all die almost with laughing and did so stop
96
JOHN EVELYN 97
the mouth of Sir J. Minns in the middle of aU his mirth, and in a thing agreeing
with his own manner of genius, that I never saw any man so outdone in all
my life ; and Sir J. Minus's mirth too to see himself outdone was the crown of aU
our mirth.
Pepysalso describes a visit to Evelyn, who, after showing him
his art treasures,
read to me very much also of his discourse he hath been many years and now
IS about, about Gardenage ; which wiU be a most noble and pleasant piece
He read me part of a play or two of his making, very good, but not as he
conceits them, I think, to be. ... In fine a most exceUent person he is and
must be allowed a little for a little conceitedness ; but he may weU be so
being a man so much above others. He read me through, with too much
gusto, some little poems of his own that were not transcendant, yet one or
two very pretty epigrams.
They remained close friends for many years, and Evelyn
records a visit to Pepys in 1700, when he himself was 80 and Pepys
tJr'^'nV"'^^ 5'; ^'P^' ^* ^^P^^"" ^^^^^ ^^ h^« ^ ^^'y ^«ble and wonder-
fully well furnished house especially with Indian and Chinese curiosities.
the offices and gardens well accommodated for pleasure and retirement.
John Evelyn was born at Wotton House, near Dorking in
l^^?C S^Tf ' ^^"^ated at Balhol College, Oxford, and admitted
to the Middle Temple. In 1652 he settled at Sayes Court, at
IJeptlord. He enjoyed unbroken Court favour but he never
held any important official post. In a minor capacity he did
much useful and laborious work as commissioner for improving
the streets and buildings of London, for examining into the
affairs of charitable foundations, as commissioner of the Mint and
of foreign plantations. He was one of the founders, and after-
wards Secretary of the Royal Society, but refused the position
of President which was offered to him and later he was Treasurer
of Greenwich Hospital. In 1694 he left Sayes Court to hve at
Wotton with his brother, whom he succeeded in 1699. Evelyn
was a country gentleman of means, a patron of art, and a writer
ot many books on horticulture, science, and pohtics, the most
important of which was Sylva, a work on arboriculture and a plea
for afforestation He died at the age of 86. Living as he did
from the Civil War tiU after James IPs flight, he was the witness
ot many remarkable events.
He must have begun diary writing in 1640 or even before, and
he kept It up till within a month of his death. In writing up the
diary he gives an autobiographical note of his early life, and many
entries are clearly inserted some time after the events recorded
98 ENGLISH DIARIES
as there are several confusions in the dates. It is probable that
he wrote memoranda at the time, and then transcribed and
amplified them subsequently. Mr. Austin Dobson in his preface
to the diary says that the diary was " obviously never intended
for pubhcation " Evelyn was quietly, briefly and methodic-
ally noting what seemed to him worthy of remembrance.
Although from the psychological point of view we are not
admitted to any very close inspection of Evelyn's inner character,
nevertheless we get the general impression from his opinions, tastes
and occupations of a very high-minded, cultivated and refined
man of domestic habits, without perhaps much sparkle or vnt, but
shrewdly observant and with considerable literary aptitude and
a great deal of scientific knowledge. ^
In his earher years he travels a great deal, making a Grand
Tour " in France, Italy and Flanders. He gives his impressions
at great length, but as we have already noted, travellers' experi-
ences and description of foreign scenery and monuments are
seldom interesting reading. Between his journeys he is in Lon-
don, not apparently engaged in any occupation.
Jan. 19. I went to London where I stayed tiU March 5 studying a little
but dancing and fooling more.
At the age of 32 he describes an exciting and dangerous adven-
ture he has with two cut-throats, who set on him three miles
from Bromley, robbed him and tied him up to a tree.
Left in this manner grievously was I tormented with flies, ants and the sun
nor was my anxiety little how I should get loose in that solitary place where I
could neither hear nor see any creature but my poor horse and a few sheep
straggling in the copse.
However, with great efforts, he manages to loosen his hands
and get free and he afterwards recovers the rings, buckles, and
onyx seal of which he had been robbed.
From the earliest times Evelyn shows a particular appreciation
of works of art and throughout the diary he refers constantly
to pictures, prints and all manner of objets d'art which he comes
across, so that rare perspectives, miniatures, landscapes, anti-
quities, relievos, collections of tailU douces, vases of porcelain,
brasses, cabinets of maroquin, tapestries, medals, intagUos, etc.,
etc., figure very frequently in his diary. The following entry
characteristic of his artistic tastes may be given :
Came old Jerome Laniere of Greenwich a man skilled in painting and music
and another rare musician called Mell. I went to see his collection of pictures
especially those of Julio Romano which sure had been the King s and an
JOHN EVELYN 99
Egyptian figiire etc. There were also excellent things of Polydore Guido,
Raphael, and Tintoretto. Laniere had been a domestic of Queen Elizabeth
and showed me her head, an intaglio in rare sardonyx cut by a famous
Italian which he assured me was exceeding like her.
Evelyn's greatest artistic achievement we may safely say was
his discovery of Grinhng Gibbons, the great carver in wood. We
will let him tell the story in his own words :
1670-1. Jan. 18. This day I first acquainted his Majesty with that
incomparable young man. Gibbons, whom I had lately met with in an obscure
place by mere accident as I was walking near a poor solitary thatched house
in a field in our parish near Sayes Court. I found him shut in ; but looking
in at the window I perceived him carving that large cartoon or crucifix of
Tintoretto. ... I asked if I might enter ; he opened the door civilly to me
and I saw him about such a work as for the curiosity of handling, drawing
and studious exactness I never had before seen in all my travels. I questioned
him why he worked in such an obscure and lonesome place ; he told me it
was that he might apply himself to his profession without interruption and
wondered not a little how I found him out. (Gibbons tells him he would Uke
to sell that piece for £100.) In good earnest the very frame was worth the
money there being nothing in nature so tender and delicate as the flowers
and festoons about it and yet the work was very strong. ... I found he was
likewise musical and very civil and sober and discreet in his discoiu-se.
Charles II comes round to Sir Richard Browne's (Evel3m's
father-in-law) chamber to see the carving.
No sooner was he entered and cast his eye on the work but he was astonished
at the curiosity of it and having considered it a long time and discoursed to
Mr. Gibbons whom I had brought to kiss his hand he commanded that it
shoiild be immediately carried to the Queen's side to show her. It was
carried up into her bedchamber when she and the King looked on and admired
it again ,• the King being called away left us with the Queen believing she
would have bought it, it being a crucifix ; but when His Majesty was gone a
French peddling woman one Madame de Boord who used to bring petticoats
and fans and baubles out of France to the ladies, began to find fault with
several things in the work which she understood no more than an ass or a
monkey, so as in a kind of indignation I caused the person who brought it to
carry it back to the chamber finding the Queen so much governed by an
Ignorant Frenchwoman and this incomparible artist had his labour only for
hie pains which not a little displeased me.
Nevertheless, Gibbons' reputation grew and Evelyn tells us
seventeen years later in the next reign that in the Queen's apart-
ment in Whitehall, "the carving about the chimney piece by
Gibbons is incomparable."
In addition to art, Eveljoi's interests were of the most varied
description. We find him discoursing at considerable length on
all sorts of mechanical devices, strange clocks, an engine for
weaving silk stockings, a diving bell, musical instruments, glass
100 ENGLISH DIARIES
works, paper mills, fireworks, rattle snakes, a whale, a rhinoceros,
a fire eater, a knife swallower, and a hairy woman. But first and
foremost came his love of gardens and his intense interest not
only in his o^^'n, but in the many he inspects. It is impossible
to give a large selection of his charming descriptions as they are
generally long and elaborate. A few must suffice :
Marden. . . . It is in such a solitude among hills as being not above sixteen
miles from London seems almost incredible, the ways up to it are so winding
and intricate. The gardens are large and well walled and the husbandry
part made very convenient and perfectly understood. . . . Innumerable are
the plantations of trees especially walnuts. The orangery and gardens are
very curiovis. . . . This place is exceeding sharp in Winter by reason of the
serpentining of the hiUs and it wants running water ; but the solitude much
pleased me. All the ground is so full of wild thyme, marjoram and other
sweet plants that it cannot be overstocked with bees ; I think he had near
forty hives of that industrious insect.
Windsor. . . The Castle itself is large in circumference ; but the rooms
melancholy and of ancient magnificence. The keep or mount hath besides
its incomparable prospect, a very profoimd well ; and the terrace towards
Eton with park, meandering Thajnes, and sweet meadows yield one of the
most deUghtful prospects.
Swallowfield . . . the gardens and waters as elegant as it is possible to make
a flat by art and industry and no mean expense, my lady [Lady Clarendon]
being so extraordinarily skilled in the flowery part and my lord in dihgence
of planting ; so that I have hardly seen a seat which shows more tokens of it
than what is to be found here not only in the delicious and rarest fruits of a
garden, but in those innmnerable timber trees in the gi'ound about the seat
to the greatest ornament and benefit of the place. . . . The garden is so
beset with all manner of sweet shrubs that it perfmnes the air. The dis-
tribution also of the quarters walks and parterres is excellent. . . . There
is also a certain sweet willow and other exotics ; also a very fine bowling green
meadow pasture and wood ; in a word all that can render a country seat
delightful.
Politically Evelyn was a staunch Royalist, but his opinions
did not carry him to any heroic length.
After the trial of Strafford and the severance from its shoulders
of " the wisest head in England " he discreetly withdraws him-
self for a season, " from this ill face of things at home " and during
the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, although he clung
consistently to the traditions of the Church, he was far too cautious
to allow his resistance to take any active form. After the Re-
storation he is in high favour at Court, and he always refers to
" the Usurper Ohver " and his followers in terms of the greatest
disparagement. On the return of Charles, of whom he had seen
a good deal during his exile, Evelyn goes with the Sussex gentle-
men to present an Address :
JOHN EVELYN lOi
I kissed His Majesty's hand who was pleased to own me more particularly
by calling me his old acquaintance and speaking very graciously to me.
Charles consults him about the smoke nuisance, which even
in those days was being tackled and about which Evelyn \vTote
Ms Fumifugium which he dedicated to the King. He has con-
versations with him about bees, gardens, arboriculture and new
designs for rebuilding Whitehall. The King also commissions
him to write on the Dutch war,
enjoining me to make it a little keen for that the Hollanders had very unhand-
somely abused him in their pictures, books and libels.
Of the strange royal ceremony of touching for the e\d\ there
is a full description :
1660. His Majesty began first to touch for the evil according to custom
thus ; His Majesty sitting imder his state in the Banqueting-house the
chirurgeons cause the sick to be brought or led up to the throne,°where they
kneeling, the King strokes their faces or cheeks with both his hands at once
at which instant a chaplain in his formalities says " He put liis hands upon
them and he healed them." When they have all been touched they come up
again in the same order and the other chaplain kneeling and having angel
gold [a coin with the figure of an angel on it] stnmg on white ribbon'^on his
arm dehvers them one by one to His Majesty who puts them about the necks
of the touched as they pass whilst the first chaplain repeats " This is the true
light that came into the world."
Charles is said to have " touched " nearly a hundred thousand
people during his reign.
Pageants and ceremonies and attendance at Court, however,
were not greatly to Evelyn's liking, for he says :
I came home to be private a little not at all a£Eecting the life and hurry of
Court.
He gives us the following description of the Queen :
She was yet of the handsomest countenance of all the rest and though low
of stature, prettily shaped, langtiishing and excellent eyes, her teeth wronging
her mouth by sticking a little too far out ; for the rest lovely enough.
Evelyn is by no means blind to the dissolute character of
the Court and makes many references to the King's mistresses,
especially Louise de Keroualle (Duchess of Portsmouth) with
her "childish simple and baby face." His final estimate of
Charles is worth quoting in full :
He was a prince of many virtues and of many imperfections ; debonair,
easy of access, not bloody nor cruel ; his countenance fierce, his voice great,
proper of person, every motion became him ; a lover of the sea and skilful
in shipping ; not afiecting other studies, yet he had a laboratory and knew of
102 ENGLISH DIARIES
many empirical medicines and the easier mechanical mathematics ; he loved
planting and building and brought in a politer way of living which passed to
luxury and intolerable expense. He had a particular talent in telling a story
and facetious passages which he had innumerable. . . . He took delight in
having a number of little spaniels follow him and lie in his bedchamber where
he often suffered the bitches to puppy and give suck, which rendered it very
offensive and indeed made the whole court nasty and stinking. He would
doubtless have been an excellent prince had he been less addicted to women
who made him vmeasy and always in want to supply their tmmeasurable
profusion . . . his too easy nature resigned him to be managed by crafty men
and sonae abandoned and profane wi'etches who corrupted his otherwise
sufficient parts, disciplined as he had been by many afflictions during his
banishment which gave him much experience and knowledge of men and
things ; but those wicked creatures took him from off all application becom-
ing so great a King. . . . He was ever kind to nne and very generous upon all
occasions and therefore I cannot without ingratitude but deplore his loss.
Evelyn gives a very full account of the document which Pepys
had been shown by James II, proving that Charles II " both
was and died a Roman Catholic." Evelyn as a loyal Protestant
was deeply shocked.
I was, — he says — heartily sorry to see all this though it was no other than
was to be suspected by his late Majesty's too great indifference, neglect, and
course of life. . . . God was incensed to make his reign very troublesome
and unprosperous by wars, plagues, fires, loss of reputation by an universal
neglect of the public for the love of a voluptuous and sensual life which a
vicious Court had brought into credit.
He makes a very wrong estimate of James II's character when
he says :
By what I observed in this journey is that infinite industry, sedulity,
gravity and great understanding and experience of affairs in His Majesty that
I cannot but predict much happiness to the nation as to its political govern-
ment.
However, he is soon disillusioned and accepts the advent of
William III, who with his " thoughtful countenance is wonderful
serious and silent and seems to treat all persons alike gravely
and to be very intent on affairs." Princess Anne he only refers
to as making " so little figure."
There are many interesting character sketches and personal
descriptions in the diary. He visits Sir Thomas Browne, whose
house and garden he describes as " a paradise," and in addition
to courtiers and statesmen he is friends with artists, men of
letters and antiquaries such as Kneller (who paints his portrait),
Christopher Wren, Ashmole, Camden and Dugdale.
Evelyn lived through a time of such stirring incidents that his
diary is a very important supplement to the history of the Stuart
1
JOHN EVELYN 108
period. But in our extracts we can only cull here and there some
of his most characteristic passages.
It is curious to note that less than a week before the outbreak
of the Great Fire of London he was engaged in surveying St.
Paul's Cathedral and making recommendations for strengthening
and restoring the structure. This was on August 27, 1666, and
on September 3, the day after the outbreak, he describes it :
The conflagration was so universal and the people so astonished that from
the beginning I know not by what despondency or fate they hardly stirred
to quench it ; so that there was nothing heard or seen but crying out and
lamentation, running about like distracted creatures without at all attempting
to save even their goods ; such a strange consternation there was upon them
so as it burned both in breadth and length the churches, public halls, Exchange,
hospitals, monimaents and ornaments ; leaping after a prodigious manner
from house to house and street to street at great distances one from the
other. . . . God grant mine eyes may never behold the like who now saw
above 10,000 houses all in one flame ! The noise and cracking and thunder
of impetuous flames, the shrieking of women and children, the hurry of the
people, the fall of towers, houses, and chxirches was like a hideous storm . . .
the stones of Paul's flew like grenades the melting lead running down the
streets in a stream and the very pavements glowing with fiery redness so as
no horse nor man was able to tread on them.
Two years earlier, but entered curiously enough on the wrong
date, he gives an account of Oliver Cromwell's funeral :
Saw the superb funeral of the Protector. He was carried from Somerset
House in a velvet bed of state drawn by six horses. . . . Oliver lying in
effigy in royal robes and crowned with a crown, sceptre and globe like a King.
... In this equipage they proceeded to Westminster ; but it was the joyfullest
funeral I ever saw ; for there were none that cried but dogs which the soldiers
hooted away with a barbarous noise drinking and taking tobacco in the streets
as they went.
Here is the earliest description of the Grenadier Guards :
1678. Now were brought into service a new sort of soldiers called Grena-
diers who were dexterous in flinging hand grenadoes, everyone having a pouch
full ; they had furred caps with coped crowns like Janizaries which made
them look very fierce and some had long hoods hanging down behind as we
pictiire fools. Their clothing being likewise piebald, yellow and red.
We get some view of the domestic side of Evelyn's life from
his references to his home and his wife and children. During
the Great Frost of 1684, he describes the first fair on the Thames
and the coaches pljdng from Westminster to the Temple on the
ice, but he hurries home to see the effects on his own garden :
I went to Sayes Court to see how the frost had dealt with my garden when
I found many of the greens and rare plants utterly destroyed. The oranges
104 ENGLISH DIARIES
and myrtles very sick, the rosemary and laurels dead to all appearance, but
the cypress likely to endure it.
After a hurricane, too, he notes how his own trees have suffered,
and one feels that his garden which he began with such thought
and care to set out as early as 1653 was the real background of his
life.
In 1698 Sayes Court Avas occupied for a time by Peter the
Great, who was the King's guest, Evelyn goes down to Deptford
" to see how miserably the Czar had left my house after three
months making it his Court." One of the amusements of " his
Zarish Majesty " was to be driven furiously in a wheel-barrow
through the magnificent holly hedge, which was 400 feet long,
9 feet high and 5 feet in diameter.
In 1647 Evelyn married a daughter of Sir Richard Bro^Tie.
She was his companion all his life through and survived liim
three years. However, we hear very little about her, as he did
not use his diary as a record of intimate relationships. He
notes the death of his children, and in two instances
breaks out into pathetic lamentations over his loss. His son
Richard, who died in 1657 at the age of 5, seems to have
been a most remarkable prodigy. His father gives a long account
of his wonderful talents :
At two years and a half old he could perfectly read any of the English,
Latin, French or gothic letters pronoiuicing the first three languages exactly.
He had before the fifth year, or in that j'^ear not only skill to read most written
hands but to decline all the notuis, conjugate the verbs regular and most
of the irregular ; learned out Puerilis, got by heart almost the entire vocabu-
lary of Latin and French primitives and verbs . . . began to write legibly and
had a strong passion for Greek. The number of verses he could recite was
prodigious ... he had a wonderful disposition to mathematics having by
heart divers propositions of Euclid . . . ^ had learned all his catechism early
and imderstood the historical part of the Bible and New Testament to a
wonder. . . . He had learned by heart divers sentences in Latin and Greek
which on occasion he would produce even to wonder. He was all life all
prettiness far from morose, sullen or childish in an3d;hing he said or did.
After a touching account of the little boy's death, he exclaims :
Here ends the joy of my life, and for which I go ever mourning to the grave.
Three weeks later he loses his youngest son, but resigns himself
to the will of Gk)d. In 1685 his daughter Mary was carried off
by the small-pox at the age of 19. She, too, was very talented
and intellectually proficient, and when she sang " it was as
charming to the eye as to the ear." The rapturous account of
her is perhaps the longest entry in the diary, and her death was
JOHN EVELYN I05
the bitterest loss he suffered in his hfe. At the conclusion he
says :
_ This is the little history and imperfect character of my dear child, whose
piety, virtue, and incomparable endowments deserve a monument more
durable than brass and marble. Precious is the memorial of the just. Much
I could enlarge on every period of this hasty account but that I ease and
discharge my overcoming passion for the present, so many things worthy an
exceUent Christian and dutiful child crowding upon me. Never can I say
enough, oh dear, my dear child, whose memory is so precious to me.
He had six sons, none of whom survived him, only one of them,
John, reaching manhood. Of his three daughters one outlived
her father.
Evelyn comments very rarely on his own health. When his
birthday comes round he gives heartfelt thanks to God for his
protection. He is of an orthodox rehgious nature, and while his
loyalty to the Crown makes him often appear too much to act
the part of a courtier, he not only refuses honours for himself but
occasional comments show that he was well aware of the low and
corrupt tone of Whitehall. For instance, he exclaims :
_ I now observed how the women began to paint themselves, formerly a most
ignoimnious thing and used only by prostitutes.
His occasional resolutions to survey his life, make " an accurate
scrutiny " of his actions and give himself up " more entirely to
God," his affection for his children, his deep compassion for the
wounded sailor who undergoes the amputation of a leg, his de-
testation of the " butcherly dog fighting and bull baiting " from
which he turns away " weary of the rude and dirty pastime,"
taken together with his appreciation of nobility of character
and his love of beauty— all point to a sensitively refined nature
It IS with somewhat of a shock, therefore, that we find him on
one or two occasions as callous and indifferent to scenes of horror
as any common person of his age. A more hideous and brutal
torture than that which he describes with elaborate detail as
having been undergone by a prisoner at the Chatelet cannot be
conceived. But he spares us nothing of the gruesome cruelty
of the scene, merely remarking at the end that the spectacle was
so uncomfortable " that he did not want to see it repeated with
a second malefactor. His political bias carries him the length
of being able to pass " the quarters " of some of the regicides
who had been executed, " mangled and cut, and reeking as they
were brought from the gallows in baskets on the hurdle " with
only the exclamation, " Oh, the miraculous providence of God ! "
106 ENGLISH DIARIES
Of course there were many hideous sights for the passer-by in
London of those days and to see " a miserable creature burning "
in Smithfield was nothing strange. Nevertheless, John Evelyn
appears so far in advance of his day in so many ways that the
occasional reminder of what he, like everyone else, considered
quite commonplace occurrences comes as a surprise.
The diary remained in two manuscript volumes until 1818,
when with the permission of the Evelyn family a selection was
printed, and fuller editions were issued in subsequent years.
i
^
^
HENRY TEONGE
TEONGE came from Spernall, in Warwickshire, and was
at one time rector of Alcester, near by. Circumstances
seem to have arisen which made him desire to absent
himself from his parish. Accordingly at the age of 54 he became
chaplain on "His Majesty's Frigott Assistance,'' and his first
voyage occupied from May, 1675, to November, 1676. After
staying some months in London he returned to Spernall, where
his son had been undertaking the rector's duties. But the
original cause of his absence appears to have remained in full
force. He says : " Though I was glad to see my relations and
olde acquaintance yet I Hved very uneasy being dayly dunnd by
som or other or else for feare of land pyrates which I hated worse
than Turkes." Consequently he set out on a second voyage
on board the Bristol and afterwards the Royal Oak, which lasted
from March 31, 1678, to June 28, 1679. During these two voyages
he kept a diary, in which he records the fortunes of the ship and
in very picturesque language describes the new and curious
sights he saw. He enjoys himself thoroughly, "no hfe at the
shoare being comparable to this at sea." He is always " merry "
and " without the least care, sorrow or trouble."
On his first voyage he joined Sir John Narborough's expe-
dition against the corsairs of the Barbary States, and whether
in storm or in calm, in active service or merely sightseeing, his
cheerful disposition never leaves him and there is " nothing but
merryment." Every Sunday he is by way of preaching or con-
ducting a service, though at times he writes : " no prayers to-day
by reason of business." He sometimes gives the text of his
sermon, but theological and indeed moral questions do not seem
to trouble him at all. He bursts into verse on many occasions,
but his poems are not of a high order and his ballads about
Chloris, Amynta, Phyllis and Amaryllis are not worth quoting.
He writes a poem to his wife beginning :
107
108 ENGLISH DIARIES
O ! Ginnee was a bonny lasse
Which makes the world to woonder
How ever it shotdd com to passe
That wee did part a smider.
He gives an acrostic as a new year's gift to the captain, and he
is always ready with a Latin epitaph if one of the crew dies.
" Boules of punch " occur very frequently : and the feasting was
often on a tremendous scale :
Nov. 9. Wee had a princehke dinner ; and every health that wee dranke,
every man broake the glass he drank in ; so that before night wee had destroyd
a whole chest of pure Venice glasse.
The consul at Assera gave them " a treate," "' such a on as I
never saw before." He gives a careful plan of the thirty-six
dishes which were placed on the table : " Turkeys, geese, venison
pasty, a pyramid of marchpane, a dish of harticocks, sausages,
biscotts, etc., etc." But later a Mr. Brown gives a feast which
" did far exceede the Consull's feast." " There were above a
hundred princely disshes, besyds cheese and other small dishes
of rare kinds of sweete meats."
Even " a brave gale " does not destroy his appetite :
More myrth at dinner this day than ever since we cam on board. The
wind blew very hard and we had to dinner a rimap of Xante beife a little
salted and weU rested. When it was brought in to the cabin and set on the
table (that is, on the fioore for it could not stand on the table for the ship's
tossing) . . . wee all sat closse roimd about the beife, some seciu-ing themselves
from sliirring by setting their feete against the table which was fast tyd
downe. The Lieutenant set his feete against the bedd and the Captain set
his back against a chayre. Severall tumbles we had, wee and our plates, and
our knives slurrd oft together. Otir liquer was white rubola, admirable
good. Wee had also a couple of f att pullets- ; and whilst wee were eating of
them a sea cam and forced into the cabin through the chinks of a port hole,
which by looking behind me I just discovered when the water was coming
under mee. I soone got up, and no whitt wett ; but all the rest were well
washed and got up as fast as they could and laughed on at the other.
Of the various places in the Mediterranean at which they
stopped he gives picturesque descriptions, entering into historical
details. He finds the Maltese " extremely courteouse " and
when the knights came on board " I had much discourse, I being
the only entertainer because I could speak Latine ; for which
I was highly esteemed and much invited on shoare again."
A description of an Arabian lady at Antioch is a good instance
of the chaplain's graphic style :
HENRY TEONGE 109
This Arabian Lady was tall and very slender very sworfy of complexion
and very thinn faced ; having nothing on but a thinn loose garment a kinde
of gyrdle about her middle and the garment open before. She had a ringe
in her left nostrill which hvmg downe below her nether lipp ; at each eare a
round globe as bigg as a tennis ball, shining Uke gold, and hanging almost as
low as her brest. . . . She had also gold chaines about her wrists and the
smalls of her naked legs. Her nayles of her fingers were coloured almost
redd and her lips coloured as blew as indigo ; and so also was her belly from
the navill to her hammes, painted blew like branches of trees or strawberry
leaves. Nor was she cautious but rather ambitious to shew you this sight ;
as the only raryty of their sex or country. The rest of the women were all
alike for their painting in all places but farr fowler.
Christmas Day is a great opportunity for merriment :
Chi-istmas day wee keepe thus. At 4 in the morning our trumpeters all
doe flatt their trumpetts and begin at our Captain's cabin and thence to all
the officers and gentlemens' cabins ; playing a levite at each cabin doore and
bidding good morrow wishing a merry Christmas. After they goe to their
stations on the poope and somid 3 levitts in honour of the morning. At 10
wee goe to prayers and sermon ; text Zacc. ix. 9. Our Captaine had all his
officers and gentlemen to dinner with him where we had excellent fayre ; a
ribb of beife, plumb pudding, mince pyes, etc. and plenty of good wines of
severall sorts ; dranke healths to the King to our wives and friends and ended
the day with much civill myrth.
On January 30 they are obhged for once in a way to be less
merry.
This day being the day of our King's marterdome wee shew all the signes
of morning as possible wee can viz our jacks and fiaggs only halfe stafE high
. . . ringing the bells on the trumpet very dolefully . . . and so we ended the
day mornfully ; which made the Maltese much woonder till they understood
the reason of it.
The expedition was successful. Sir John Narborough negotiated
with the Dey of Tripoli and concluded a treaty with him. All the
stages in the negotiations are carefully noted by the diarist. The
ship suffered a good deal especially from gales on the voyage home.
He concludes on November 17 with the words :
Wee are payed off at Dedford ; where wee leave the rottenest frigot that
ever cam to England.
Before embarking on his second voyage he stays in London a
few days and has a sight of the King.
This morning our noble Captaine made my son Thomas a waterman and
tooke him and myself with him to WhitehaU where our Captain cam to mee
and told mee I should kisse His Majesty's hand. He had no sooner sayd so
but the King cam out ; my Capt. presented me to the King sajring An't please
your Majesty this gentleman is an old cavalier and my chaplen. I kneeled
110 ENGLISH DIARIES
downe he gave me his hand. I kist it and said Pray God blesse your Majesty !
He answered God blesse you boath together ! twice and walked alonge the
Gallery his wonted large pace.
They sailed along the coast of Portugal and Spain. Near Majorca
there was a sudden alarm owing to an unknown but " lusty ship
coming up with us." He himself goes up to the poop with his
staff gun. But after shots had been fired the ship turns out to be
a French vessel and a friend. But he relates an amusing incident
during the encounter :
The best passage was that wee had a Fryar with us, whoe, having been
drinking wine was grone a little valiant, and he had got a mvisket in his hand,
and a coller of bandeliares about him ; and to see him stand in his white
coate, ball'd pate, his muskett in his hand, and the 12 Apostles rattling about
him, was a sight which caused much laughter.
The Friar remains with them and on Sunday attends divine
service. He sits by the Chaplain " all the while very devoutly."
The mortality in the crew was fearful, as many as sixty-six dying
before they returned. Every few days he seems to be occupied
with burying one of the crew, till at last the captain falls ill and
dies. Teonge immediately goes to his cabin and composes a Latin
" distich," an immense epitaph and a poem in English. He con-
fesses for once we have had " a voyage of trouble." But he soon
recovers and, after the appointment of the new captain, he writes :
Wee are more merry than I thought wee should have beene ; our new
Captaine is wondrous free, not only of his excellent wine but also of his owne
good and free company among us. Wee had a pigg to dinner this day worth
8s. in England.
On one occasion he has a rival in Lord Mordant, an eccentric
character who afterwards saw a good deal of naval service. He
was son of Lord Avanloe and at this time was only about twenty
years old. Teonge's treatment of him is most entertaining :
Lord Mordant taking occasion by my not being very well would have
preacht and askt the Captain's leave last night and to that intent sate uptiU
4 in the morning to compose his speech and intended to have Mr. Norwood to
sing the Psalme. All this I myselfe heard in agitation ; and resolving to
prevent him I got up in the morning before I should have done had I had
respect to my owne health and cam into the greate cabin where I found the
zealous Lord with out Captaine whom I did so handle in a smart and short
discourse that he went out of the cabin in greate wrath. In the afternoon he
set on of the carpentar's crewe to worke about his cabin ; and I being ac-
quainted with it, did by my Captaine's order discharge the woorke man and
he left working ; at which the Reverent Lord was so vexed that he borrowed
a hammar and busyed himselfe all that day in nayUng up hangings : but
being done on the Sabaoth day and also when there was no necessity I hope
HENRY TEONGE 111
the woorke will not be long lived. From that day he loved neyther mee nor
the Captaine ; No prayers, for discontent.
One cannot help being rather sorry for the noble Lord who
spent all night preparing his sermon.
This time on Christmas Day they had not " so greate a dinner
as was intended." But they do not seem to have done so badly :
Wee had to dinner an e xcellent rice pudding in a great charger, a speccial
peice of Martinmas English beife, a neat's tongue, good cabbage, a charger
full of excellent fresh fish fryde, a douzen of wood cocks in a pye, a couple of
good henns roasted, 3 sorts of cheese ; and last of all a greate charger full of
blew figgs, almonds and raysings ; and wine and punch gallore and a dozen
of English pippens.
Our genial diarist returns to Spernall after being paid off, and
the bald mention of his death in the register on March 21, 1690,
is all that is to be found of his subsequent history. It is to be
hoped that he succeeded this time in saving enough to keep him
out of debt and trouble, as after his first voyage, although he
" gott a good summ of monys," he " spent greate part of it."
The diary, though filled with detail of his ship's progress, never-
theless presents in its natural and vivid style a delightful portrait
of the good-natured and observant author, without a trace of self-
consciousness, and gives a very good picture of naval life in the
time of Charles II.
The manuscript was in the possession of a Warwickshire family
for more than a century. It was offered accidentally to a pub-
lisher for sale and was eventually printed in 1825. As may be
imagined, a certain amount of expurgation was necessary before
publication. ,
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY I
MINOR DIARIES
JOHN MANNINGHAM
ALTHOUGH it contains a few memoranda and personal
/\ matters of a true diary kind, Manningham's diary is more
JL ]^ of a note-book in which he noted down a collection of
anecdotes, poems, epitaphs, gossip and jokes. It also includes
very long accounts of sermons. As will be seen, references to
sermons is a common feature in many diaries, but no other diarist
gives them at such length. He must have been able to write some
sort of shorthand, which was probably part of his legal training.
Manningham was a barrister of the Middle Temple. He Uved at
Bradbourn, in Kent ; the date of his birth is not known, but he
was entered of the Middle Temple in 1597. His will was proved
in 1622. His diary covers the period from March, 1601-02, to
April, 1603.
In the anecdotes and gossip he gives his authority, " cosen told
me," " my cosen's wife said," " Mr. Hall nar : ," or simply the
name of the author of the saying. He always records his move-
ments and journeys, but he gives no domestic details or account
of his daily occupations, though some of his memoranda are of a
homely character, as, for instance :
My cosen shee told him that Joane Bachellor upon Thursday last had
sent hir some fishe which she sent back again. Whereupon he said she was
of an ill natiire that could not forgive. And this shee tooke in such snufie
that she could not aSord him a good look all that day but blubberd.
Little epigrams of his own are scattered throughout the book :
Every man semes to serve himselfe.
Suspicion is noe proof e nor jealousy an equall judge.
A nobleman on horsebacks with a rable of footmen about him is but like
a huntsman with a kenneU of hounds after him.
112
JOHN MANNINGHAM 113
One fee i3 too good for a bad lawyer and two fees too little for a good one.
There are references to the manners and fashions of the day.
We learn that " a certain kind of compound called Laudanum "
had been recently introduced ; that " the play of shuttlecocke
is become soemuch in request at Court that the making of shuttte-
cockes is almost growne a trade in London," that scholars returning
from Italy adopted the "new fashioned salutacions belowe the
knee " ; and there is a good description of a popular preacher,
" a black fellow with a sour look but a good spirit, bold and some-
times bluntly witty." The incidents noted are for the most part
trivial, such as :
This afternoon a serving man, one of the Earl of Northumberland, fought
with swaggering Eps and ran him through the ear.
I heard my cosen Wingat is married to a riche widdowe in Kent.
We must give the now famous but not at all creditable reference
to Shakespeare among Manningham's anecdotes :
Upon a tyme when Burbidge played Richard III there was a citizen grone
soe farr in liking with him that before shee went from the play shee appointed
him to come that night unto hir by the name of Richard the Third. Shake-
speare overhearing their conclusion went before was intertained and at his
game ere Burbidge came. Then message being brought that Burbidge was
at the dore, Shakespeare caused returne to be made that William the Con-
queror was before Richard the Third. Shakespeare's name William. fMr
Touse ?)
This certainly is a curious way of referring to the actor who,
we are told, was known at that time as the author of several plays,
including Twelfth Night, the performance of which Manningham
himself attended, according to a note in his diary a few weeks
before.
We are greatly indebted to Manningham for one of the fullest
accounts that exist of the last hours of Queen Ehzabeth.
Dr. Parry, the Queen's chaplain, was a friend of Manningham's.
At this time he was Prebendary of York, later he became Bishop
of Gloucester and Worcester. He is frequently mentioned in the
diary. In April, 1602, our diarist writes :
Her Majestic merrily told Dr. Parry that shee would not heare him on Good
Friday :
" Thou wilt speake against me, I am sure " quoth shee ; Yet shee heard
him.
On IMarch 23, 1602-03, having heard Dr. Parry preach at
Richmond, he dines with him.
114 ENGLISH DIARIES
I dyned with Dr. Parry in the Privy Chamber and understood by him, the
Bishop of Chichester, the Deane of Windsor etc that hir Majeetie hath bin
by fitts troubled with melancholy some three or four raonthes but for thia
fortnight extreme oppressed with it, in soe much that shee refused to eate
anie thing to receive any phisike or admit any rest in bedd till within these
two or three dayes. Shee hath bin in a manner speechless for two dayes,
verry pensive and silent, since Shrovetide sitting sometymes with hir eye
fixed upon one object many howres togither, yet shee alwayes had hir perfect
senses and memory and yesterday signified by the lifting up of hir hand and
eyes to heaven a sjme which Dr. Parry entreated of hir, that shee beleeved
that fayth which shee had caused to be professed and looked faythfully to be
saved by Christe's merits and mercy only and noe other means. She took
great delight in hearing prayers, wovild often at the name of Jesus lift up her
hands and eyes to heaven. Shee would not heare the Archbishop speake of
hope of hir longer lyfe, but when he prayed or spake of Heaven and these
joyes, shee would hug his hand. It seems she might have Uved yf she
would have used meanes ; but shee woiild not be persuaded and princes
must not be forced. Hir physicians said shee had a body of a firme and
perfect constitucion likely to have lived many yeares. A royaU Majestie is
noe priviledge against death.
And on the following day :
This morning about three o'clock hir Majestie departed this lyfe, mildly
like a lamb, easily like a ripe apple from the tree, cum leve quadamfebre absque
gemitu. Dr. Parry told me that he was present and sent his prayers before
hir soule ; and I doubt not but shee is amongst the royal] saints in Heaven
in etemall joyes.
He gives an account of the accession of James I with this
comment :
I thinke the sorrowe for hir Majestie's departure was soe deep in many
hearts they covdd not soe suddenly showe anie great joy, though it could not
be lesse then exceeding greate for the succession of soe worthy a King.
The diary is contained in a smaU volume of 133 leaves, measuring
not quite 6 inches by 4. The original manuscript is in the British
Museum. It was reproduced by the Camden Society in 1868.
ELIAS ASHMOLE
THE old building in Broad Street, Oxford, known as the
Ashmolean Museum, which used to contain the collection
of curiosities left to the University by Ehas Ashmole, the
herald and antiquary, has helped to immortahse his name. Born
in 1617, he started Ufe as a soUcitor, and subsequently held a
variety of offices, such as Commissioner of Excise, Comptroller of
ELIAS ASHMOLE 115
the Ordnance, and Windsor Herald. His interest in astrology
gave place in his later life to a study of heraldry and antiquarian
research. He was offered the post of Garter King-at-Arms, but
he refused it in favour of Sir William Dugdale.
His diary begins by a recital of the chief events in his life from
his birth, but it must have been in or about 1641 that he began
making the actual entries, which are not by any means regular
and are very brief. They are chiefly of a private and personal
character. He supplies some domestic details and he makes very
frequent notes on the state of his health. His first wife dies in
1641, when he makes the following remarks :
She was a virtuous, modest, careful, and loving wife ; her affection was
exceeding great towards me as was mine to her which caused us to live so
happily together. Nor was I less beloved and esteemed by both her Father
and Mother inasmuch as at her Funeral her mother sitting near the corps
with Tears professed to the Baron of Kinderton's lady who after told it to me
and others present that she knew not whether she loved me or her onlv son
better. •'
In 1649 he marries Lady Mainwaring, who was some twenty
years his senior and had been married three times previously
Her son apparently disapproved of the match, as a year or so
before the marriage he broke into Ashmole's chamber and attacked
him because he thought " I would marry his mother " The
marriage was not a success, for, in 1655, Lady Mainwaring
petitioned for a separation and Ashmole notes in his diary:
The cause between me and my wife was heard where Mr. Serjeant Maynard
observed to the court that there were 800 sheets of depositions on my wife's
part and not one word proved against me of using her ill nor ever giving her
a bad or provoking word. ^
^ In January, 1668, he mentions Lady Mainwaring's death, and
in November of the same year he marries Ehzabeth Dugdale the
daughter of Sir William Dugdale, whom he had accompanied on
his visitation through England.
In 1647 he rejoices because
it pleased God to put me in mind that I was now placed in the condition I
, always desired which was that I might be enabled to live to myself and
studies without being forced to take pains for a livelihood in the world.
Not only does he regularly attend " the Astrologers feast," but
he seems to have been close friends with an alchemist whom he
raters to as " my father Backhouse."
thet^r^l!^'' ^^''''' Backhouse opened Inmself very freely touching
116 ENGLISH DIARIES
And later :
My father Backhouse lying sick . . . not knowing whether he should live
or dye about eleven of the clock told me in Syllables the true matter of the
Philosopher's stone which he bequeathed to me as a legacy.
We have notes on his occupations, how he learns seal engraving,
casting in sand, goldsmith's work and Hebrew, how he is com-
manded by the King to make a description of medals, how Joan
Morgan liis maid died of the small pox, when he discharged his
man Hobs, etc., etc. But by far the most frequent references in
the diary are to his own ailments, his constant toothache, and his
attacks of gout, and also to some of the very strange remedies
to which he had recourse. A few illustrations may be given :
A boyle broke out of my throat under my right ear.
About this time the left side of my neck began to break forth occasioned by
shaving my beard with a bad razor.
This night about one of the clock I fell ill of a surfeit occasioned by drinking
water after venison. I was greatly oppressed in my stomach and next day
Mr. Saunders the Astrologian sent me a piece of Briony root to hold in my
hand and within a quarter of an hour my stomach was freed of that great
oppression.
M ^ I took early in the morning a good dose of Elixir and hung three spiders
about my neck and they drove my ague away. Deo gratias.
I rubbed the skin near my rump whereupon it began to be very sore.
This unfortunate occurrence produces nearly a dozen almost
daily entries with regard to his symptoms. When he hurts his
right foot he applies " a black snail " to it (presumably a leech,
although he mentions them separately).
The last entry is dated October 9, 1687. He died in 1692.
The diary, which certainly throws some light on Ashmole's
personality, was published, together with some of his letters, in
a Uttle volume in 1717.
JOHN ROUS
WHILE he lived out of the world in the small village of
Santon Downham, in Suffolk, John Rous, a country
parson, took a very close interest in public affairs, and
his diary, which extends intermittently from 1625 to 1642, is filled
almost exclusively with proclamations, petitions, trials and mili-
(
i
JOHN ROUS 117
tary and foreign events. He seems to be aware that there are
other sources from which information on pubhc events can be
obtained when he writes :
The many occiirrences about Parliament business the differences between
the King's Majestie and them ; their Petitions, his answers (supposed or
otherwise) the affairs of Ireland etc are extant in multitudes of books and
papers (imto which God in mercy put an end).
There is an occasion when he records a discussion with his
neighbours at Brandon with regard to the Rochelle Expedition
in 1627. One of them
fell in general to speak distrustfully of the voyage and then of our war with
France which he would make our King the cause of.
^ Rous indignantly takes the liigh patriotic hne against these
" pro-French " anti-patriots, considering it
foul for any man to lay blame upon our own King and State. I told them I
would always speak the best of what our King and State did and think the
best too till I had good gromids.
Rous, who was an upholder of the doctrine of "my country
right or wrong," then proceeds to enlarge on the mischief and dis-
content caused by those who spoke disparagingly of State business.
Rous hved for many years with his father, who held the par-
sonage of Weering. He married twice and had several children,
but in his diary he never says a word about his family or himself!
He comments on the crops, prices and the weather, and notes
crimes and executions within the district.
Some of the public events he describes at great length, such as
the murder of Buckingham. Once or twice he suddenly inserts
quite irrelevantly some trivial incident. Between an entry giving
the protest of the House of Commons on a very eventful occasion
in May, 1629, and another with regard to the proclamation of
; peace with France, we find an account of a crow building its nest
in the sail of a windmill. In the same year he describes a man
who ate two toads on being offered a groat to do it. " When
both were down his stomach held them and he had his groate."
A particular feature of this diary is the skits and satirical verses
I which he collects and other miscellaneous documents, some of
I which have not been discovered in any other source. He does
! not always approve of the rhymes as he heads one series :
I hate these following railing rimes
Yet keepe them for president of the times.
118 ENGLISH DIARIES
Many of them are interesting and amusing, but as they have nothing
whatever to do with diary writing we must pass them by.
The diary was pubHshed by the Camden Society in 1856.
SIR WILLIAM BRERETON
SIR WILLIAM BRERETON, of Handforth, Cheshire, born
about 1604, kept a diary of his travels in 1634 when he went
to Holland, and again in the following year when he passed
through the north of England and Scotland. There is no personal
note in the diary, it is purely descriptive. But it is worthy of
notice, as the \\Titer is very observant and his style is picturesque.
He enters into minute detail with regard to all he sees and hears,
the daily entries sometimes occupying several pages. Architec-
ture, agriculture and the weather attract him chiefly, and he
sometimes makes a passing comment on the inns he stops at :
We lodged att the Crowne ; were well used ; 8d ordinarie ; and 5d oxir
servants and great entertainment and good lodging. A respective hoast and
honest reckoning.
Medical details seem to be an indispensable part of many
early diaries. Sir William Brereton, however, does not enlarge
on his o\vn health, but he notes the folloAving recipe :
The Bishop assiired mee that faire spring water in the morning receavea
into your mouth and there kept untill itt bee lukewarme and then swallowed
is an excellent medicine to cure the cholick and stone and that hee himself
had been hereby cured.
He gives a detailed account of " a most daintie new saltwork "
lately erected at Newcastle. But he is not above gossip and gives
a very full description of the charge brought against Ralph
Lambton of murdering his two wives.
In Scotland he is occasionally struck by the beauty of the
scenery. But in describing the Scots he seems to lose all his
usual restraint and lets himself go in unmeasured language.
The sluttishness and nastiness of this people is such that I cannott ommitt
the particularizing thereof though I have naore than sufficiently often touched
upon the same. Their houses and halls and kitchens have such a noysome
tast and savom* and that soe strong as itt doth oSend you, soe soone as you
come within their walls, yea sometimes when I have light from my horse, I
have felt the distate of itt before I have come into the house : yea, I never
came to my own lodging in Edinborough, or went out butt I was constrained
JOHN ASTON 119
to hold my nose or to use warme-wood or some such sented plant : Their
pewter I am confident is never scowred : they are afraid it should too much
weare and consume thereby : only sometimes and that but seldome they doe
sleightly rubb them over with a fillthy dish clowte dipped in most sluttish
greasy water. . . . To come into their kitchen and to see them dress their
meate and to behold the sinke (which is more offensive than any jakes) will be
a sufficient supper and will take off the edge of your stomack.
The writer of this diary of travels was educated at Brasenose
College, Oxford ; he was created a baronet in 1622 and was a
Knight of the Shire for Chester. He took a prominent part on the
side of the Parliament in the Civil War.
The journal is written in a clear, regular and very close hand-
writing. The MS. belonged originally to Dr. Percy, Bishop of
Dromore. Sir Walter Scott was much interested in it and went
so far as to offer his services should it be published. It eventually
passed into the hands of the Grey-Egertons of Oalton. It was
not printed until 1844, when Mr. Edward Hawkins, Keeper of the
Antiquities in the British Museum, edited it for the Chetham
Society.
Sections of the journal have appeared in the Surtees Society's
Collections, Inijjrints and Reprints by Richardson, and Early
Travellers in Scotland by Hume Browne.
JOHN ASTON
CHARLES I, on his expedition through York, Durham and
Northumberland in the first Bishop's war of 1639, took
with him John Aston, of Aston, in Cheshire, as " Privy
Chamber man extraordinary." Aston kept a diary from April 1
to June 29 which is of historical interest as giving the first-hand
observations of an eye-witness on the progress of the King's army.
Apart from this it has no personal or intimate features. When
he sets out, he says :
I had a cuirassier's armes for my selfe, close caske, gorget, back and breast
culet, pouldrons, vambrance, left hand gauntlet, and cuisses and a case of
pistoUs and great saddle.
He describes in detail towns, cathedrals, buildings and particu-
lars with regard to the movements of the army and the quartering
of the troops. The King's lodgings and goings and comings are
mentioned without any account of conversations or personal
remarks.
120 ENGLISH DIARIES
One quotation may be given to illustrate Aston's general style
in recording the incidents of camp life :
The 5th of June being Wednesday the order being not settled for our
watching, wee were commanded to attend and then divided the squadron
and cast lots which part should watch that night. It fell to my squadron
where I was to bee dismissed, soe I was ryding home about 6 o'clock and
there was presently a generall alarme through the campe. The Scots were
discreid from our quarter pitched on a hiU nearer Dunce, soe all the soiildiers
stood to their armes ; biit about 9 a clock the King and the army were better
quieted soe there was noe command layed upon us to attend only my selfe
was inforced to be there all night in Mr. Hinton's tent because I could not get
out of the army. Some thought the King knew of their intention to come
thither long before, but would suffer it to come as a soddaine alaram to the
campe to try their courage and affeccons which as the same polliticians sayed
his majestie began now to distrust, but theise were clergy. I know not how
well the King was satisfied but hee was inquisitive and curious as might bee
and come to the bulwarke with his perspective and there stood viewing and
coimting the tents a long while and was followed with his nobles and courtiers
as all amazed and wondring at the approach of the Scots, the King having
sent them word they should not come within 10 miles of the campe.
Aston was not really a diary writer. It was simply the import-
ance of the occasion which made him think it worth while to
keep a record of his three months with the King's army.
The manuscript of the diary is in the British Museum and has
been reproduced in the Surtees Society's publications.
WILLIAM DOWSING
/^ LTHOUGH not strictly speaking a private diary, William
/ \ Dowsing's Journal, both in matter and manner, is a unique
JL jL. document. He is described as " Parliamentary Visitor
appointed under a warrant from the Earl of Manchester for
demolishing the superstitious pictures and ornaments of churches
etc within the county of Suffolk in the years 1643-1644." In
August, 1641, an order was published by the House of Commons
" for the taking away of all scandalous pictures out of Churches
etc.," and Manchester received his commission as General of the
associated Eastern Counties in 1642. A good deal of destruction
of this kind had gone on since the Reformation, but in the seven-
teenth century it was done more systematically.
Dowsing confines his Journal to dated entries devoted only to
the registering of the amount of destruction he carries out in each
place he visits, and it is obvious that he has a certain satisfaction
i
WILLIAM DOWSING 121
in the work he is engaged on. The entries are more or less alike,
but a series taken from different parts of the Journal may be given
to show his style and method :
Sudbury. Peter's Parish. We brake down a Picture of God the Father»
2 Crucifix's, and Pictures of Christ about an himdred in all ; and gave order
to take down a Cross on the Steeple ; and diverse Azigels, 20 at least on the
Roof of the Church.
Sudbury. We brake down 10 mighty great angels in glass in all 80.
Haver. We brake down about an hundred superstitious Pictiires of God
and Christ ; and diverse others very superstitious ; and 200 had been broke
down before I came. We took away two popish Inscriptions with ora pro
nobis and we beat down a great stoneing Cross on the top of the Church.
Sometimes the " we " is exchanged for "I," showing his pride
in the part he personally took in the work.
Clare. We brake down 1000 Pictures superstitious ; I brake down 200 ;
3 of God the Father and 3 of Clu-ist and the Holy Lamb, and 3 of the Holy
Ghost lika a Dove with Wings ; and the 12 Apostles were carved in Wood
on the top of the Roof which we gave order to take down ; and 20 cherubima
to be taken down ; and the Smi and Moon in the East Windows, by the King's
Arms, to be taken down.
Copdock. I brake down 150 superstitious pictures 2 of God the Father and
2 Crucifixes ; did deface a cross on the Font and gave order to take down a
stoneing cross on the Chancel and to levell the Steps ; and took a Brass
Inscription with ora pro nobis and cujus animae propitietur Deus.
Bramford. A cross to be taken off the steple : we brake down 841 super-
stitious Pictures, and gave order to take down the steps and gave a fortnight's
time.
We were at the Lady Bruce's House and in her Chappel ; there was a
Picture of God the Father, of the Trinity, of Christ and the Holy Ghost,
the Cloven Tongues ; which we gave order to take down and the Lady pro-
mised to do it.
Window-breaking must have been his chief occupation, but on
one occasion " we could not reach them nor would they help us
to raise the ladders." He breaks up organs, pots for holy water,
covers for fonts and wooden images. Sometimes he gives orders
for the local authorities to carry out the work, as, for instance :
Dunwich. St. Peter's Church. 63 Cherubims, 80 at least of JESUS written
in Capital Letters on the Roof and 40 superstitious Pictures and a cross on
the top of the Steeple. All was promised by the Churchwardens to be done.
He visits Ufford in January and comes round again in August
to see if his orders have been carried out. But he finds that the
Churchwardens
122 ENGLISH DIARIES
that were enjoined these things above three months afore had not done them
in May and I sent one of them to see it done, but they woxild not let him have
the key.
New churchwardens are appointed and
Samuel Canham of the same Town said " I sent men to rifle the Church ", and
Will Brown old Churchwarden said " I went about to pull down the Church
and had carried away part of the Church."
Not content with the damage he does he also exacts a fee of
6s. 8d. which he notes do^^^l at the end of many of his entries.
Occasionally he has difficulty, for there occurs " he refused to
pay the 6s 8d." He evidently worked hard himself: " 2 crucifixes
which I brake of part," " Organs, which I brake," etc. When
he was employed in Cambridgesliire an eye-witness described him
as having " battered and beaten downe all our painted glass."
Incidentally in this shocking tale of destruction one learns how
richly decorated the churches were. There are only two or three
occasions on which he notes " nothing to reform."
A visitor to some of our Cathedrals to-day when he gazes at
nineteenth-century stained glass may regret that the Government
does not employ a judicious Dowsing.
The Journal was originally published in 1786.
ADAM EYRE
BORN at Haslehead, in Yorkshire, in 1614, Adam Eyre
served in the army during the Civil War under Lord Fairfax.
While in the army he kept a journal which unfortunately
is lost. At the close of the war he settled down at Haslehead,
where he spent his time in rural occupations, taking an active ;
part in the management of the affairs of the parish. For two
years, 1646-1648, he kept a diary in which he made daily entries
with great regularity. He calls it "A Dyurnall or catalogue
of all my actions and expenses from the 1st of January 1646."
A large part of the diary is taken up with records of payments
and expenses, his comings and goings, his rides and his inter-
course with his neighbours. The entries are often quite per-
functory and of httle interest. But sometimes he enters into
greater detail, as, for instance :
ADAM EYRE 123
I stayed at home all day and in the afternoon cut a come which putt me
to extraordinary trouble.
He records the fact that he took to smoking :
This day I took a pipe of tobacco and resolved to take every morning one
and every night one but no more.
He attends a football match :
I went to Bordhill to see a match plaj^ed at the foot ball between Peniston
and Thurlston but the crowd hindered the sports so that nothing was done.
Eyre was evidently a reader and lent and borrowed books
and occasionally bought them. The following are mentioned :
Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World ; Bateman upon Bar-
tholomew ; Crisp's Sermons ; Saltmarshes' Smoke in the Temple ;
Mr. Dell's Sermons ; a Discourse on the Council of Basel ; The
Personal Reign of Christ upon Earth, by Archer ; England's Pro-
pheticall Merlin and the Starry Messenger, by Lylle (W. Lilly, the
astrologer).
His reading perplexed him, for he writes : " had varyous
thoughts by reason of the varyety of mens' opinions I find in
reading." Though Adam Eyre probably only intended his diary
to be a bald record of events, gradually he begins to make it his
confidant. We can see by his reading that he is of a rehgious
disposition, and he had just the degree of morbidity which makes
a diarist expose himself as if in a confessional. There is no happy
note in the writing, and his wife appears to have been a sore
trial to him, so that he finds himself in his frequent moods of
depression obliged to write about her. The only word of anything
approaching appreciation of her is " my wife was very extrava-
gant in her old humorous way."
The first outburst occurs six months after he had begun his
diary :
June 8. This mome my wife began after her old manner to braule and revile
mee for wishing her only to weare such apparrell as was decent and comly
and accused mee of treading on her sore foote with curses and othes ; which
to my knowledge I touched not, nevertheless she continued in that extacy til
noone.
A few days later : " This night my wife was worse in words
than ever." In the autumn : " This day was my wife very
angry and I stayed at home all day."
At the beginning of the next year a little more light is thrown
124 ENGLISH DIARIES
on the domestic differences which seems to show the fault was not
all on one side:
Jan. 1. This morne I used some words of persuasion to my wife to forbeare
to tell mee of what is past and promised her to become a good husband to her
for ye tyme to come and she promised me likewise shee would doe what I
wished her in anything save in setting her hand to papers ; and I promised
her never to wish her therunto.
This may have been a reconciliation, for no further mention
of Mrs. Eyre occurs.
Whether it was infidelity, drink or something else which threw
Adam Eyre from time to time into a paroxysm of depression and
self-condemnation does not appear.
There is far less record of drinking than is usual in the diaries
of this period. In fact only once does he write : " God forgive
mee I drunk too much." Nevertheless the depression takes hold
of him, as when he says : " This day I was very much perplexed
with worldly cares and labored under a sore temptation all
day," and on some occasions he breaks into an unintelligible
cypher.
As time goes on he seeks consolation in his religion and entry
of the day ends up with a prayer. Remorse overtook him aftei
punishing Jane (the maid) :
Oct. 9. This night I whipped Jane for her foolishness as yesterday I had
done for her sloathfulness ; and hence am I induced to bewayle my sinfull
life for my failings in the presence of God Almighty are questionless greater
than hers are to mee ; wherefore unless Thou, my most merciful God, be
mercifull unto mee what shall become of mee ?
Dec. 7. Let not my present dull and indisposedness avert Thy favors
from me.
Dec. 9. I must needs confess I am weake indeede but Hee is stil my defence.
Jan. 8. (1648). This day I have been very much troubled with worldly
cares but Thou O God whose I am deliver mee I pray thee from the guilt
thereof.
On January 11 there is a very long outpouring of penitence
which contains the following :
I very well remember I never made vow in all my life, but, through weak-
nesse and the power of darknesse overruling mee, I have most shamefully
broken so that I am in a most miserable condition by natvire, neither have I
any power of myselfe to think one good thought so miserable am I.
The next day again he complains of " yeeldding to the cor-
1
GILES MOORE 125
ruptions of myne own depraved imagination," and occupies many
lines in the entry for that day in a prayer to God. But after
Avriting a few days later, " when I came home, I was very angry
and caryed myselfe unsivilly," he hardly refers to his faihngs
again.
Before journeying to London he makes a sort of provisional
will. He writes a " httle booke " containing the particulars
of his time in London, but this is missing.
The diary ends on January 26, 1848-9, and he sets out for
London the following day, so that he would arrive there the night
before the execution of Charles I, of which probably he was an
eye-witness.
It would seem likely that this rather morbid man with his
pathetic attempts at self-correction continued to confide in the
pages of Ms diary. But nothing further from his pen exists.
GILES MOORE
GILES MOORE, who was rector of Horsted Keynes,
Sussex, from 1655 to 1679, kept a journal which can
hardly be called a diary, as it is far more hke an account
book, though he never adds up totals or makes any general
survey of his financial position. Yet in the language of accounts
he records all his doings. Besides his actual purchases, it would
seem that marriage, death, illness, journeys, and indeed every
incident in his hfe presented itself to him from the point of view
of cost. But this very habit gives a clue to his character, and
his purchases also throw light on what manner of man he was.
There is an extraordinarily comic effect in a page of events pre-
sented in this pecuhar style. Occasionally he allows himself
a little more freedom and gives a description or expresses an
opinion without immediate reference to cost. He is of a complain-
ing disposition and resents unnecessary or excessive payments.
He puts the following lines as a heading :
Indicat hie liber de me tibi plurima lector ! Omnia quae mere mundana ac
vanafuere. Wee reckon our expenses but not our sins ; wee account what wee
expend but not wee offend.
Here are a few typical entries :
For 3 yards and | of scarlet serge of which I made the library cupboard
carpet besydes my wastcoate made thereof 15s. J. Daves brought me from
Grinsted 4 stone of beefe which at 22d the stone and 2 lb of sewet at 4d came
126 ENGLISH DIARIES
to 8s. I payed for barboxiring for 6 moneths 7s 6d and for being blooded
though I was so cold that I bled but one ounce Is.
I bought my wyfe a fat hog to spend in my family for which I paid the
smn of 30s the 2 flitches of bacon when dried weighed 64 lb. I gave her to
buy a qr of lamb 3s 6d. •
For 2 qts of sack in two bottles at the Widdow Newports 4s. For a pint
of sack at the Inn at Lindfield Is for a quart of claret Is. I bought of a
traveller 4 Venesionne glasses 2 of one sort and 2 of another 2s.
I gave the howling boys 6d (it was the custom to wassail the orchards).
As to clothes, he appears to purchase a great variety :
I bought two payre of gloves for which I payed 2s 3d the payre I had them
faced with my own fringe which cost mee Is 4d.
I bought a levitical girdle containing 4 oz of silke.
10s & J a yd of velvet ; two worsted canonical girdles 5s.
I bought 2 yards and ^ of Devonshire red bazes to make me a waistcoat
for which I paid 7s 4d and I bought a payre of silk stockings for which I
paid £1:1; for silken tops 6s 6d and for a payer of black worsted stockings
I gave 5s.
I bought of my comitryman Mr. Cooke a shaggy demicastor hat of the
fashion for which I payed 16s 6d.
With his scarlet waistcoat, silk stockings, fringed gloves,
levitical girdle and shaggy demicastor hat the reverend gentle-
man must have been a very picturesque sight.
When ill he describes his symptoms. He takes " physicke "
and is " mightily sicke " and ends up with an entry of the exact
sum he pays the doctor, the nurse, and the curate who took his
duty. On another occasion he consults Mr. Richo, chirurgeon,
and gives him
for advising about the tiu:ning about of my neck £1. For 2 dozen of pills Ss
and for a pint of sack Is. His direction is that I am to take 3 pills over night
and anything wai'm in the morning once in two dayes and if I am no better
I am to use a large blyster behind the shoulder blade ; to do it againe in a
fortnight and then afterwards to shave my head.
Two or three times he expresses annoyance in his accounts.
He has to pay a considerable sum for repairing the chancel, " all
of which was occasioned by and through the defaulte and neglect
of Mistresse Sapphira Lightmaker in not keeping up her chancel."
He also pays for the mending of a bridge " for whiche shee would
not allow me one penney when I moved her unto it, no, not one
farthing ! though shee stripped a good part of my church to lay
her leads."
GILES MOORE 127
We can picture the interview. The Rev. Giles Moore as red as
his waistcoat, and Sapphira Lightmaker simply laughing at him.
Her very name suggests it.
Giles Moore has a god-daughter Mat. We get little glimpses
of her through the accounts.
I carried Mat up to London buying for lier a new riding suite for which I
payed 28s.
I gave Mat Is to play withall and I gave her 2s towards a payr of stockings
which she is to knit for herselfe. I also gave her Is which she is to spend at
dancings.
I sent for Mat's board for 6 weeks at Mistress Chalmers during which time
shee made mee shirts and bands £1 : 10 and I gave her to buy a hood at the
ftoire 5s.
He projects a marriage for her and writes to a neighbouring
rector a cautious letter in which there is actually no mention of
any payment. In this amusing epistle he says :
I do not so little value you, nor your son, but that if the young man could
; fancy her for a wyfe this advowson and that well stocked . . . together also
with library when I leave this world, I shoxild not (with her consent thereto
given) which shee hath no reason to deny, judge her amisse bestowed.
Nothing came of this matchmaking, however, and two years
later Mat married Mr. Citizen. But the marriage only produces
; from the pen of our diarist an entry of the amount he spent on
; sack and " meate extraordinary," and a day or two later further
details as to the exact amount he " layed out upon Mat." He had
words with Mr. Citizen in the following year and calls him
" knave " for not paying up money which was due, adding the
comment '■'' Avaritia cum fraude conjuncta.'''' When he visits
I his god-daughter later he gives her Is. " and her mayd 6d."
He takes several journeys to the Isle of Wight, to Chichester
and to London, but it is always the same thing : we only get an
account of his expenses and his purchases. Life for Giles Moore
was purely economic. Money might not always pass, sometimes
there was barter, as, for instance :
I sent to Mr. Hely a ribspare and hoggs puddings for which hee returned me
a box of pills and sermons.
Or a prettier one :
I sent Mistresse Michelbome a galon of rose water and 1 quart of damasks,
shee sending me back by the messenger 3 dozen of pigeons.
He makes one exception in what we may call his accountant's
128 ENGLISH DIARIES
style. He records with great detail the illness and death of his
brother at West Cowes. Of course he finds a good deal to say
^\^th regard to the will and the legacies, but he also follows the
course of illness, which has ups and downs. His brother one day
seems to have taken the law into his own hands and attempted
a very drastic form of remedy for anyone in the " anguish and
misery " of a high fever. Being left alone for a moment " hee
came forth speedily and leaped into a well which was ten feete
deep in water, out of which he was quickly taken and put into a
warme bed." It is not surprising that the following week he
died, the burial only calling forth from our diarist a list of the
payments he had to make.
The last entry is dated August 3, 1679, and Giles Moore died
on October 3.
The manuscript was in the possession of the incumbent of
Horsted Keynes, and from it extracts were printed in the Sussex
Archaeological Collections in 1853.
HENRY NEWCOMBE
THE only portion that remains of the very full diary
which Newcombe kept throughout the greater part of
his life is the section which covers the period from Sep-
tember 30, 1661, to September 29, 1663. He was a Presbyterian
minister, educated at Cambridge, ordained in 1648, rector of
Gaws worth 1650, and subsequently in Manchester. He died in
1695. The diary is a daily record dealing with his duties, his
movements and his sermons, but it contains also domestic details,
self-examination, resolutions and meditations on life. Although
he is very strict in his manner of living, he is not above a game of
bowls, shovel-board or billiards, and even reading comedies.
But his extreme piety is the keynote of the journal. In the
following quotations the constant abbreviations he uses have
been written out in full.
Preaching.
It was sacrament day and I preached on 1 Cor. XI. 25. The Lord assisted
mee much on that subject and I hope it made the sacrament more lively and
refreshing. This remembering of Christ livelyly and effectually is of great .
use to a poore soule.
In the aftemoone I preached at Haslenden on 1 Pet. IV. 3. Mary went
with me to the towne. And at night wee had much pleasant discovu-se yet
I
HENRY NEWCOMBE 129
vergeinge to a good purpose about the vanity of the world etc. And after
supper we had repetition and prayer. And so indeed had a Sabbath past
expectation.
He notes down very frequently his resolutions in a sort of list :
1. The Lord helpe mee in secret dutys. 2. To be of a quicker and tender
conscience. 3. Atheisme. Sure the worke of my conscience of late may doe
something against that distemper. 4. What not a word for God upon occa-
sion ! 5. O what a thing will it be to be in heaven. 6. The Lord arme mee
with patience.
1. Pride and vaineglory. 2. Slothfulness. 3. An unwillingness to secret
dutys. 4. Want of spirituality. 5. Impatience. 6. Distrust.
Alas I must endeavour to walke closer with God or I cannot keepe cart on
wheeles.
I was weary this night and upon that account very short and poore in dutys
but I must beware that wearyness of body betray mee not as it hath done to
slightynes in my course and to expose mee to a sharpe affliction for the quick-
ening of mee, for that usually is the end of all such bouts with me.
But one resolution he finds considerable difficulty in observing.
It is with regard to smoking.
My base heart is but too much concerned with this tobacco.
How tobacco doth too much fill my thoughts and selfe denial about such a
stmkmge thing might do well.
I resolve to let this tobacco alone and to studdy to forget it for it 'doth mee
no good.
This base tobacco. Take it before secret dutys then it prevents them, put
it ofE and then my base heart would count of it all the time of duty.
I doe see my slavery with this tobacco. When it can hasten a duty to be
at It and when I know it it doth not benefit mee but aUmost aUways makes
, mee sicke it is high time to dismisse it. But sometimes to deny it when it is
I so desired were but a small degree of self denial.
It is curious that he should have been so fond of smoking if it
almost always made him ill. There is a vein of melancholy
and self-reproach constantly recurring in all he writes. This
is typical :
O my soule where have I beene all this while. So dead in dutys. So
jendles m my studdys. So unprofitable in company. So unedifying in my
family. So negligent of meditation. So formall in preachinge. O my soule
where hast thou beene ? The Lord put some life into mee.
But he rather revelled in self-disparagement, even with his
fnends :
130 ENGLISH DIARIES
Mr. Bagshawe came to mee at my returne and sate with me 2 houi-es. A
deale of sweet discourse wee had about the baseness of both our hearts.
He often mentions the health of his children and his wife,
who was a sister of Ashmole's first wife.
The Lord hath restored my childe. But my great security hath moved the
Lord to lay my wife somewhat low this day by distemper and great paine upon
her.
I got home about 2 and fotmd my wife pretty hearty, havinge taken phy-
sicke this day and it workinge very easyly with her. A great mercy.
What a deale of patience is requisite to beare any converse with our little
children. How peevish and foolish are they ! and what fits doth our heavenly
Father beare with us in !
The inevitable servant troubles are of course noted ;
The villanous carriage of the servants that were all out at that time of the
night on Saturday night.
Mary quarrelled with her mistress and is to goe away. The Lord provide
us with good servants.
He is critical, not to say a little pharisaical, sometimes with
regard to company :
We had a deal of company ; and saw the free grace of God that wee are not
given up to the same extreme vanitys and follys that others are. Alas how
are some empty frothy ones of the gentry to be pittyed !
After supper wee were at Lawrence Gardner's till pretty late. Very merry
and cheerefull with our neighbours. I would thinke of beinge a little savory
in our merth and to part so if it might be.
But we can hardly believe there was much mirth, savoury or
unsavoury, when Newcombe was present.
There are notes on his own health ; he has " collides " and
" sweats finely upon takeinge a rosemary posset," but he is
chiefly concerned in meditation on purely religious theses in
which he generally finds " much savour and sweetness." We
may quote rather a shrewd observation on the subject of a mounte-
bank ;
I went out, whether wisely or no, with my wife to see the mountebank on
the stage. The fellow that acted the foole made many really fooles under that
looked and laughed at him. He but acted foole and got money, they were real
fooles and gave their money.
There is something original and telling in Newcombe's style, j
Even Ms references to the weather are picturesque, as, for in-
OLIVER HEYWOOD 131
stance, " had a very sad dash of raine cominge over the liills."
He talks of '^ ells of time," " tough debates " : a difficult business
is "a tickle," and when an event does not come off he Avrites
" it misst." But the diary is only a fragment ; he wrote as well
an " Abstract " or sort of autobiography telhng his adventures
from his early life onward. By the Abstract his whole career
can be traced and his political opinions during times of revolution
and change are related.
Newcombe's career is fully set out in the preface to the printed
edition of the diary which was pubhshedby the Cheetham Society
in 1849.
OLIVER HEYWOOD
IN the seventy-two years of his hfe (1630-1702) Oliver Hey-
wood, the Presbyterian divine of Northowian, Yorkshire,
made the most careful and elaborate record of his religious
experiences. Not content with keeping an ordinary diary, he
wrote his autobiography, long accounts of the members of his
family with a genealogy, an " Event Book " giving " covenants,
experiences, self-reflections," " combats with sin," and " groan-
ing of the soul," a long register of " Returns of Prayer," and
many other observations and memoranda. All these are carefully
written down in a cramped hand in small notebooks, and we get
a very complete inside picture of a conscientious, self-absorbed
man exercising ceaseless discipline on himself in his spiritual hfe,
' displaying wonderful powers of concentration in religious matters,'
noting the hand of God in every incident that occurs, occupied
in study, and more especially in preaching, courageously com-
bating the obstacles and disabihties which Nonconformists
encountered in those days, and taking himself very seriously.
But of course the picture is incomplete ; the detail given from
within only concerns preaching, prayer, visiting the sick, and
study, with occasional references to his health and his family,
and full as it is, is very dull and monotonous reading. From
without we have no picture in words as to how Ohver Heywood
impressed his contemporaries ; we only have a print showing
a rather stout, self-satisfied looking ecclesiastic with ringlets and
a double chin. His preaching record shows him to have been a
man of immense energy, and when he is suspended from minister-
ing in the diocese of York after the passing of the Act of Uni-
132 ENGLISH DIARIES
formity, when he is apprehended, or when he encounters all sorts
of difficulties, he continues undismayed preaching and preaching,
if not in a church then in his own house, or, after the Five Mile
Act had become law, as an itinerant evangelist.
The diaries are incomplete, but they cover the greater part
of the period between 1666 up to his death. A few typical
entries may be given :
I preacht to a pretty f ul congregation at the house of Jeffery Beck the Lord
made it a refreshing night to many soules though our adversarys watcht and
gnasht their teeth when they saw so many coming together.
There was a numerous congregation from all parts and I had great liberty
of speech in preaching and praying but not such melting of heart as sometimes
I have enjoyed.
When I was in the pulpit singing a psalm comes up Mr. Broadhead vicar
of Batley passing among the croud up the alley and got with much adoe to the
dark bade him tell Mr. Heywood to come down and let him have his own
pulpit and then hasted away he left his goune at an house took horse and went
to Batley told Justice CJopley what a multitude there was at Morley hearing
a Non-conformist he took no notice of it, but let us alone and so through god's
mercy we enjoyed the day quietly and it was a good day blessed be god.
Went to George Horsmans house at little Woodhouse there preacht and
before I had done was apprehended by constables carryed to the Mayor who
sent me to the common prison.
However, he is released, and four days later is preaching again.
Shortly afterwards he is served with a warrant " to make distresse
upon my goods " in payment of a fine under the Conventicle Act.
A few of the references to his wife and family may be quoted :
As the Lord had blessed me abroad so my poor family at home, they have
been in health my sons have been very towardly, plyed their book, read chap-
ters, learned chatichismes, got some chapters and psalmes without book,
John repeated the 12th, Eliezor the 10th of Revelations last night in bed —
blessed be god.
On Satm-day morning my sons having not made their latin in expectation
to goe to Halifax were loath to goe to schoole yet I threatened them, they went
crying, my bowels workt and I sent to call them back and I went into my
study and fel on my knees and found sweet meltings — if god set in a little
they will occasion much good.
Aug. 24 (1671) called black Bartholomew day I resolved to keep a fast and
because I came home but last night and could get no more company I kept
it with my family, the forenoon we spent in prayer beginning at youngest
Eliezer prayed first very sensibly, tho short, John prayed both a long time
and exceeding pertinently and affectionately weeping much. I admired at
it, god helped my maid, my wife and myself wonderfiaily — oh what a melting
duty and day was it !
OLIVER HEYWOOD 183
Food he never mentions, nor any trivial mundane matters,
but two examples may be given of references to his own health.
I tossed all the night in bed and could not sleep one wink by reason of
toothach yet was pretty wel the day after then I saw the mercy of sleep and
felt my unfitnes for holy thoughts in pain for if I could have got my thoughts
on any good subject I should soon have slept.
I preacht twice tho I was little fit but god graciously helped and hearts were
much mlayed by the advantage of my distemper but it increased tormenting
pain m my head. On Monday I was blooded, on Thursday morning I had a
violent fit of tormenting pain al over my body which lasted for 10 houres I
was set upon a rack but god was mercifull to this poore worme so that I had
no more fits but from thence forth the Lord recovered me. . . .
He is very successful with his prayers for the sick and those
who are in trouble : " a boysterous gentleman now under troubles
of mind " is " wonderfuly affected by my company and discourse."
But the main composition of the diary 'is the praying and preach-
ing and journeying from one place to another. In addition to
" melting," he has frequently " comfortable enlargement and
assistance," and on one occasion " such a measure of affection,
flood of teares, and large elocution as I can never remember.''
As time goes on the actual diary entries become very brief, the
event book containing more of his prayers, supphcations, 'self-
examination and resolutions. After 1677 the diary entries are
daily, but seldom more than one or two sentences. Such as :
■■ Saturday I stayed at home studyed god helpt and oh wt meltings of heart
had I m prayer with my wife ! blessed be god.
Lord's day I preached at Flockton oh what a good day was it ! god enlarged
my heart in prayer wonderfully.
In the last four years, in addition to notes on prayer and
preaching, he gives the names of his visitors and those whom
he meets. He begins noting his last illness : " I was but ill "
" I was very wrong," " had much adoeto get up into my cham-
ber," and the last entry is written five days before his death.
The volumes in which the diaries, etc., were pubhshed in 1883
contain also registers and other lists compiled by Oliver Heywood,
and are, therefore, of considerable antiquarian interest. He was
the author of a number of rehgious books.
134 ENGLISH DIARIES
RALPH THORESBY
THE habit of keeping a diary was taught to Ralph Thores-
by by his father. " I would have you," wrote John
Thoresby, " in a little book, which you may either buy or
make of two or three sheets of paper, make a little journal of
anything remarkable every day principally as to yourself. . . .
I have thought this a good method for one to keep a good
tolerable decorum in actions because he is accountable to him-
self as well as to God, which we are too apt to forget."
Consequently, out of respectful devotion to his father, Ralph
began, at the age of 20, in 1667, to keep a regular daily journal,
" chiefly designed for my daily direction and reproof," and he
retained the habit till within two months of his death in 1724.
Thoresby was an antiquary ; he wrote a large work on the
topography of Leeds, his native town, as well as a book on Leeds
churches. He received a commercial education partly in Hol-
land, but his mercantile concerns were not very successful. He
was deeply reHgious. In 1683 he was prosecuted as a Noncon-
formist, but in 1699, after getting on intimate terms with the
Bishop of Carlisle and the Archbishop of York, he abandoned
his connection with the Dissenters. There is a great deal of
prayer and penitence in the diary, but his archaeological and
genealogical studies, his interest in architecture, antiquities,
manuscripts, coins, etc., gradually absorbed his time and atten-
tion, and towards the latter part of his life, while the prayers and
petitions continue, they become less frequent and a little more
perfunctory. In 1697 he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society,
and he had close relations ^^^th such men as Camden, Rymer,
Sloane, Le Neve, and he also knew Evelyn.
Thoresby was intensely industrious, through many years of his
life rising in the morning at five or even earlier. His diary is
filled mainly with his reHgious reflections, his antiquarian pur-
suits, his travels, and occasional references to his health. He just
mentions his wife and children, but abstains from giving any
domestic details. He epitomises sometimes at great length
sermons he hears, and self-reproach is the keynote of his private
rehgious meditations. His penitence, however, is of a general
character ; he does not particularise with regard to his short-
comings. Here are some characteristic sentences extracted from
various parts of the diary :
RALPH THORESBY 135
Went to bed with wet cheeks.
Spent too much of the day in frivolous visits. I doubt my affections are too
much bent upon books.
By reason of the quivering and^dithering of my body and the depravedness
of my heart I could not understand anything to purpose.
Rivers of tears issued from my eyes.
Spent most of the evening too freely in company. Alas ! that I have lived
so long and done so little to any good purpose.
Lord, discover my naughty heart more and more to me.
I, an useless unprofitable cumber -ground. Much broken in spirit for fear
of a snare.
There is no self-righteousness in his self-depreciation. He has
a high standard and is genuinely penitent when he falls short
of it. His manner of life is consistently studious and austere.
He tells us of seventeen particular studies of the Bible he made
during his life, with various notes, paraphrases, analyses, and
annotations, and in addition to this he read it through six times
by itself.
When he is unable to go to church he reads " six of Blair's
sermons." When setting out for a journey he asks certain
devout gentlemen to pray for him, for he says, " it is a good
provision against dangers to have a stock of prayers going forward
for us." Thoresby evidently believed in the quantitative as well
as the qualitative efficacy of religious devotions.
As time passes the entries become filled with his studies and
his literary and archaeological work and his collections of coins,
etc.
When he journeys he makes careful note of churches and
buildings and describes the places he sees in detail. An extract
from his description of a dangerous ride near Teviotdale may be
given :
Our danger here was most dreadful and I think inconceivable to any that
were not present ; we were upon the side of a most terrible high hill in the
middle whereof was a track for the horse to go in which we hoped to find
broader that we might have liberty to turn the horse ; but instead of that it
became so narrow that there was an impossibility to get further. . . . We
had above us a hill so desperately steep that our aching hearts durst not
attempt the scaling of it, it being much steeper than the roofs of many houses ;
but the hill below was still more ghastly, as steep for a long way as the walls
of a house : and the track we had to ride in was now become so narrow that
my horses hinder foot slipped off. ... To add to our torments there was a
river run all along close to the foot of the precipice which we expected every
136 ENGLISH DIARIES
moment to be plunged into and into eternity. In this extremity ther was
no way bnt by catching hold of the boughs of a tree, to throw myself off on
the wrong side of the horse, and to climb up the hill.
It may be doubted whether the following example of juvenile
smoking can be equalled:
Evening with brother at Garraway's coffee house : was surprised to see
his sickly child of three years old fill its pipe of tobacco and smoke it as aud-
farandhj as a man of three score after that a second and third pipe without the
least concern as it is said to have done above a year ago.
The parent of the " movies " it appears existed as early as
1679.
I afterwards called to see the moving Pictures ; a curious piece of art ; the
landscape looks as an ordinary picture till the clockwork behind the curtain
be set at work, and then the ships move and sail distinctly upon the sea till
out of sight ; a coach comes oi^t of the town, the motion of the horses and
wheels are very distinct and a gentleman in the coach that salutes the com-
pany : a hunter also and his dogs keep their course till out of sight.
Thoresby came of a short-lived family, and when his birthday
comes round he often reflects on the short space of time he has
before him. . . . But he lived to the age of 67, and managed
to fill his life very full with reading, writing and research. He
founded a museum in Leeds, in which all his manuscripts and
papers, as well as his collection of antiquities and coins, were
housed. In 1764 the collection was dispersed. The diary was
found later Ipng neglected in a garret. It was rescued, but
found to be incomplete, the records of several years being lost.
Mr. Joseph Hunter, who edited and published the diary in two
volumes in 1830, believed that if the manuscripts were complete
we should find that there was not a single day in Thoresby's life
for which he had not accounted.
SIR WALTER CALVERLEY
A NOTEBOOK, which is just as much or just as little a
diary as several quoted in these pages, was kept by Sir
k. Walter Calverley, who resided at Esholt, in Yorkshire.
He made irregular entries, beginning with notes concerning the
earhest part of his hfe, " 15 Jan. 1669-70 I Walter Calverley
was borne," down to 1718. Two early experiences give one hope
that the diarist was a humorist ;
SIR WALTER CALVERLEY 137
8. Oct. 1671. I fell into a tube of water and had like to have been drowned.
10 or 20 June 1672. I fell into a panfull of milk and was taken out for dead.
But unfortunately no spark of humour or indeed personal
opinion occurs again throughout the pages, which consist merely
of a recital, often very elaborate, of business matters, deaths,
accidents, visits, with an occasional reference to cock-fighting.
Sir Walter was evidently a very active and influential man. He
entertains largely and seems to have been lavish with his gifts of
food, etc. It was the custom at funerals to present the mourners
with " white scarffes and gloves." He must have made a large
collection of these, judging by the number of funerals he attended.
The expenses at a funeral were considerable. At his sister's
funeral :
The gentlemen at the funerall had gloves and scarfes which were above 60
and all the rest gloves which perhaps might be about 70 or 80 besides gentle-
mens'menetc. And there was £5 given out to be distributed to the poor . . .
to have 3d a piece, but they finding them very numerous gave them but 2d
a piece and in so doing distributed all that and 10s more. So tliat there were
towards 700 poor persons that had doals.
In 1706 he marries Juha, daughter of Sir William Blackett,
of Wallington. Sir Walter's account of his marriage is purely
from the point of view of settlements and expenses.
In 1715, the year of the Jacobite rebellion, his father-in-law
Sir WiUiam Blackett's loyalty was strongly suspected. Sir
Walter gives an account of a visit he paid to Sir Walter Hawkes-
worth. Sir W. Blackett had also been invited, and although
" his charriot and 6 and two saddle horses and servants " arrived
he himself did not turn up. But " a messenger " appeared on
the scene who searched the house, cross-questioned Calverley and
was mystified at not finding Blackett there.
Later Sir Walter has a controversy with Sir William Lowther
over this business, and Lowther " fell into a great fury " on the
question of the payment of the poHce who were searching for Sir
William's horses. "By his behaviour one would have taken
him to be a mad man." Before he went away " he took a glass
of wine and drunk confusion to the Pretender and all his adherents:'
For harbouring Sir Wilham Blackett, however. Lord Burling-
ton "thought fit to discharge me (Sir Walter) from acting as
deputy-lieutenant." He was reappointed in 1730.
He gives in the diary an instance of his wife's industry :
27. Nov. 1716. My wife finished the sowed work in the drawing-room it
188 ENGLISH DIARIES
having been three years and a half in doing. The greatest part of it has been
done with her own hands. It consists of ten pannells.
These beautiful panels of embroidery bearing this date decorate
a bedroom at Wallington, where Sir George Trevelyan, Bart.,
now resides.
Except for the incident of the supposed Jacobite plot, there is
nothing in the notebook which is of interest otherwise than from
the family and local point of view.
DR. EDWARD LAKE
ALTHOUGH it only covers the few weeks between
/\ October, 1677, and April, 1678, the diary of Edward
JL jL Lake is an interesting footnote to history and has a
distinctly Pepysian tone in its record of royal gossip.
Lake was a scholar of Wadham College, Oxford, but took his
degree at Cambridge. In 1676 he obtained the Archdeaconry
of Exeter, At Court he held the position of chaplain and tutor
to the Princesses Mary and Anne, daughters of the Duke of York
(afterwards James II).
We will first quote from his entries with regard to the marriage
of Mary with the Prince of Orange (afterwards William III) :
Oct. 21. The Duke of York din'd at Whitehall : after dinner retum'd to
Saint James', took Lady Mary into her closet and told her of the marriage
designed between her and the Prince of Orange ; whereupon her highness
wept all that afternoon and the following day.
Nov. 4. At nine o'clock at night the marriage was solemnized in her
highness's bedchamber. The Bang [Charles II] who gave her away was very
pleasant all the while ; for he desir'd that the Bishop of London would make
haste lest his sister bee delivered of a son and so the marriage be disappointed ;
and when the prince endowed her with all his worldly goods, hee willed to put
all up in her pockett, for 'twas clear gains. At eleven o'clock they went to
bed, and his majesty came and drew the curtains and said to the prince
" Now nephew to your worke ! Hey ! St. George for England ! "^
Nov. 5. The prince by his favourite Lord Benthein [? Bentinck] presented
her highnesse with jeweUs to the value of £40,000.
Nov. 9. I went to her highnesse to take leave of the princesse who designed
for Holland with her husband the Friday after. I perceived her eyes full
of tears, herself very disconsolate, not only for her sister's illnesse but also
for some discontent occasioned by the prince's urging her to remove her
lodgings to Whitehall which the princesse would by no means bee persuaded.
DR. EDWARD LAKE 139
After making a speech to her and asking her to recommend him
to the King he adds :
In fine, I wish'd her all prosperity that God would bless her and show her
favour in the sight of strange people among whom she went ; wherewith I
kneeled down and kissed her gown. Her highnesse gave mee thanks for all
my kindnesses and assured mee shee would do all shee could for mee but was
able to say no more for weeping and so turned her back and went into her
closet.
Nov. 16. The wind being easterly their highnesses were stiU detain'd at
St. James's. This day the court began to whisper the prince's sullennesse
or clownishnesse, that hee took no notice of his princesse at the playe and
balle nor came to see her at St. James' the day preceding this design'd for their
departure.
Nov. 19. This morning about 9 o'clock their highnesses aceompany'd with
his majesty and royal highness and took barges at Whitehall with several
other persons of quality. The princess wept grievously all the morning
requested the Duchesse of Monmouth to come often to her sister to accompany
her to the chappie the first time shee was able to appear there and to think
often on her ; she left two letters to be delivered to her sister as soon as she
was recovered.
The Queen observing her highnesse to weep as shee took leave of her Majesty
would have comforted her with the consideration of her own condition when
shee came to England and had never tiU then seen the King ; to whom her
highnesse presently replied " But madam you came into England ; but I am
going out of England."
Jan. 9. I was very sorry to understand that the Princess of Orange since
her being in Holland did sometimes play at cards upon Sunday which would
doubtless give offence to that people. I remember that about two years since
being with her highness in her closett, shee required my opinion of it. I told
her I could not say 'twas a sin to do so, but 'twas not expedient and for fear
of giving offence I advised her highness not to do it nor did shee play upon
Sundays while she continued here in England.
Dr. Lake was disappointed at not being made chaplain to the
Princess in Holland. Dr. Hooper was given the post,
whilst Dr. Doughty and myself who had been her highness's chaplaini3 and
tutors many years were for some (I know not what) reasons laid aside, which
occasioned great discourses both in the court and in the city.
In the meanwhile his other pupil, the Princess Anne, was suffer-
ing from the smallpox :
Her highnesse the Lady Ann (whom God preserve) having been 5 days sick
appeared to have the smallpox ; whereupon I was commanded not to go into
her chamber and read prayers, because of my attendance on tho princess and
the other children which very much troubled me and the more becatise her
nurse was a very busy, zealous Roman Catholick and would probably dis-
compose her if shee had an opportunity.
140 ENGLISH DIARIES
I returned to Lady Anne at 7 o'clock and found her as I left her ; the pox
were very small and not many.
Lady Anne went forth of her chamber to see the duchesse in her lodgings,
the servants all rejoicing to see her highnesse so perfectly recover'd. The
Duke visited her everyday of her sicknesse and commanded that her sister's
departure should be conceal'd from her ; wherefore there was a feigned
message sent every morning from the princesse to her highnesse to know how
she did.
There are other entries showing the devotion of the two sisters
to one another and the apparent tragedy of Mary's marriage
with William.
Lake discourses at some length on ecclesiastical appointments,
more especially Sancroft's elevation to the Archbishopric of
Canterbury. He also gives a little parliamentary news and some
anecdotes about Charles I, one of which may be quoted :
I waited on the Bishop of St. David's with whom I fc^md the Bishop of
Exeter who disco\irsing of and lamenting the debaucherys of the nation and
particularly of the court, imputed them much to the untimely death of the
old King who was always very severe in the education of his present majesty :
in so much that at St. Mary's in Oxford hee did once hitt him on the head with
his staSe when he did observe him to laugh (at sermon time) upon the ladys
who sate against him.
The only domestic event he records is his wife's miscarriage.
The latter part of the diary is occupied with accounts of
journeys in his archdeaconry.
Few as the pages of the diary are, we get a picture of a shrewd,
observant man who was evidently ambitious to penetrate into
the higher circles of government.
The diary was pubUshed in the first volume of the Camden
Miscellanies.
ABRAHAM DE LA PRYME
IT is a pity that Abraham de la Pryme did not keep a regular
diary, because he was evidently very observant and his style
is picturesque. But Ephemeris Vitae, or a Diary of my Own
Life ; containing an account, likeivise, of the most observable and
remarkable things I have taken notice of from my youth up hitherto,
written in two folio volumes, contains very little personal diary
matter, and consists chiefly of records of public affairs, a great
number of anecdotes, and detailed notes on archaeological and
topographical subjects which he studied as an antiquary.
ABRAHAM DE LA PRYME 141
De la Pryme was bom " to all the miseries of life," he tells
us, in 1671. He says in this diary, which he began writing
when he was about 12 years old, " My father can speak Dutch
and my mother French but I nothing but English." He was
educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, and while there he
relates the story of the burning of a valuable manuscript of
one Mr. Newton (whom I have very oft seen) fellow of Trinity College, that
is mighty famous for his learning being a most excellent mathematician
philosopher, divine etc.
This was the famous Sir Isaac Newton. We get another refer-
ence to him in 1694, when Abraham de la Pryme gives a long
account of the excitement caused by a haunted house which was
supposed to contain a " devilish disturber."
On Monday night likewise there being a great number of people at the door
there chanced to come by Mr. Newton fellow of Trinity College; a very
learned man and perceiving our fellows to have gone in and seeing several
scholars about the door " Oh ! yee fools " says he, " will you never have any
witt, know yee not that all such things are meer cheats and impostures ?
Fy, fy ! go home for shame " so he left them scorning to go in.
De la Pryme in his youth was attracted by the occult.
I and my companions yester night try'd again what we could do but nothing
would appear quamvis omnia sacra rite peracta fuerunt ; iterum iterumque
adjuravimus.
But he is dissuaded from such practices :
He (Mr. Bohtm) persuaded me exceedingly to desist from all magical
studdys and lays a company of most black sins to my charge which he sayd
I committed by darring to search in such forbidden things.
He wrote a history of Hatfield, in Yorkshire. In 1698 he was
appointed curate in Hull, where again he compiled a local history.
But such was the labour attending his studies that he confesses
in the diary " that he began to grow somewhat weary thereof."
In 1701 he was given the hving of Thorne, and was elected
a Fellow of the Royal Society. He died in 1704. Some of his
anecdotes are amusing and told at great length, and he makes
natural history notes and records of weather phenomena. The
volumes also contain copies of his letter to Sir Hans Sloane and
others on antiquarian and scientific subjects. The entries are
irregular and sometimes undated and he does not deal with any
domestic events. An instance may be given of the forcible
manner in which he expressed his opinion when referring to more
public topics.
142 ENGLISH DIARIES
Of the House of Commons in 1697 he writes :
The House of Commons are commonly a company of irreligioiis wretches
who cares not what they do nor what becomes of the Church and religious
things if they can but get their hawkes, hornids aud whores and the sacred
possessions of the Church. It is plainly visible that the nation would be
happier if there was no House of Commons but only a House of Lords. . . .
The diary, together with a memoir of the family, was pubUshed
by the Surtees Society in 1870.
TIMOTHY BURRELL
THE small account book or diary of Timothy Burrell,
covering the years 1686 to 1717, is noteworthy because
of the little drawings with which he illustrates some of
the entries. Burrell was born in 1643. He was educated at
Trinity College, Cambridge, and was called to the Bar. He
retired from practice and lived at Ockenden, in Sussex, where he
died in 1717.
Although for the most part the diary consists mainly of a record
of payments for pro^dsions, wages, charities, funeral charges, '
and taxes, his personality peeps out here and there in comments
and in the tags of Latin and Greek from Virgil, Seneca, Homer,
etc., which he inserts from time to time. But the little pictures,
which are well drawn, are more especially characteristic and
amusing. For instance, if he buys " a charriott " he draws a
picture of it with the four wheels very far from the body ; if he
pays wages for mowing and haymaking he draws a rake and a
hayfork ; when he buys hops he draws a sack ; when he pur-
chases hats " for my fellows' liveries " he depicts two little
high-crowned, broad-brimmed hats with large feathers ; there
is a drawing, too, of the " pales by the orchard pond " for which
he paid a man lOd. per rod, " which was a httle too much for he;
worked two days but gently," the repair of his fowling-piece or
his wheelbarrow is illustrated, also the church to wMch he gave,
money for certain repairs ; when he pays May Slater her wagesi
he gives a little sketch of her, when his daughter begins to dancei
he draws a guitar, and when he gives her " scarlet stockings "
and " pink scarlet stockings " a small stockinged leg appears
next the entry ; coats, horses, carts, brooms, cows, mugs, fish,
bees, also appear frequently ; the window-tax is represented by
TIMOTHY BURRELL 143
a small window ; the fattening of hogs is always illustrated, in
fact a fortnight before he died at the age of 75 there is still a rough
attempt to draw a hog. The pictures perhaps helped him to
turn up particular entries easity. On one occasion his illustration
seems to convey more meaning than can be gathered from the
text.
Sep. 14. Goldsmith departed my service by consent this day on Oct. 24,
he repented and returned half starved.
This is illustrated on one side by a long churchwarden pipe
walking away on two little legs, and the other side two pipes
joined together. Perhaps Goldsmith returned with a wife. On
the front page of the diary he gives a sketch of his house with
the fields round it.
The accounts themselves are of no special interest. But some-
times the entry contains a comment, as, for instance :
Paid John Coachman for a whip to spoil my horses l/6d.
Ap. 7. bought a cheese weighing 18 lbs for 2Jd the lb. It was all eaten
in the kitchen by the 18th.
His daughter's birth is recorded by a Latin verse, a hne from
Lucian in Greek and the picture of a tree. He loses his wife
on the same day, but we only get the record of the funeral.
Burrell was evidently very well off and was generous in his
charities, giving on one occasion a good deal to the poor " as long
as the dearth of provisions continues." One of the features of
the diary is the enormous list every year of the presents he received
at Christmas, amounting in 1711 to seventy, but falhng off very
much towards the end. All his neighbours, rich and poor, seem
to have presented him with something. The gifts include geese,
lobsters, oranges, venison, claret, oysters, capons, woodcock,
pigs, butter, " a bottle of usquebagh," and in 1700, for the first
time, tea. On one occasion a map is given and " a silver tepot
and porridge spoon " for his daughter.
After 1700 the entries are frequently in Latin and become
more personal. The translation of one or two may be given :
Sep. 1702. My sister was impertinent to me, but I kept my temper pretty
well.
My sister quarrelled with me and was insolent to me and I was somewhat,
not to say too much, irritated with her ; the consequence was that for two
days my stomach was at intervals seriously affected. I took Tipping's mix-
ture and doses of hiera picra.
144 ENGLISH DIARIES
I was rather too impatient with my servant for having put too much salt
in my broth.
And medical details with regard to his health became more
frequent (also in Latin) :
Yesterday having wetted my feet by walking out in the dew and having
eaten a small piece of new cheese, I have been to-day tortured with flatulent
spasms. By taking two doses of hiera picra the pains in my stomach abated.
Thanks to the great God for this his mercy towards me.
In 1710 there is a very carefully drawn hand pointing to certain
dates on which he took special medicines.
Every Christmas he entertains largely, gives a list of his guest
and a bill of fare. Thirty or more of his friends often sat down
to this repast.
The immensely long bills of fare show heavy meals in which
" plumm pottage " figures very prominently.
In his old age we can notice a general decline of good cheer
and happiness. His last Christmas dinner is in 1713. He only
receives seven presents in 1715, and in July of that year he writes :
I gave over housekeeping and my son in law Trevor began to keep house
the day and year above written.
After this there are very few entries. The son-in-law's house-
keeping does not seem to have been a happy arrangement, and
Burrell loses his daughter.
In spite of the brevity and baldness of the entries in this diary
we get the outline sketch of a very pleasant, generous, hospitable,
and cultivated old gentleman.
The manuscript, in the possession of a member of the family,
was edited by R. W. Blencowe and reproduced in the Sussex
Archaeological Collections in 1850. ^
BISHOP CARTWRIGHT
THOMAS CARTWRIGHT was born in 1634, in Northamp-
ton. His parents were Presbyterians, and he was sent
to Oxford for his education. After holding various
livings he came into high court favour after the Restoration,
was made Dean of Ripon in 1675, and in 1686 he was given the
see of Chester, keeping at the same time the vicarage of Barking
and the rectory of Wigan, in Lancashire. Desiring translation
to a better bishopric he kept in close touch with James II, who
BISHOP CARTWRIGHT 145
made him an Ecclesiastical Commissioner and appointed him one
of the three delegates to go to Oxford and determine the affairs
of Magdalen College, where a scandal had arisen owing to the
refusal of the Fellows to accept a President nominated by the
King. Cartwright was a good preacher, but his devotion to
James and liis favour to Roman Cathohcs brought liim into dis-
repute.
On the arrival of Wilham III Cartwright fled to France, where
he remained with James. He followed his master to Ireland,
and died in Dubhn in 1689.
His diary for the years 1686-7, written carelessly but regularly
in a small octavo volume bound in black leather, was discovered
early in the nineteenth century in a bookseller's shop in North-
ampton.
Unfortunately the diary is little more than a memorandum
book giving hsts of the people who dined with him and to whom
he wrote letters, hsts of the clergy he ordained, and records of
services and confirmations. His opinions and ambitions emerge
here and there even in these few pages. We see how closely he was
in attendance on the Kjng by his very frequent presence at the
IQng's levee (not the function of to-day, but the early morning
conference with the sovereign, wliich took place on one occasion
as early as six o'clock).
I was at the King's levee and kissed hands and had leave to retrn-n into the
North with a gracious promise that he would never forget me nor my services
and that I should find his favour in all places and upon aU occasions.
(The King) declared that such men as myself who had always stuck to him,
, should never want his favour ; and that he would take an effectual com-se to
make others weary of their obstinacy. And I advised him to begin with his
own household which he promised to do.
Kissed the Queen's hand in her bed chamber where she told me she nor the
Kmg would never forget my service to them before they were so nor should
I ever want a friend so long as she lived.
I was at the King's levee who went a hunting.
I was at His Majesty's levee from whence I attended him into the choir
where he healed 350 persons.
I was at his Majesty's levee. . . . After that he had mass in the presence
chamber where he eat. From thence I attended him into the choir where he
healed 450 people.
We find one occasion on which he gives actual assistance to
Roman Catholics.
10
146 ENGLISH DIARIES
I sent for Captain Fielding the Recorder and others, to find out a con-
venient place by his Majesty's command in the castle or elsewhere for the
Roman Catholic devotions.
He has Roman Catholic priests to dine with him as well as
prominent Catholic gentry.
To us to-day the Bishop seems in this connection only to have
been broad-minded, but bearing in mind the acute political
nature of these religious differences in James II's reign, we can
see that he was open to grave suspicions.
The diary covers the period of Cart^Tight's induction and
enthronement at Chester, and the ceremonies are fully described.
On his way to Chester he is entertained at Bolton by the Mar-
quess of Winchester.
I was received by the noble Marquess with aU kindness imaginable at
dinners from one at noon tiU one in the morning.
It appears that a twelve hours' dinner was a common occur-
rence at Bolton in these days. This mode of living is said to have
been affected by Lord Winchester in order that he might be
thought unfit for public affairs at a time when things were going
in a manner of which he did not approve.
The Bishop has a serious dispute with the cathedral precentor.
I admonished Mr. Ottway the precentor of his neglecting services and
anthems and his teaching of the quire ; and he refused to amend and be the
packhorse as he called it to the quire and choristers. I told him I should
take care to provide a better in his room and one that wovild attend God's
service better and pay more respect to his superiors in behaving himself very
insolently towards the subdean at that very time.
We do not learn if Mr. Ottway mended his ways. Some of
the Bishop's congregation also come in for his admonitions.
I preached in the Cathedral at Chester being the first Simday in Lent to
the greatest congregation that ever I saw a sermon of Repentance. God
give a blessing to it. ... I rebuked as they deserved Mrs. Brown, Mrs.
Crutchley, Mrs. Eaton and her sister for talking and laughing in the Chvirch ;
and they accused Mr. Hudleston for being as guilty as themselves.
The last week of the record is taken up with a very full note
of the proceedings at Magdalen College, where Dr. Hough had
been installed as President by the Fellows.
The entries in the diary are very regular almost daily, and
many of them are just memoranda of trivial events.
Among the many people with whom he becomes acquainted
is Pepys. He notes that the Bishop of Oxford " promised to
JOHN MORE 147
bring me acquainted with Mr. Peepes," and a few days later
he had a conversation with him. But we get no comment or
description.
Very httle can be gathered about his family. He mentions
his wife, one son who was a clergyman, and another whom he
refers to as " my ungracious son Richard," who was studying
medicine.
The brief diary, which in all probability is only a fragment
of a larger journal, was first printed from the original MS. by
the Camden Society in 1843.
JOHN MORE
/ILL we know of John More is that he was born in 1654,
/"^^ and after going to Oxford took Deacon's orders in 1678,
X -^ was ordained as Priest in 1679, and became Rector of
Earls Croom.
In 1699 he went over to the Baptists and was formally bap-
tised by Ehzen Hathway. The extracts from his diary cover
the period from 1694 to 1696 and 1697-8 to 1700, and tell us
something of his rupture with the Church. He appears to have
been a man of a somewhat exalte disposition, not to say eccentric.
We can trace by a few entries, not always very explicit, his deser-
tion from the Church.
My aunt expostulated briskly with me about communion with dissenters
and the rumour of my going off to them.
I had not lain long awake when I heard one knock at the door I fovmd Phil
Battard of Aston. He told me he came to have me along to the Bishop as
from the Lord he hoped. I rose and he told me he was for preaching all and
giving to the poor and following Christ and going to Jerusalem. I suspected
him discomposed. He said the old cap wing in my dream was the Bishop that
their parson was dead and miserably rotten he was a great drinker— seemed
disorderly even to phrenzy.
He records later that his " service " is laid aside.
I rested from my ordinary labours by order of the Bishop after I had just
finished a little thing on the Sabbath [this was printed].
• This day I am denied admittance at Norton Church.
This morning it came into my thoughts to be baptised at Pirton Pool where
I had misspent my time and lived not so purely as becomes a Christian and a
Minister of the Gospel.
148 ENGLISH DIARIES
This evening I heard they had a design of putting me out of the Parsonage
house for preaching in a private house.
Finally he is baptised, and while in Gloucester he sees " the
heavens opened extremely."
He is of a poetic nature, as we see from the following entries :
Mem : to write a poem to Mr. Dryden to excite him to Pious Poetry instead
of lewd amorous things.
A merry swallow singing after svmset when they could scarce be seen on the
pool before my door, the wind being high and cold.
This evening I heard the nightingale after I had been praying at John
Westbxiry's.
Composed above 6 score verses in all to-day on the presmned reasons of the
change of season.
After some meditation of the Lords withdrawing me from all Society for
a nearer union and communion with Himself I took my violin and being
refreshed with the harmony ... in singing psalms these words came into my
mind.
Lord what a harmony's iu strings
and none in living human things
Look on the jarring world once more J
Bring all in order as before ^
Man's sins untuned the whole creation
O send another Reformation.
More was unconventional and had a sublime disregard for
public opinion.
I went through Worcester with a handkerchief on my head and also through
the country resolving never to wear a wig more that I might not make my
brother to offend.
He takes to wearing a white cap.
A neighbour objecting against my white cap I said the mountains and hills
wear white caps, I am in the mode.
On the subject of his health he says on one occasion : ^
I had stomach pains as usual before illuminations. "
The journal is only a fragment, but it gives us a glimpse of an
odd man. The manuscript transcript of the original is in the
British Museum.
CELIA FIENNES
IN the preface to her diary Celia Fiennes, in expectation that
it may fall into the hands of her relations, states the motive
which led her to make careful notes of all that she saw on hef
many journeys on horseback about the country in the reigns of
CELIA FIENNES 149
William and Mary and Anne. She recommends travel in Eng-
land so that people may get a better idea of their own country,
which will " cure the evil itch of overvaluing foreign parts." She
does not write for publication, and is very modest with regard
to her literary capacity. She says :
As most I converse with knows both the freedom and Easyness I speak and
write as well as my defect in all, so they will not expect exactness or politeness
in this book, tho' such Embellishments might have adorned the descriptions
and suited the nicer taste.
The diary is peculiar ; it is not divided up into days with dates.
In fact, no date is mentioned in it except the years 1695 and
1697. But the notes she makes are quite obviously written on
the day and on the spot, except perhaps the descriptions of
London and the Lord Mayor's Show.
All we know of Celia Fiennes is that she was a daughter of
Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, a Parhamentarian officer, and a sister
of the 3rd Viscount Saye and Sele. We can tell by the diary
that she was an indefatigable traveller, a very observant woman
and quite an exceptional product of her times. The diary is a
sort of guide-book. She gives in minute detail descriptions of
towns, palaces, country houses and gardens, as well as the in-
dustries of the places she passes through. Here and there,
however, we can gather something of her opinions, more especially
on the subject of religion. She makes several disparaging re-
marks about Papists, and Quakers do not meet with her approval.
Where 4 men and 2 women spoke one, after another had done, but it seem'd
such a Confusion and so incoherent that it very much moved my compassion
and pitty to see their delusion and Ignorance and no less Excited my thank-
fulness for the Grace of God that upheld others from such Errors.
The sight of a lighthouse on a rock near Plymouth calls forth
the followmg remarks :
From this you have a Good reflection on ye great Care and provision ye
wise God makes for all persons and things in his Creation, that there should
be in some places where there is any difficulty rocks Even in the midst of ye
deep which can be made use of for a Constant Guide and mark for the passen-
gers on their voyages, but the Earth is full of ye goodness of ye Lord and so
is this Great Sea wherein are innumerable beings created and preserved by the
same almighty hand whose is the Earth and all things there in he is Lord of
aU.
At Truro she has a conversation with " an ordinary plain
woman," and she is " edifyed by her conversation and ye pitch
of soul resignation to ye will of God." But these interludes on
150 ENGLISH DIARIES
religion are rare. She of course notes' the weather, the distances
covered and the state of the roads, which are sometimes very-
heavy.
From hence to Leister which they Call but 13 miles but ye longest 13 I
ever went and ye most tiresome being full of sloughs y* I was near 11 hours
going but 25 mile — a footman Could have gone much faster than I could Ride.
The stones were so slippery Crossing the channels that my horse was quite
down on his nose but did at length recover himself and so I was not thrown
ofi or injured which I desire to bless God for as for the many preservations I
mett with.
Before I Came to Alsford forceing my horse out of the hollow way his
f eete failed and he Could noe wayes recover himself and soe I was shott
off his neck upon the Bank but noe harm I bless God and as soone as he
Could role himself up stood stock still by me which I Looked on as a
Great mercy — indeed mercy and truth all wayes have attended me. J
In one summer she covers a distance of 1551 miles. She was
not always alone. On one occasion she mentions " my sister,
self and maid," on another her mother, and on returning to
London after an expedition of 635 miles she talks of " all our
Company."
But the value of Celia Fiennes' diary rests in the picture it
gives of country houses, gardens, and the to"9^Tis, fashionable
watering-places, and villages of England at the end of the seven-
teenth century, for there is very little hterature of this de-
cription belonging to that period. Her language is by no means
florid. Indeed, her vocabulary is somewhat limited. An ex-
pression of praise she uses over and over again in connection
with cathedrals, houses, gardens, etc., is that they are " neat."
But in a simple way she gives quite effectively little pictures of
what she sees, and uses many quaint but happy expressions, as,
for instance, when she says of the spire of Sahsbury Cathedral :
it appears to us below as sharpe as a Dagger, Yet in the compass on the top
as bigg as a cart wheele.
One or two of her descriptions may be quoted :
I went on the side of a liigh hill below which the river Trent rann and turned
its silver stream forward and backward into S.S. which looked very pleasant
Circling about ye fine meadows in their flourishing tyme bedecked with hay
almost Ripe and flowers.
The Duke of Bedford's garden.
In the square just by the dineing roome window all sorts of pots of flowers
and Curious greens, fine orange, Cittron and Lemon trees and mirtles, striped
flfilleroy and ye fine aloes plant. On the side of this you pass under an arch
CELIA FIENNES 151
into a Cherry garden in the midst of which stands a figure of stone resembUng
an old weeder woman used in the garden and my Lord would have her Effigie
which is done so like and her Qothes so well that at first I took it to be a Real
Living body.
Lord Chesterfield's house.
Ye house has a visto quite thro' by a glass bellcony door into ye gardens and
so to ye park beyond on that side. Ye front have something surprising in
it ; its all of free stone which is dipt in oyle that adds a varnish to its Lustre
as well as security to its foundations. Ye Roofe is not flatt as our Modern
buildings yet garrit windows Come out on ye tileing which is all flatt. None
of ye windows are sashes which in my opinion is ye only thing it wants to
render it a Compleate building.
When she visits watering-places she bathes or samples the
waters. At Harrogate, " setting aside ye papist ffancyes of it,"
she finds the waters after she had bathed in them " Eased a great
pain I used to have in my head," and at Buxton she drinks " part
of a cupful! " of the waters, " the taste is not unpleasant but
Rather hke Milk, they say it is Diaretick,"
Cathedrals are described at great length ; most of them are
" neat," but Winchester is "to be admired for its Largeness not
its neatness or Curiosity." She notes everything as she passes
along — local customs, local industries, prices, architecture,
antiquities. Sometimes she stays with friends or relations, but
often she has to put up in " sorry inns." Here is one of her
experiences :
Ye Loft as they called it which was over the other roomes was sheltered
but with a hurdle ; here I was fforced to take up my abode and ye Landlady
brought me out her best sheetes which served to secure my own sheetes from
her dirty blankets and Indeed I had her fine sheete to spread over ye top of
the Clothes ; but noe sleepe Could I get they burning twiS and their Chimneys
are sort of fflews or open tunnills y* ye smoake does annoy the roomes.
Meals are often mentioned:
We Eate very good Codfish and Salmon and at a pretty Cheape rate.
This [Derby] is a dear place for Strangers notwithstanding ye plentyfullneas
of all provisions. My Dinner cost me 5s and 8d only two servant men with
me and I had but a shoulder of mutton and bread and beer.
[In Devonshire.] They scald their creame and milk in most parts of those
Countrys and so its a sort of Clouted Creame as we Call it with a Little sugar
and so put on ye top of ye apple Pye. I was much pleased with my supper
though not with the Custome of the Country which is a universall smoaking
both men women and children have all their pipes of tobacco in their mouths
and soe sit round the fire smoaking which was not delightfvdl to me when I
went down to talke with my Landlady for information of any matter and
Customs amongst them.
152 ENGLISH DIARIES
To conclude, we will take a typical entry of a day's journey :
Thence I went to Nantwich 5 long miles. Nantwich is a pretty large town
and well built ; here are ye salt springs of which they make salt and many
salterns which were a boyling ye salt. This is a pretty Rich land ; you must
travel on a Causey ; I went 3 miles on a Causey through much wood. Its
from Nantwich to Chester town 14 long miles ye wayes being deep ; its much
on Enclosvires and I passed by severall large pooles of waters, but what I
wondered at was y* tho' this shire is remarkable for a greate deale of greate
Cheeses and Dairys I did not see more than 20 or 30 Cowes in a troope feeding,
but on Enquiry find ye Custome of ye Coiintry to joyn their milking together
of a whole Nallage and so make their great Cheeses.
Celia Fiennes complains in her preface that members of Parlia-
ment are often " ignorant of anything but the name of the place
for which they serve in Parliament," and she recommends speci-
ally her own sex to study " those things which tends to Improve
the mind and makes our Lives pleasant and comfortable."
The diary, under the name of Through Efigland on a Side Saddle
in the Time of William and Mary, was not published till 1888.
RUGGE AND LUTTRELL
j4 LTHOUGH referred to as diaries, the records of Rugge
/ \ and Luttrell can better be described as annals. They
jL JL are collections of extracts taken largely from contem-
porary news sheets and concern only the public events of the day.
Thomas Rugge (son of a canon of Westminster) covers the
period from 1659 to 1672, devoting the greater part of his record
to the events of 1661-1662. He calls it " Mercurius Politicus
Redi\avus." The manuscript is in the British Museum. It has
been useful to historians, but it has never been printed.
Narcissus Luttrell, who was educated at St. John's College,
Cambridge, was a collector of manuscripts and books. He lived
in Chelsea. His record is called :
A Brief Historicall Relation of State affairs from Sep. 1678 to April 1714.
In giving excerpts from contemporary newspapers he often
confuses the date of the issue of newspaper with the date of the
events related. These annals have been printed. Luttrell,
however, also kept a private diary. It is neatly written in Eng-
lish, but in Greek characters in a small notebook. The entries
are brief and very irregular. He writes for a fortnight, then
there are several blank pages, then again he writes for a few days.
RUGGE AND LUTTRELL 153
sometimes only two or three days, sometimes for more than a
week. But there are far more blank pages than written pages
in the book, which was begun in November, 1722, the last entry
being made in 1724. The diary is only concerned with the very
brief recital of quite ordinary events. Only one sample entry
need be given :
_ Nov. 5. Rose this morning at 8-30 to prayers in Chamber then down and
into garden dressed after and breakfasted about 10 and being gtmpowder
treason day I wovild have gone to Church but the rain hindered me so did odd
things at home, and in the evening I went not out to dinner after 2 and dined
after 3 so unto the garden and had a tree dug up did business aU the evening
in the parlor went about 9 up into Chamber after 12 so to prayers and to bed
^^ Each entry begins " Rose this morning," and the expression
" did odd things " is very frequent.
I did odd things tiU 6 and drunk green tea after with son I eat no butter so
did odd matters all the evening.
The curious thing is that, although the pages are not divided
up for days, he seems to leave just the amount of space sufficient
for the long periods in which he neglected to write. Though
meagre and quite without interest, it is a curious production, as
one does not quite see why he \\Tote at aU, why if he repeatedly
failed to write regularly he kept on beginning again, and why
Greek characters should have been used for such very tri\ial notes.
The following diaries in ihis century may also be briefly noted :
William Ayshcombe
The notebook in which WilHam Ayshcombe made a few entries
between 1608 and 1633 could be regarded merely as memoranda of
miscellaneous incidents connected with other people, were it not for
the first two entries, which are of a peculiarly personal character.
These entries may be quoted in full :
1608. I was much importuned to marry my Lady Garrarde's daugliter
of Dorney by Windsor Mrs. Martha Garrard, a fine gentlewomen truly. I
sawe her and no more.
1609. I was importuned to see a brave spirited gentlewomen named Mrs
Kate Howarde beinge one of the two daughters and heyres of the Viscount
Bmden's brother. I saw her not far from Bath was earnestly sollicited to
proceede ; bemg halfe afraid of the greatness of her spirit, I did not. Shee
was smce more worthily bestowed and she was most worthy so to be.
The notebook, which was discovered at Brymore, where John Pym
lived at one time, is included in the tenth Report of the Historical
Manuscripts Commission.
154 ENGLISH DIARIES
The Rev. T, Dugard
This diary is only remarkable on account of its form and appearance.
The book measures about 4 by 2| inches. The writing is so small
that a page contains an average of sixty-eight lines, sometimes over
seventy. It is illegible without a magnifying glass, nevertheless the
handwriting is exquisitely neat. The whole diary, which covers a
period of eleven years from 1632 to 1643, is written in abbreviated
Latin. The entries are practically daily and only amount to two or
three lines, births, deaths, letters written, books read, and subjects
taught are noted. " InstUui discip " : with a Bible reference.
" Scripsi ad Patrem " or some one else. " Legi " with the name of
the book. The heading at the beginning is in cypher, and spare
sheets are occupied by long lists of births, deaths, preachers, bailiffs,
those present at Assizes and his correspondents. The minuteness
and neatness is kept up to the last page. This alone, apart from the
matter, suggests peculiar characteristics in the author.
The MS. is in the British Museiun, Add. MS. 23146.
John Manners, Earl of Rutland
This is a brief diary kept by the Earl of Rutland while he was in
attendance on Charles I in 1639 between March 30 and the pacification
of Berwick. Its title, " a journall of private observacions for my-
selfe," raises a hope that it may contain some indiscretions or dis-
closures. Unfortunately it is a purely official accovmt of the Kings
movements, councils, advances of troops and journeys to York,
Durham, Newcastle, etc. Manners was a moderate Parliamentarian,
and indulges in no particular expressions of admiration for the King.
He gives an account of a Council at York at which Lord Say and Lord
Brooke hesitated to take the new oath of allegiance and he notes one
conversation with the King.
The document is only a little bit of history from a contemporary
witness ; it is included in the Historical Manuscripts Commission's
volumes.
Jacob Bee
The diary of Jacob Bee, who was a tradesman of Durham, extends
from September 5, 1681, to February 27, 1706. With the exception
of the description of a murder, no entry exceeds four or five lines.
The great majority of days contain bare one-line records of deaths,
marriages, accidents, weather phenomena, and election results. One
or two of the rather fuller entries may be given :
1683. Sep. 18. Seven bouchers should have played at football with
seven glovers, being Tuesday, this year above, and my man Christopher
went without leave to play.
1684. 4. Nov. A foot race was rtinn betwixt Fairebeames a butcher
and a countrey man called John Upton and ninn upon Eliott-moore, the
hardest rim that ever any did see. The countrey man were upon hard termes
RICHARD STAPLEY—JOHN BUFTON 155
being runn so nerely that scarce any could judge, when they had but one
hundred yards to runn whether should have it.
1684/5. Jan. 17. John Borrow departed this life and 'twas reported
that he see a coach drawn by six swine, all black, and a black man satt upon
the cotch box. He fell sick upon't and dyed and of his death severall appara-
tions appeared after.
This diary is unfortunately too scrappy for any deductions to be
made from it. It is included in the Surtees Society's collections.
Richard Stapley
The diary of Richard Stapley, of Hickstead Place, in Sussex, is
little more than the account book kept between 1682 and 1710. He
not only notes the witnesses of his money transactions, but also where
they took place, whether at the horseblock or in the open fields, in the
kitchen, hall or parlour, and even at which table the payment was made.
Paid Mr. Steward for Dr. Comber's paraphrase on ye Common Prayer
20s and 6d for carriage. I paid it at ye end of ye kitchen table next ye cham-
ber stairs door and nobody in ye room but he and I. No it was ye end of ye
table next ye parlour.
Paid Dec. 29 to Mr. John Whitpaine for writing a copy of an exemplification
of my father's will the sum of 20s at John Ffields house, called the Boyal
Oak in Hurst town. There was in ye room called ye Beard's-end room alias
ye Hall in ye which I paid him Thomas Ffloud etc etc.
Besides purchases, taxes, loans and presents he notes the weather and
details with regard to the harvest. The only incident described is
the catching and eating of an enormous trout which supplied supper
for six people.
The Sussex Archaeological Society published the diary in 1849.
_JOHN BUFTON
In the last decade of the seventeenth century John Bufton, of
Coggeshall, in Essex, made entries on two old almanacks of matters
of local interest such as burials, funeral accounts, church repairs, the
installation of bells, the setting up of a ducking stool in the church^
pond, the earthquake in 1692, and a brief mention of public events.
The following entries with regard to a witch are the only ones of any
special interest :
July 13. 1699. The widow Comon was put into the river to see if she
would sink because she was suspected to be a witch and she did not sink
but swim.
July 19. She was tryed again and then she swam again and did not sink.
July 24. The widow Comon was tryed a third time by putting her into
the river and she swam and did not sink.
Dec. 27. The widow Comon that was co\mted a witch was buried.
Witches were condenmed to death and burned at a much later date
than this.
There is nothing personal in Bufton's records. They are quoted
fully in the Essex Archaeological Society's Transactions, vol. 1.
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
JOHN WESLEY
T
^HERE is no printed English diary which in point of
view of length and regularity can surpass the diaries
_ and journals kept by John Wesley. He lived till he was
88 (1703-1791), and he kent a diary for practically 66 years J
(1725-1791). The daily, sometimes hourly, memoranda are I
called his diaries ; the enlarged, fuller and more than once trans- ^
cribed versions his Journal. The diaries began when he was at '\
Oxford ; only extracts from these earlier ones are available, ^
and many volumes, specially in the later years, are lost. The
printed and published Journal began in 1735, and is complete |
up to 24 October, 1790 ; the last volume of the diaries goes
on up to 24 February, 1791, with daily memoranda. He died
on March 2. The standard edition of the Journal extends to
eight large volumes. As the personal record of a life it is, there- J
fore, the most voluminous that has been published. As a diary, '
although ke^jt with scrupulous regularity and recording as it i
does all his public activities and many of his thoughts, it cer- 1
tainly cannot be ranked among the best. Nevertheless, Wesley
did not write for publication, nor did he write because he thought
his career of importance. He began long before he had any"
notion of the great stir he was going to make. He wrote, we"'
are told, " for the clearing of his own mind that he might see his
life in black and white and so be in a position to judge accurately
as to his OAvn motives, attainments, doings, and failures."^ He
also rewrote sections of the Journal for his mother, other members
of his family and friends. It is " the most amazing record of
human exertion ever penned or endured," ^ as Mr. Birrell says,
and he goes on to picture the exhausting and almost unbearable
strain on a political candidate of the three weeks of a contested
^ Standard Edition of Wesley's Journal, Vol. 1.
^ Appreciation in Abridged Edition.
156
JOHN WESLEY 157
election, concluding : " Well, John Wesley contested the three
kingdoms in the cause of Christ during a campaign which lasted
forty years." And indeed that is what strikes one most in trying
to read through the thousands of pages— not the moral excellence
of the austere rehgious organizer, but the astounding physical
strength and nervous energy of the man. From such an abnormal
giant we must expect a certain insensitiveness. Just as one who
enjoys perfect health finds it difficult to sympathise with the
ailments of others who are not so fortunate, so also he whose
armour of self-confident righteousness is complete is apt to be
intolerant of the failures of Ms ill-equipped fellows. Wesley was
practically always well in health, and if he was sympathetic to
sinners it was because they afforded him an opportunity to save
them. Wesley kept his resolutions, and one of them was never
to laugh, " no, not for a moment."
The pedestal is too high, we cannot reach him, and it is extra-
ordinarily tiring even to attempt to follow him in his interminable
Journeys and his unending sermons. It is not because we are
disappointed at not finding the frivolous, it is because we fail to
find the human, that the Journal does not appeal to us as perhaps
it ought. Nevertheless, as a record of the great religious re\dval,
a testimony of marvellously sustained enthusiasm and a chronicle
of travel in the United Kingdom in the eighteenth century, the
Journal is undoubtedly a most remarkable document.
The earliest diaries were not easy to decipher. The entries
are generally brief, but Wesley employed either shorthand or
cipher or abbreviated longhand. At the very beginning he sets
down :
A general Rule in all actions of Life
Whenever you are to do an action, consider how God did or would do the
like and do you immitate His example.
Then follow " General Rules of Employing Time " and " General
Rules as to Intention." Regulation was the keynote of his hfe
and of his religious system. In these early years there are a good
many brief notes of self-reproach, resolutions for self-disciphne
and private spiritual exercises. After his ordination in 1725 he
begins preaching, but we only get just the bare note of the place
and date.
The pubhshed Journal begins with his voyage to Georgia in
1835, which lasted a little over two years and ended in a serious
dispute. But we cannot follow Wesley chronologically through
his long life, which, with the exception of a few months in 1738
158 ENGLISH DIARIES g
in Germany visiting the Moravians and a tour in Holland in 1783,
was spent Avithin the United Kingdom. It will be best to give
illustrative extracts from the vast record of certain aspects of his
character and of incidents in liis career.
When the earlier years have passed, the note of self-condemna-
tion disappears and the tone becomes increasingly self-confident.
In 1738 he lays down four resolutions, and such was the un-
fhnching determination and austerity of his character that there
is every reason to beheve that he carried them out so far as mortal
man could :
1. To use absolute openness and unreserve with all I should converse with.
2. To labour after continual seriousness, not willingly indulging in any the
least levity of behaviour, or in laughter ; no, not for a moment.
3. To spare no word which does not tend to the glory of God ; in particular
not to talk of worldly thingL* Others may, nay, must. But what is that to
thee ? and
4. To take no pleasure which does not tend to the glory of God ; thaiiking
God every moment for all I do take and therefore rejecting every sort and
degree of it which I feel I cannot so thank Him in and for.
In the same year later on he makes an important confession
of faith, and describes a sort of awakening which took place while
he was hstening to a sermon.
I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust in Christ, Christ alone,
for salvation ; and an assurance was given me that He had taken away my
sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death. I began to
pray with all my might for those who had in a more especial mamaer despite-
fully used me and persecuted me.
The self-confidence which perhaps finds its origin here, and
which grew in Wesley as he continued his work, was not just
ordinary human conceit, but a profound conviction which acted
as a burning inspiration and potent incentive in all his activities.
The secret of his immense physical strength he attributes —
apart from the grand cause, " the good pleasure of God who
doeth whatsoever pleaseth him " — ^to :
(1) My constantly rising at four for about fifty years.
(2) My generally preaching at five in the morning ; one of the most healthy
exercises in the world.
(3) My never travelling less, by sea or land, than four thousand five hundred
miles in a year.
At the age of 77 he says he had not felt lowness of spirits for
one quarter of an hour since he was born. At 80 he fell down a
flight of stone stairs. ^
JOHN WESLEY 159
My head reboimded once or twice from the edge of the stone etaire. But
it felt to me exactly as if I had fallen on a cushion or pillow.
At 83 he declares he is never tired either with writing, preaching
or travelhng, and at 85 that he has never lost a night's sleep
since he was born. There are times when he has a sore throat,
a cough or a headache, but almost invariably he dismisses it and
goes on with his work in spite of it, attributing its disappearance
to the intervention of Providence. Even when a cloud shields
him from the rays of a hot sun while he is preaching he reads
in the coincidence a special sign of God's favour. Not till he
is in his eighty-seventh year does he admit the waning of his
physical powers. Then he writes :
I am now an old man decayed from head to foot. My eyes are dim ; my
right hand shakes much ; my mouth is hot and dry every morning ; I have
a lingering fever almost every day ; my motion is weak and slow. However,
blessed be God, I do not slack my labour ; I can preach and write still.
On one occasion only, in 1753, is he alarmed about his health.
He has fever, and when he goes home after preaching he sits
down and writes his own epitaph, " to prevent vile panegyric."
He describes himself as " a brand plucked from the burning . . .
not having after his debts are paid ten pounds behind him."
The Journal is mainly composed of Wesley's preaching record.
Journey after journey to all parts of the United Kingdom occupy
week after week, month after month : "I look upon the world
[as my parish," he said; and as he rode from place to place he
Iread his book on horseback. When he was 67 he said that al-
though he had ridden over a hundred thousand miles, covering
.sometimes 90 miles in one day, no horse had ever stumbled with
jhim while he rode with a slack rein. He preached sometimes
j every day of the week, sometimes two or three times in the day.
I He preached in churches when he was allowed to; he preached
jin halls, in theatres, in rooms, but best of all he loved preaching
I in the open air in fields, in churchyards, and even in the streets.
It was Whitefield who converted him to this practice. In the
earlier years he sometimes encountered bitter and violent oppo-
sition, and not infrequently he ran considerable danger. But
neither opposition, fatigue, nor weather ever deterred him.
We will give a series of typical extracts :
^ 1738. I preached at six at St. Lawrence's ; at ten in St. Catherine Cree's
j chtirch ; and in the afternoon at St. John's Wapping. I believe it pleased
God to bless the first sermon most because it gave most ofience.
160 ENGLISH DIARIES |
1742. London, Long Lane- At length they began throwing large stones
upon the house which, forcing their way wherever they came, fell do\\^l ;
together with the tiles among the people so that they were in danger of their
lives. I
1743. We reached Gwennap a little before six and found the plain covered
from end to end. It was supposed there were ten thousand people to whom '
I preached Christ our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and redemption.
I could not conclude till it was so dark we could scarce see one another. And ^
there was on all sides the deepest attention ; none speaking, stirring, or scarce
looking aside.
We had not gone a hundred yards when the mob of Walsal came pouring
in like a flood and bore down all before them. . . . To attempt to speak was
vain for the noise on every side was like the roaring of the sea. So they
dragged me along till they came to the town, where seeing the door of a large
house open, I attempted to go in ; but a man catching me by the hair pulled
me back into the middle of the mob. They made no more stop till they had
carried me through tfie main street from one end of the town to the other. I
continued speaking all the time to those within hearing feeling no pain or
weariness.
1748. Bolton. They then began to throw stones ; at the same time some
got upon the cross behind me to push me down ; on which I could not but
observe how God overrules even the minutest circumstances. One man was
bawling just at my ear when a stone strack him on the cheek and he was still.
A second was forcing his way down to me till another stone hit him on the
forehead . . . the third, being got close to me, stretched out his hand and in
the instant a sharp stone came upon the joints of his fingei-s. He shook his
hand and was very quiet till I concluded my discourse and went away.
1750. Holyhead. In the evening I was surprised to see instead of some
poor plain people a room full of men daubed with gold and silver . . . several
of them (I afterwards learned) being eminently wicked men. I delivered my
soul but they could in no wise bear it.
1751. London. [After he had sprained his ankle.] I was carried to the
Foundery and preached, kneeling (as I could not stand) on part of the twenty
third Psalm.
1759. A vast majority of the immense congregation in Moorfields were
deeply serioiis. . . . What building except St. Paul's church would contain
such a congregation, and if it would what himian voice could have reached
them there ? By repeated observations I find I can command twice the
nimaber in the open air that I can xonder a roof.
1764. Liverpool. In the evening the house was fuller if possible than
the night before. I preached on the " one thing needftd " and the rich
behaved as seriotisly as the poor. Only one young gentlewoman (I heard)
laughed much. Poor thing ! Doubtless she thought " I laugh prettily."
1769. Freshpool. The beasts of the people were tolerably quiet till I
had nearly finished my sermon. They then lifted up their voice, especially
one, called a gentleman who had filled his pocket with rotten eggs ; but a
young man coming unawares, clapped liis hands on each side and mashed
JOHN WESLEY 161
them aU at once. In an instant he was perfume aU over ; though it was not
so sweet as balsam.
1773. Waterford. As I was drawing to a concliision some of the Papists
set on their work in earnest. They knocked down John Christian with two
or three more who endeavoured to quiet them and then began to roar like
the waves of the sea ; but hitherto could they come and no farther.
In some thousands of sermons Wesley must have repeated
himself very often. But his enthusiasm was terrific and he
attracted multitudes who were affected by his excited eloquence.
For so practical a man his behef in divine interpositions and
wonders is rather surprising. Time after time he refers to the
most ordmary occurrences as giving proof of God's intervention.
. One day when he was tired and his horse was lame he writes :
I thought— cannot God heal either man or beast by any means or without
any ?— immediately my headache ceased and my horses lameness in the same
instant.
He also writes down the most childish stories of supposed
miraculous events.
In 1741 he has an estrangement from Whitefield, who, he says,
told me, he and I preached two different gospels and therefore he not only
would not join with or give me the right hand of fellowship but was resolved
publicly to preach against me and my brother, wheresoever he preached at all.
In later years they come together again, and it appears from the
toUowmg entry that his superiority over his rival preacher lay
m his physical strength.
I breakfasted with Mr. Whitefield who seemed to be an old, old man being
lairly worn out in his Master's service, though he has hardly seen fifty years
and yet it pleases God that I who am now in my sixty-third year, find no
disorder, no weakness, no decay, no difference from what I was at five and
twenty ; only that I have fewer teeth and more grey hairs.
A little later there is an entry :
Mr. Whitefield caUed upon me. He breathes nothing but peace and love.
And afterwards he refers to him as his " old friend and fellow
labourer. '
Wesley married in 1751.
For many years I remained single because I believed I could be more useful
in a single than m a married state. And I praise God who enabled me to do
so. 1 now fuUy believe that in my present circumstances I might be more
useful ma married state ; into which upon this clear conviction and by the
advice of my friends I entered a few days later.
11
162 ENGLISH DIARIES
Once or twice he mentions his wife as accompanying him on
his journeys. But whatever great virtues Wesley had he can
hardly have been very domestic. In 1771, January 23, he
writes :
For what cause I know not to this day (his wife) set out for Newcastle
purposing " never to return." Non earn reliqui ; non dimisi ; non revocabo.
And ho further mention of her occurs in the Journal. He was
no] " lover of quiet days " ; rural pursuits did not apjDcal to him
at all.
Ceaseless activity — preaching, reading, writing — was the rule
of his life, and never did he allow an opportunity to slip of trying
to convert his fellow-men to a better life. Riding from Newport-
Pagnell he is ov^alaken by "a serious man," who enters into
conversation with him which ends in a warm dispute.
He then grew warmer and warmer ; told me I was rotten at heart and sup-
posed I was one of John Wesley's followers. I told him " No, I am John
Wesley himself." Upon which he woiild gladly have run away out right.
But being the better mounted of the two, I kept close to his side and endeav-
oured to show him his heart till we came into the streets of Northampton.
On another occasion near Newcastle he meets a cock-fighter.
I met a gentleman in the streets cursing and swearing in so dreadful a
manner that I could not but stop him. He soon grew calmer ; told me he
must treat me with a glass of wine ; and that he would come and hear me
only he was afraid I should say something against the fighting of cocks.
At Bath he tackles Beau Nash.
"Sir, did you ever hear me preach ? ' " " No . " " How then can you j udge
of what you never heard ? " " Sir, by common report." " Common report
is not enough. Give me leave, Sir, to ask, Is not your name Nash ? " " My
name is Nash." " Sir, I dare not judge of you by common report ; I think
it is not enough to judge by." Here he paused a while and having recovered
himself said : "I desire to know what this people comes here for " : on which
one replied " Sir, leave him to me ; let an old woman answer him. You Mr.
Nash take care of your body ; we take care of o\ir souls ; and for the food of
otu" souls we come here." He replied not a word but walked away.
Wesley's reading was mainly theological but there are occa-]
sional comments on other subjects. He reads Rousseau oi
Education and bursts out :
But how was I disappointed ! Sm-e a more consummate coxcomb never
saw the sun ! How amazingly fuU of himself.
Of the arts we hear very httle. He approves a performance
JOHN WESLEY 163
the Messiah at Bristol which he says exceeded his expectation.
But he disapproves in general of oratorios because :
One is singing the same words ten times over ; the other singing different
words by different persons at one and the same time.
The mothers of great men are often found to be remarkable
women. Wesley's mother, of whom he writes a great deal in his
Journal when she dies in 1742, bears out this theory. The mother
of nineteen children, she was a woman of strong character, but a
stern and forbidding disciplinarian. Her children were brought
up " to fear the rod and to cry softly," " the odious noise of the
crymg of children was rarely heard in the house." Her main
object was " to conquer the will of the children betimes." She
knew Latm and Greek and was herself a preacher. Of her nine-
teen children only six survived. As Mr. Birrell says: "The
mother of the Wesleys thought more of her children's souls than
of their bodies." From her it was, however, that John Wesley
inherited his marvellous powers of self-discipline and his genius
for organization. His imperious ambition drove him forward,
and he succeeded in establishing a great new religious movement
which at the time of his death numbered a hundred thousand
members and now counts its members in Great Britain and
America by milhons.
The Journal deals fully with the inauguration of the Holy Club
and the gradual growth of the new organization. It makes fre-
quent reference, too, to the brutality of many of the judges, the
harshness of the magistrate, the awful condition of the prisons
and the drunkenness, squalor and misery that existed in towns.
To Methodists the Journal is an invaluable record of the in-
auguration of their great movement. To the ordinary reader it
cannot appeal so much.
THE EARL OF EGMONT
THE Historical Manuscripts Commission have published
the first volume of the diary of Viscount Percival, after-
wards 1st Earl of Egmont. It covers the years 1730 to
1733. The whole manuscript consists of twelve foUo volumes
extending from 1730 to 1747. In addition to this there are some
fragmentary entries for the year 1728-9 in the British Museum.
We have the great advantage in the Historical Manuscripts
Commission's volume of having the complete diary without the
often irritating omissions which most editors seem obhged to
make.
Egmont kept a diary for at least eighteen or nineteen years,
probably longer, as when he was 15 he expressed liis intention
of keeping one. Many instances have been given of diarists
who wrote for longer periods, but there is certainly no instance
of anyone who kept so voluminous a diary. The four years
1730-1733 cover 477 closely printed pages, and there are single
entries of three to four thousand words. His diligence and
assiduity as a diarist are astonishing. It is all punctiliously and
laboriously written out in longhand, and the entries are daily
except for short periods when he is away on a hohday. Pubhc
affairs occupy his attention chiefly, and his records of parliamen-
tary debates are the fullest that exist of the period during which
he served as a member of the House of Commons. He himself
spoke seldom, but he had great powers of concentrated attention
and almost verbal memory. He gives therefore practically the
whole debate more fully than it is given to-day in a good news^
paper report. For this reason his diary acquires special historical
importance ; it takes the place of a Hansard for the period. He
comments but httle, he does not select the chief speeches, but
every speaker is reported with an occasional descriptive word
such as " a sorry speech " or "a bantering speech." Pohtical
conversations and committees are treated with the same full
exactitude. He writes comparatively httle of a personal char-
acter and indulges in no self-analysis, and makes few reflections
164
1
THE EARL OF EGMONT 165
apart from his opinions on public affairs. Sermons are recorded,
plays mentioned, and there is a good deal about music, of which
he was very fond.
Before entering the British House of Commons Percival had
served in the Irish Parliament. He married in 1710, and we can
see from his diary that his marriage was a happy one.
This day 1 have been 21 years married and I aclmowledge God's blessing
that I have hved so many years in full happiness with my dear wife.
This day I have been married twenty two years and I bless God that I have
lived so long with the best wife, the best Christian, the best mother and the
best mistress of her servants living ; and that not only the world thinks so
but that I am myself sensible of it.
Perusing the very lengthy and detailed entries not only of
debates but of conversations, one sees the man very clearly :
without marked literary talent, with no conspicuous parliamentary
abilities, he was thoughtful, very conscientious, and noticeably
and exceptionally high-minded for a poutician of that era,
although some of the political usages which he refers to may
rnake us smile. He was independent in his views and very per-
sistent, more especially where his son's interests were concerned.
He was formally religious. No Sunday passed without obser-
vance of the duties of prayers and sermon, and often of " com-
municating " also, and if public worship was not possible there
were invariably " prayers and sermon " at home. Percival took
himself very seriously, and we should doubt if he had any sense
of humour. Like so many diarists, he never fails to note down
the words of Royalty, even when the conversations are of no
sort of interest.
The commanding figure in the early years of George II was
Sir Robert Walpole. Percival is a personal friend of his and a
political supporter, and Horace Walpole, who was a sort of go-
between through whom approaches to the great minister were
naade, also figures largely in the diary. The following passage
shows that Percival could be very critical of his chief;
Sir Robert Walpole . . . found there are certain occasions where he cannot
carry points ; it is this meanness of his (the prostitution of the character of
a hrst minister m assisting and strenuously supporting the defence of dun<^hill
worms, let their cause be ever so unjust, against men of honour, birth and
tortune, and that m person too) that gains him so much ill will • Sir
Bobert hke the altars of refuge in old times, is the asylum of little 'unworthy
wretches who submitting to dirty work, endear themselves to him and get
his protection first and then his favour which as he is first Minister is sure to
draw after it the countenance of the Court ... the King can seldom know
the merits and character of private persons but from the first Minister who
166 ENGLISH DIARIES
we see has no so great regard for any as for these little pickthanks and scrubs
for whom he risks liis character and the character of his high station.
Percival had no difficulty in getting his advance in the peerage
out of Walpole. We find the very famihar excuse that he does
not want it for himself, but
the world thought there was something in quality and my own household
pressed me to ask for it.
It is true that he was not ambitious for himself. He explains
this to George II.
I waited on the King and told him that though loving my ease, I never yet
would be in Parliament, yet having observed in all reigns that the first that
was summoned tvas always the most troublesome to the Prince I was resolved
to stand that I might contribute my poor services to the settlement of affairs.
It is interesting, and indeed surprising, to read of the degree of
excitement caused by certain proposals in Parliament which
have now passed entirely into oblivion. An entry may be quoted
with regard to Walpole's unpopular Excise scheme which even
he failed to carry through.
We learned that last night the City rang their bells for joy, the Bill was
dropped and made more bonfires and illimoinations than ever was known.
They broke the windows of the Post Office and of all other hoToses not illumin-
ated and would have done it of the Parliament House while we were sitting
if they could have come within reach of them. They burnt Sir Robert in
effigy with Sarah Malcome in several places and in others dressed up a pole and
whipped it. a
Among other matters which engaged the attention of Parlia-1
ment was the investigation of the operations of the Charitable
Corporation which resulted in the expulsion of prominent members
of the House of Commons. In connection with this question
he notes how ladies were first admitted into the gallery of the
House.
This day I carried my wife and daughter Kitty to the House of Commons
to hear Sir Archibald Grant make his defence. So many ladies said to be
undone by the managers of the Charitable Corporation, induced the Speaker
to indulge ladies to be present in the gallery and witnesses of the justice the
Parliament are doing on those vile persons. • 'i
When he retired from Parliament and wishes his son to take
his place, long drawn-out complications ensue with regard to
Harwich, his constituency, which end in serious " altercations '*
between him and the Walpoles. The son, afterwards 2nd Earl
THE EARL OF EGMONT 167
of Egmont, father of Percival, the Prime Minister, showed marked
pohtical abihty at an early age. His father discovers that he is
the author of two pamphlets.
They are the first essays of this kind and he made me promise not to acquaint
any but my wife that he wrote them. He need not be ashamed of them and
few cliildren at nineteen years old would have done so well.
But later on Percival is much dismayed when he finds that his
son had run through £2,000 during his stay in Ireland. How
he reprimanded him we do not know, but he confides his annoyance
to his diary.
There are, however, no further references to trouble between
father and son, and Percival throws himself heart and soul into
the business of getting his son a seat in the House of Commons.
The arrangements and intrigues with regard to Harwich, which
occupy many long entries, illustrate the astonishing methods by
which elections were arranged in those days. The Walpoles,
however, for various reasons were not entirely sympathetic, but
Percival never misses an opportunity of pressing his son's claims.
" A strange return for my personal regard to Sir R. Walpole,"
he writes on hearing some unfavourable news.
At last the quarrel becomes serious.
As I was coming out of Court Sir Robert Walpole came in, and in a familiar
kind sort of way asking me how I did offered me his hand but I drew back
mine and in a respectful cool way said only to him " Your humble servant.
Sir."
The Walpoles try to patch things up, but Percival continues to
" be much heated at Sir Robert Walpole's ill usage of me," and
eventually, although this comes later than the period covered by
the printed volume, his son is returned for another constituency.
Percival took an active part in the enterprise for the colonisation
of Georgia, and the proceedings of the Georgia Committee are
very fully reported. Cordial as were Egmont's relations with
the Royal Family, he does not appear to have had a very high
opinion of their judgment ; and their praise leaves him cold.
In 1731 he gives a character sketch of Frederick Prince of
Wales :
The character of the Prince is this : he has no reigning passion, if it be it is
to pass the evening with six or seven others over a glass of wine and hear
them talk of a variety of things ; but he does not drink. He loves play and
plays to win that he may supply his pleasures and generosity which last are
great but so ill placed that he often wants wherewith to do a well-placed
kindness, by giving to unworthy objects. He has had several mistresses and
168 ENGLISH DIARIES
now keeps one an apothecary's daughter of Kingston ; but is not nice in his
choice and talks more of feats this way than he acts. He can talk gravely
according to his company but is sometimes more childish than becomes his
age. He thinks he laiows business but attends to none ; hkes to be flattered.
He is good natiired and if he meets with a good Ministry may satisfy his
people ; he is extremely dutiful to his parents who do not retiirn it in love
and seem to neglect him by letting him do as he will, but they keep him short
of money.
With the Queen (Caroline of Anspach) he is on very intimate
terms. He has long and interesting conversations with her, for
he says " she reads and converses on a multitude of things more
than our sex generally does." One example may be given in
which the diarist himself seems to have expressed some very
sound ideas ±o her majesty :
1732. April 29. Went to Covirt where the King and Queen talked a great
deal to me, she took notice of my collection of heads and said it must be very
curious and fine [these " heads " are referred to in anothsr entry as being
" in wax "] but wondered I did not work upon it in Winter. I said I had not
time. " No " said she " when 3'ou rise at four o'clock ? When do you go
to bed ? " I said, at ten. " That is," said she " sleeping six hours which is
long enough for anybody." We then talked of the vices of the age and she
said she thought the world as good as it was formerly. I said it ought to be
BO considering what a good example we had before tis but there were fashion-
able vices that reigned more one age than another, as cheating and over-
reaching our neighbour does now more than ever occasioned by riches, trade
and the great increase of the city, for populous towns have more roguery than
little ones, for here men may hide it but when men lived more in the country
as in former times, there was not that knowledge how to cheat neither the
temptation nor opportiinity given. " May be " replied the Queen " you are
for reducing people to poverty to make them honest." " Not so," replied I
" but great wealth occasions luxury and luxxiry extravagance and extrava-
gance want and want knavery."
In contrast to this entry there are many lengthy pages devoted
to the petty question of the precedence of Irish peers in some
procession. Sometimes he makes very long transcriptions of
sermons, and his religious inclinations can be noted by the fre-
quent references to " prayers and sermon " at home. The only
very short entries are those where he simply notes " stayed at
home." These moments of leisure were probably devoted to
writing up the long reports, and we must remember that he got
up at four o'clock. He gives a very full and touching account
of his " sister Bering's " death and his endeavours to comfort her
in her last hours. Day by day the details of her illness are re-
corded with all the religious consolations with which he tries
to soften her last moments. When she dies he writes :
THE EARL OF EGMONT 169
She died away more gradually than a lamp going out or a lamb falling to
Bleep and they who were in the room, for I could not bear to be there, said
they never in their lives saw nor heard of so composed and gentle and sweet
an end.
His own health is occasionally referred to.
I stayed all day still at home on accoimt of my soar throat and drew two
teeth.
This day I visited Mr. John Temple who gave me for my rhetunatic pains a
bottle of right old verjuice and advised me to take a glass of it with a toast
in it every morning fasting and going to bed and to rub my joints with it
after it is well warmed, to continue this three weeks.
Still confined by the blow on my leg which I got tliis day semiit coming
out of Court by a chair, and for which Mr. Dickens the surgeon daily attends
me.
Percival's love of music is shown conspicuously throughout the
diary. He goes frequently to the " Vocal Club " to " excellent
Concerts of Music " and gives regular concerts in his own house.
A few quotations on this subject may be given beginning with
two which occur in the manuscript fragm.ents of 1728-9.
At night I went to the Crown tavern to hear the musick (the Academy of
Vocal Mmic) which the gentlemen of the King's Chapel have every fortnight
there, being an attempt to restore ancient Church Musick.
1730. In the evening I went to my sister Percival to hear Signer Fabri
who sings tenor in our Opera, perform, and I engaged him to teach my daughter
at three guineas for ten times.
The Prince (Frederick, Prince of Wales) seems to have had a
desire to join his orchestra :
He was learning the bass viol for he could not always be in company. I
answered the pleasm-e of life lay in little things. He said he hoped soon to
play well enough to be admitted of my concert and have my wife hear him.
I answered it would be the greatest honour I could ever expect.
" Hendel from Hanover " he refers to as
a man of the vastest genius and skill in music that perhaps has lived since
Orpheus. The great variety of manner in liis compositions whether serious
or brisk whether for the Church or the stage or the chamber and that agreeable
mixtm-e of styles that are in his works, that fire and spirit far sm^assing his
brother musicians soon gave him preference over Bononcini with the English.
Sympathetic as he was to musicians, his lordship seems to have
been tinged with a sense of the profession's comparative social
inferiority when he says that a salary of five hundred poimds a
170 ENGLISH DIARIES
year was " a sum which no musician ever had before from any
prince nor ought to have."
Once on his birthday he describes his own position with some
self-satisfaction.
1731. Jvdy 12. This day being my birthday, I complete my age of forty
eight years and enter upon my forty ninth. I bless God that hitherto I have
had neither gout nor stone but enjoy a perfect state of health. Many others
are His mercies to me. I am in possession of a good name and of a fortune
greater than what my father left. ... I have a wife after my own heart
being perfect in every virtue and without alloy and three children sound in
body and mind and dutiful. My son gives himself to useful things and pro-
mises to make a considerable man if he can be it without breach of his inte-
grity and virtue which he is remarkable for : and my daughters have made
great progress in their exercises. I coxmt it my highest felicity that at the
same time that I am perfectly sensible of my happiness, I am ready to part
with it all and to change this life for a better when God pleases : the thought
of death carries no sting with it for me. Blessed be God !
Two more volumes of Egmont's diary are to appear. n
Vi*
I
FANNY BURNEY (Madame d'Arblay)
IF ever there was a diarist, Fanny Burney was one. Yet in
a close perusal of the eight volumes of her diary and
letters it is not always easy to detach the journal from
the letters. In fact, the clear distinction that there is between
diary writing and letter writing becomes in the case of Fanny
Burney obscured. Letters divided up by daily dates can be
counted as journal, but towards the end we get sections of what
is called " narrative," which constitute memoirs and cannot be
regarded as journal. The combination of the three, the journal,
the letters and the narratives, give us as full a picture of the
authoress in the earlier days as it is possible to get. The private
meditations, which are of a religious character, would add still
further to our knowledge, but they have not been published.
There is no need to give a prehminary sketch of so well known
a literary character as the author of Evelina. The analysis of
her diary will in itself allow us to pass in rapid review the chief
incidents in her long life, which divides itself more or less into
five distinct periods : childhood, early life at home, court life,
married life, and widowhood.
As to her motive and method we must glance through the
whole diary to find the key.
The dedication of the journal, which was begun on March 27,
1768, when she was 15 years old, begins :
To have some account of my thoughts, manners, acquaintance, and actions,
when the hour arrives in which time is more nimble than memory is the reason
which induces me to keep a Journal. A Journal in which I must confess my
every thought must open my whole heart ! But a thing of this kind must
be addressed to somebody — I must imagine myself to be talking — talking to
the most intimate friends — to one whom I should take delight in confiding and
remorse in concealment : but who must this friend be ?
She comes to the conclusion it must be Nobody, and accord-
ingly to " a certain Miss Nobody " the diary is addressed. In
fact, Fanny Burney faced from the outset the question which
most diarists leave unsettled or rather unrevealed, namely the
171
172 ENGLISH DIARIES
practical impossibility of writing without imagining some one
reading. As a child, she decided on this imaginary person,
later she definitely addressed her journal to one of her sisters,
to Mr. Crisp, or occasionally to her father, but this in no
way altered her intention at the time that it should be private
and confidential. Its intense egotism in the early years, a natural
characteristic of a real diary writer, is sufficient proof of this.
There are several passages which show how strong in her was the
itch to record passing events.
1768. I cannot express the pleasure I have in writing down my thoughts
at the very moment — ^my opinion of people when I first see them and how
I alter or how confirm myself in it . . . there is something to me very imsatis-
factory in pissing year after year without even a memorandum of what you
did.
She had begun at a still earlier age, but unfortunately she
destroyed her earliest diaries.
1774. I burnt all up to my fifteenth year — thinking I grew too old for
scribbling nonsense but as I am less j'oimg, I grow, I fear, less wise, for I
carmot any long resist what I find to be irresistible, the pleasure of popping
down my thoughts from time to time on paper.
When she decides to address her diary to her sister she calls
it " journahzing " ; and the inclination for this form of writing
never failed.
1780. I am not much in cue for journalizing but I am yet less inclined for
anything else.
But it was for the events and incidents and not for the deeper
reflections on life that her journal was reserved.
1789. But why do I forget the resolution with which I began these my
chronicles of never mixing with them my reUgious sentiments — opinions
— hopes — ^fears — belief — or aspirations ? . . . I never will jumble together
what I deem holy with what I know to be trivial.
And later again she refers to the entries in the diary as " poor
shallow memorials." In fact, she found herself very often in
what she describes as " a scribbhng vein," and being surrounded
as she was practically all her hfe through by interesting and
eminent people, she was afforded ample opportunity for indulg-
ing her talent. And her talent was very remarkable. Every
line she wrote is by no means worth reading. Her proUxity is
tiresome, her gush, though characteristic of her time, often
irritating. But she had one particular faculty which can hardly
FANNY BURNEY lt3 ^
have been surpassed by any other writer, and which is really
the main reason of her journal having gained such a high repu-
tation. This was her capacity for memorising and recording
conversations — ^not just little scraps of dialogue introduced as
illustrations or as examples of how she herself scored off her
interlocutors — but pages of full conversations disclosing the
personalities and characteristics of the participants, sometimes
with considerable humour and sometimes with intense serious-
ness. This is her method also in her novels. In fiction there
can be no doubt she was immediately successful. But in actual
life, too, while no one can pretend they are anything like ver-
batim reports, the conversations have just that quality wliich
makes the painting of a great artist give a more interesting
impression than a far more rigidly accurate photograph. She
rarely gi^^es any full account of the outward appearance of her
characters. They break into conversation immediately, and
most convincing to the reader do they seem. Fanny Burney
can never be suspected of deliberate invention or misrepresenta-
tion, but her imagination must have filled up the gaps. She
admits her prejudices, but fairness of mind is one of the most
conspicuous characteristics of every line she wrote in her diary.
" All that I relate in Journalizing," she says in a letter, " is
strictly nay 'plainly Fact : I never in all my Life have been a Sayer
of the Thing that is not, and now I should be not only a Knave
but a Fool also in so doing, as I have other purposes for Imaginery
characters than filling Letters with them."
These frequently recurring and often long conversations make
the illustration of the diary by means of extracts extremely
difficult. We can do little more, therefore, than refer to them.
This phenomenal talent was not gradually developed, she seems
practically to have been born with it. In the first year of the
diary, when she was 15, she begins an entry : "I have had to-
day the first real conversation I have ever had in my life except
with Mr. Crisp " ; then follows a dialogue which occupies five
and a half closely printed pages with no sort of clumsiness in
either phrase or expression.
The early diaries, covering the period from 1768 to 1778, deal
with her home life and the visitors who came to her father's
house. Dr. Burney was a lover of music, engaged on a History
of Music, and Fanny acted as his amanuensis. She often ex-
presses her devotion to him : "I am never half as happy as
with him," and also her affection for Mr. Crisp, who goes by the
name of ' ' Daddy. ' ' We have accounts of tea parties, plays, private
174 ENGLISH DIARIES
theatricals, fancy dress balls; and the books she was reading
are duly noted. Garrick was a frequent visitor, and specially
dehghted her and her brothers and sisters because he was always
ready for all sorts of pranks with children. She records a
conversation with her father about his forthcoming book.
" But pray, Doctor, when shall we have the History out ? Do let me know
in time that I may prepare to blow the trumpet of Fame." He then put his
stick to his mouth and in a Raree-show-man's voice cried, " Here is the only
true History, Gentlemen, please to buy, please to buy. Sir, I shall blow it
in the very ear of yon scurvy magistrate " (meaning Sir John Hawkins who is
writing the same history). He then ran on with great humour upon twenty
subjects ; but so much of his drollery belongs to his voice, looks and manner
that writing loses it almost all.
She al^o greatly admired Garrick's acting. In Richard III she
says :
Garrick was sublimely horrible. Good heavens — how he made me shudder
whenever he appeared ! It is inconceivable how terribly great he is in this
character.
In many of the conversations which took place round her she
did not participate, though she often listened attentively enough.
Dr. Shepherd, Mr. Twiss and my father conversed upon foreign countries
and Susy and I sat very snug together amused either by ourselves or them
as we chose.
We must pass from the outpourings of the young girl which
occupy the best part of two volumes. They often show remark-
able penetration in character reading and unexpectedly mature
reflections. But the sheer facility of writing was rather a snare.
In the second period, from 1778 to 1786, we get a far more
elaborate account of her pursuits and her friends and acquaint-
ances. The two outstanding features of this section of the
diary are the pubhcation of Evelina and her friendship with Dr.
Johnson. She begins 1778 with the following announcement in
her facetious manner :
This year was ushered in by a grand and most important event ! At the
latter end of January the literary world was favoured with the first publication
of the ingenious learned and most profound Fanny Burney ! I doubt not
but this memorable affair will in future times mark the period whence chrono-
logers will date the zenith of the polite arts in this island.
As the whole business of writing and pubhcation had been
done secretly without even the knowledge of her father she was
naturally inchned at first to treat the whole thing as a huge joke.
FANNY BURNEY 175
But the immediate unexpected and amazing success of her first
novel must have gone far to turn her head, and in her diary she
records every possible reference to it, and all the multifarious
accidents and incidents connected with her discovered authorship.
Not only do we have every word uttered by Dr. Johnson on the
subject, Burke's praise, Sheridan's appreciation, and Sir Joshua
Reynolds' all night sitting over it, but the comment of every
one she meets is recorded in full for some years after the
event. The storing up of these pleasant and indeed very re-
markable tributes to her talent is one of the surest proofs that
publication was very far from Fanny Burney's mind when she
began to write her diary.
Dr. Johnson seems, more than anyone who has ever lived, to
have had the effect on people of making them run off and write
down every word he said and describe every gesture he made,
every noise that came from him. Fanny Burney, who saw him
frequently in these years, concentrated her talents on recording
his sayings and habits and doings in a way that would have made
Boswell very envious had he been able to read her diary in his
lifetime. Indeed, we gather from her interview with him that
he suspected she had some valuable material stored away some-
where.
" Yes madam " — says Boswell — " you must give me some of your choice
little notes of the Doctor's : we have seen him long enough upon stilts ; I
want to show him in a new light. Grave Sam and great Sam and Solemn
Sam and learned Sam — all these he has appeared over and over. Now I
• want to entwine a wreath of the graces across his brow ; I want to show him
as gay Sam, agreeable Sam, pleasant Sam ; so you must help me with some of
his beautiful billets to yourself."
I evaded, declaring I had not any stores at hand. He proposed a thousand
curious expedients to get at them but I was invincible.
It was a curious interview, for Boswell proceeded to take out
of his pocket proofs of his Life of Johnson and read them to
Miss Burney at the gates of the Queen's Lodge at Windsor, with
a crowd gathering round them to her embarrassment and dismay.
Her first impression of Dr. Johnson comes in her early diary
in 1777:
In the midst of this performance Dr. Jolmson was annoimced. He is
indeed very ill favoured ; is tall and stout ; but stoops terribly ; he is almost
bent double. His mouth is almost constantly opening and shutting as if he
was chewing. He has a strange method of frequently twirling his fingers and
twisting his hands. His body is in continual agitation see-sawing up and
down ; his feet are never a moment quiet ; and in short his whole person is
in perpetual motion. His dress too considering the times and that he had
ire ENGLISH DIARIES
meant to put on his best becomes being engaged to dine in a large company-
was as much out of the common road as his figure ; he had a large wig, snuff
colour coat and gold buttons but no ruffles to his shirt doughty fists and black j
worsted stockings.
Her frequent meetings with him in the following years are all
carefully described. He had a very genuine affection for her and
she worshipped him.
■•Si
But Dr. Johnson's approbation ! It almost crazed me with agreeable
surprise — it gave me such a flight of spirits that I danced a jig to Mr. Crisp
without any preparation, music or explanation.
A little while ago I went into the music room where he was tete d iete with
Mrs. Thrale, and calling me to him he took my hand and made me sit next
him in a manner that seemed truly aSectionate. " Sir," cried I, " I was much
afraid I was going out of your favour ! " " Why so ? What should make you
think so ? " " Why I don't know — ^my silence, I believe. I began to fear
you would give me up." " No, my darling ! my dear little Bumey, no, when
I give you up " " \^Tiat then. Sir ?" cried Mrs. Thrale. " Why I don't
know ; for whoever could give her up would deserve worse than I can say ;
I know not what would be bad enough. ' '
Mrs. Thrale says Fanny's modesty is really beyond bounds :
" That madam is another wonder " answered my dear, dear Dr. Johnson
" for modesty with her is neither pretence nor decorum ; 'tis an ingredient of
her nature ; for she who could part with such a work (Evelina) for twenty
poimds, could know so little of its worth or of her own as to leave no possible
doubt of her humility."
Dr. Johnson has been very unwell indeed. Once I was quite frightened
about him, but he continues his strange disciphne — starving, mercury,
opium ; and though for a time half demoUshed by its severity, he always
in the end rises superior both to the disease and the remedy — which commonly
is the most alarming of the two. His kindness for me I think if possible still
increased ; he actually bores everybody so about me that the folks even com- ~
plain of it. I must, however, acknowledge I feel but little pity for their
fatigue.
Apart from conversations we get Httle character sketches and'
touches of humour.
Mr. B. — whose trite, settled, tonish emptiness of discourse is a never failing
source of laughter and diversion.
Mrs. Streatfield — she is very lively and an excellent mimic and is I think
as much superior to the daughter in natural gifts as her daughter is to her in
acquired ones ; and how infinitely preferable are parts without education to
education without parts.
Burke. He is tall, his figure is noble, his air commanding, his address
graceful, liis voice is clear, penetrating, sonorous and powerful ; his language
FANNY BURNEY I77
is copious various and eloquent, liis manners are attractive, his conversation
IS deligntful.
Mrs. Siddom. She behaved with great propriety very calm, modest quiet
and unaffected. She has a very fine countenance and her eyes look both
mtelhgent and soft. She has however a steadiness in her manner and deport-
ment by no means engaging.
In 1786, through the instrumentality of Mrs. Delany, who hved
at Windsor, Fanny was offered and accepted the post of second
keeper of the robes to Queen Charlotte in succession to Mrs
Haggerdorn, at a salary of £200 a year. The section of her diary
which covers the five years during which she held this appoint-
ment IS the most entertaining, although it is a record of an im-
prisonment and menial servitude to which she never ought to
have been subjected. Her duties were to answer the royal bell
early m the mormng and help the Queen to dress. The curling
and powdering of her Majesty's hair also occupied a great deal of
time. She occasionally read to the Queen, fiUed her snuff box
looked after the dog basket, and ran messages, but the waiting
and standing and attendance at functions proved gradually a
physical strain far beyond her capacity. She presided at the tea
equipage of the equerries-in-waiting in the absence of her col-
league and she had opportunities for intercourse with the princes
and princesses. However much she may have grown to hate the
hte at the end, she never lost a rather pathetic worship of royalty
towards whom her critical faculties are never brought into play
They are referred to as " the sweet Queen " and " the excellent
Kmg or the most beloved of monarchs," and on one occasion
she feels mchned to " tlirow herself at the King's feet." They
" condescend " and their messages are always "gracious " The
diary which she kept regularly from daily noted memoranda
brings the royal atmosphere at Windsor and Kew and occasion-
ally at St. James's before us with wonderful reahsm.
The description of her first meeting with George III and the
Queen at Mrs. Delany's before her appointment occupies no less
than twenty-three printed pages. We can only give a short
extract from the conversation :
" Pray does Miss Burney draw, too ? " asked the King. The ' too ' was
pronoimced very civilly. ^
;; I beUeve not sir ''answered Mrs. Delany " at least she does not tell."
do«« f^ll ""^^^^^^"f^^g" that's nothing! she is not apt to tell ; she never
does tell, you know !-Her father told me that himself. He told me the
whole history of her Evelma. And I shall never forget his face when h!
178 ENGLISH DIARIES
spoke of his feelings at first taking up the book ! He looked quite frightened,
just as if he was doing it that moment ! I never can forget his face while I
live ! "
Then coming up close to me he said,
" But what ? what ? how was it ? "
" Sir ? " cried I, not well imderstanding him.
" How came you — ^how happened it — what ? what ? "
" I I only wrote, sir, for my own amusement — only in some odd, idle
hours."
" But your publishing — your printing — ^how was that ?
" That was only, sir, only because "
I hesitated most abominable not knowing how to tell him a long story and
growing terribly confused at these questions ; besides, to say the truth, his
own " what ? what ? " so reminded me of those vile Probationary Odes that
in the midst of aU my flutter I was really hardly able to keep my countenance.
The What was then repeated with so earnest a look that forced to say some-
thing I stanomeringly answered.
" I thought— sir, it would look well in print ! " I do really flatter myself
this is the siUiest speech I ever made ! I am qviite provoked with myself for
it ; but a fear of laughing made me eager to utter anything and by no means
conscioiis till I had spoken of what I was saying.
He laughed very heartily himself— well he might — and walked away to
enjoy it crying out " very fair indeed ! that's being very fair and honest."
The King was invariably kind to her, and took occasion now
and again to have httle talks with her. Here is his Majesty's
opinion on Shakespeare :
" Was there ever " cried he " such stufi as great part of Shakespeare ?
only one must not say so ! But what think you ? What? Is there not sad
stufi ? What ?— What ? "
" Yes, indeed, I think so, sir, though mixed with such excellences that — — "
" Oh," cried he laughing good hvunouredly " I know it is not to be said !
But it's true. Only it's Shakespeare and nobody dare abuse him."
Then he enumerated many of the characters and parts of plays that he
objected to ; and when he had run them over finished with again laughing and
exclaiming,
" But one should be stoned for saying so ! "
The account the diarist gives of her encounter with the King
in Kew Gardens, when he had not yet recovered from his first
attack of insanity, is, in spite of its serio-comic character, one
of the most dramatic in the journal. She running for her Hfe,
the King in hot pursuit shouting after her, the attendants and
doctors bringing up the rear endeavouring to check the King.
Finally she stops and then comes a flood of conversation, not
by any means all of it mad.
What a conversation followed 1 When he saw me fearless he grew more
and more aUve and made me walk close by his side. . . . Everybody that came
uppermost in his mind he mentioned ; he seemed to have such remams of his
FANNY BURNEY 179
flightiness as heated his imagination without deranging his reason and robbed
him of aU control over his speech though nearly in his perfect state of mind
as to his opinions.
Of "the sweet Queen" whom she saw daily we get a more
hnished portrait, though it is always biased by the infatuation
for royalty. Queen Charlotte was kind, domestic and punc-
tilious and with her full share of royal inconsiderateness. But
o± all the characters in this part, or indeed any part, of the diary
there is nothing to equal Fanny Burney's account of her col-
league the first keeper of the robes, Mrs. Schwellenberg, de-
scribed by Macaulay as " a hateful old toadeater, as iUiterate as
a chamber-maid, as proud as a whole German Chapter, rude
peevish, unable to bear solitude, unable to conduct herself with
common decency in society." A series of extracts from the diary
mil be the best way of describing this extraordinary person.
One of the equerries mentioned a newspaper paragraph in
which the Queen's name had appeared. i- ^ f
" What for you tell me that ! "
'' Ma'am, I— I only said— It is not me ma'am but the newspapers "
vn,, Z^^ T J ^?,^,^^^^ such newspapers ? I tell you the same-it is-what
you call — I don't hke such thing ! "
" But ma'am "
ww' "^°'' T 7^'^' ^ f '^^* *^" 5^°" °^^^' ^^«^ yo" ^ame the Queen, it is
CoToS f T °' *^^ ^b"* ^h«^ i* i« the Queen-I teU you the same.
Colonel— It makes me— what you call— perspire. "
A clergyman offers to read out to Mrs. SchweUenberg and asks
what he shall read :
r«n fn " """^"^ "Jl" ^ '^°''^ ^^""^ ^^*^^g ^^^t you caU novels, what you
stl-rri"' 'tth /°" «^\^f ---I -gi^t not read such what you caU
Btun — not 1 ! [this was a hit at Fanny].
beW oTJ^ f T' ^V^!'^ ^^'^'"'^ "°°"^ ^"^ ^ ^^"gh* ^ ^°«t ««^«^« cold by
tWh thf 1 T ^l ir ^°^ °^ ^y ''^^ *° '^^ Mrs. Schwellenberg
though the sharpest wind blew that ever attacked a poor phiz.
the^w'dlZr'"' indeed Mrs. Schwellenberg finding it expedient to have
attnflp I ?7 ^"^t ""^^^"^ *^"^^ b^«^ ^ ^^^^P ^ind wWch so painfully
attacked my eyes that they were inflamed even before we arrived L town
On a subsequent occasion Mr. de Luc is bold enough to put
the glass up. ® ^
I telf fou Wmf ^^^'M' ""^l^^^ inimediate order. " Do it Mr. de Luc when
" ItTnnfT '* • l^^"" y°" ^^^^ *°«^ «°ld you might bear it ! "
It IS not for me ma'am but poor Miss Bumey."
180 ENGLISH DIARIES
" Oh, poor Miss Bumey might bear it the same ; put it down Mr. de Luc
without I wiU get out ! It is my coach. I will have it selfs ! I might go
alone in it or with one or with what you call nobody when I please ! " . . .
. . Oh ver well ! when you don't like it (sitting with her back to the
horses) don't do it ! What did the poor Haggerdorn bear it when the blood
was all running down from her eyes."
On yet another occasion when Fanny put up her muff as pro-
tection in the carriage she declared in a fury " she never no
never would trouble any won to air with her again but go always
selfs." When the equerries neglect all conversation with Mrs.
Schwellenberg :
She protested that if they did not mind she would have them no more and
let them make tea for themselves. " Oh, yes, I will put an end to it ! your
humble" servant ! when they wont talk to me they may stay ; comical men •
they bin bears ! "
She kept frogs.
•• But I can make them croak when I will when I only go so to my snufi
box knock knock knock they croak all what I please."
When Fanny did not talk because she was tired :
" You tired ! What have you done ? when I used to do so much more—
you tired ? What have you to do but to be happy ? have you the |aces to
buy -> have you the wardrobe to part ? have you,— you tired ? V eU, what
wiU come next when you have every happiness— you might not be tired.
No, I can't bear it."
My coadjutrix was now grown so fretful and affi-onting that though we only ,
met at dinner it was hard to support her most unprovoked harshness.
When at the time of her proposed retirement Miss Burney,
and her father dechned the alternative offer of six months' holi-
day, Mrs. Schwellenberg's fury was boundless.
A scene almost horrible ensued when I told Cerbera the offer was refused.,1
She was too much enraged for disguise and uttered the most furious expressions^
of indignant contempt at our proceedings.
When the final parting came the old gorgon undoubtedly wasi
moved :
She would take no leave of me, but wished me better hastily and sayii
we should soon meet she hurried suddenly out of the room. P^f ^^f^^^J
If her temper were not so irascible I reaUy believe her heart would be by -
means wanting in kindness.
After her release she confesses in a retrospect:
Poor Mrs. SchweUenberg so wore, wasted, and tortured all my Uttle leif
that my time for repose was, in fact, my time of greatest labour. -.
FANNY BURNEY 18i
Court life is illustrated by many other curious and interesting
portraits; the extraordinary Mr. Turbulent (her name for the
Rev. C. de Guiffardiere), who occasionally flings himself on his
knees at her feet ; Mr. Fairly (Colonel Stephen Digby), with whom
she has long conversations ; the facetious equerry Colonel Golds-
worthy, the future King William IV, of whom Schwellenberg
says, "Dat Prince Villiam— oders de Duke of Clarence— bin
raelly very merry— oders vat you call tipsy," and many other
people eminent and humble. The unutterably tiresome court
ceremonials and functions are fully described. But in the history
of court ritual surely the following ceremony is unique :
At Weymouth. The King bathes and with great success ; a machine follows
the Royal one into the sea filled with fiddlers who play " God save the King "
as His Majesty takes his plunge.
The Queen gave Fanny Burney tickets for the trial of Warren
Hastings in Westminster Hall. Here she meets Windham, and
the series of conversations she records with him as she watches
the proceedings are perhaps the most striking in the journal.
By means of these dialogues she brings the whole scene in detail
to our eyes with unconscious and yet perfect skill. She was
strongly prejudiced in favour of Hastings, and Windham was
one of the Managers of the prosecution. Curiously enough
Fanny Burney is not even mentioned in Windham's diary, though
he generally gives the names of people he meets.
Of course it never occurred to her royal mistress that the
exacting life at court was detrimental to the literary career of
the already remarkable authoress. And it came as a painful
surprise to her Majesty when Miss Burney and her father, urged
by many friends, including Windham, Walpole, and Boswell, at
last decided on her resignation. At odd intervals she did find
time to write, and she tells us she is at work on her tragedies.
Unfavourable as the atmosphere no doubt was, and infrequent
as the moments of leisure were in a hfe of " hard fagging," it is
far too much to say that her five years of court service per-
manently damaged her literary career any more than it was per-
manently damaging to her health, although its continuance
might have been fatal. Surely she had collected enough copy
for many a novel, not to say farce, in her unique experiences at
Windsor and Kew.
Although this is no place to enlarge on Fanny Burney's literary
accomplishments, we may note that even in her diary so long
as she adopts what we may call the "Evelina" style—pure,
182 ENGLISH DIARIES
fresh, spontaneous, slightly ironical and often witty— she is un-
rivalled. But time and circumstances— not only her confine-
ment in the court, but a desire to emulate heavier metal of the
Johnsonian type— produced a pomposity, a heaviness, and a
pretentiousness which ruined her published work and can also
be traced in her diary. The rather delicate growth of pure
imagination was not only checked by circumstances, but would
seem to have been choked by too excellent a memory and too
keen a power of observation. These, however, were a valuable
equipment for diary writing, and that is why the diary stands
first among the productions from her pen.
After her release, in which she greatly rejoices, she returns
once or twice to court. During a short attendance at St. James's
she says :
Indeed I was half dead with only two days' and nights' exertion. 'Tis
amazing how I ever went through all that is passed.
Back with her friends once again, she travels about, and her
diary shows her continued interest in people. At her sister's
house, which was frequented by a group of French exiles, she
meets General d'Arblay.
He seems to me a true miUiaire, franc et ZoyoJ— open as the day— warmly ,
affectionate to his friends— inteUigent ready and amusing m conversation
with a great share of gaiete de coeur and at the same time, of nmvete and bonne
foi.
She marries him in 1793. From 1801 to 1812 she was in Paris ,
and again during the Hundred Days, and she describes Brussels :
at the time of the Battle of Waterloo. The diary becomes inter-
mittent in these later years, but in Paris she writes very fuUy,
and although much of it is interesting, the light touch has gone.
As Horace Walpole said, " This author knew the world and pene-
trated characters before she had stepped over the threshold ; .
and now she has seen so much of it she has httle or no penetration
at all." ^ , -, • 4.-
There are no gems worth extracting. Even her descnption
of Napoleon is commonplace and flat. Towards the end letters
rather than diary tell her story. Throughout her hfe she was J
a prolific letter writer, and her journal was really a sort of overflow j
of this habit. .
The journal is an instance of hterary talent, carrying the
diarist a good deal beyond what is natural in diary writing and
overlaying the spontaneous sincerity of daily memoranda with|
quite another element.
FANNY BURNEY 183
Hogg, in his Life of Shelley, gives an amusing account of
Madame d'Arblay's voluble and egotistical conversation and her
powers of exaggeration. In fact, he makes her out to be an
intolerable bore.
Her husband, who apparently forsook her, died in 1818, and
before her own death, which occurred in 1840, she also lost her
son.
In her old age Madame d'Arblay herself carefully arranged
and annotated the volumes of her diary, and consigned them to
her niece, Mrs. Barrett, the daughter of her sister Charlotte, with
full permission to publish them. This act of the old lady look-
ing back on her juvenile adventures was very natural, even
though at the time they were written the girl and young woman
had no actual thought of reaching the pubhc eye. The later
diaries were first pubUshed in 1842, edited by Mrs. Barrett. Two
volumes of the early diaries, edited by Mrs. A. R. Elhs, were
pubhshed in 1889. In 1904 a new edition of the later diaries
and letters in six volumes was issued by Mr. Austin Dobson.
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM
WINDHAM'S diary, which he kept for many years, is
disappointing from the point of %dew of giA^ng a picture
of his times or of providing personal notes on the host
of interesting people with whom he came in contact. But, as
-will be 'seen, it has rather a peculiar interest from the way in
wliich it throws light on his character and disposition and reveals
the inner working of his mind and certain qualities of thought
which could not have otherwise been discovered from his speeches
and letters.
Born in 1750, William Windham was educated at Eton and
University College, Oxford. After serving as Chief Secretary to
Lord Northington, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he was returned
as member of Parliament for Norwich in 1784. He remained in
alliance with the Whigs until the outbreak of the French Revolu-
tion, when he joined Pitt. In 1794 he was made Secretary-at-
War and a privy councillor. He opposed all negotiations for
peace with France and lost his seat in 1802. He returned to the
House of Commons as member for St. Mawes, in Cornwall, but
declined a place in Pitt's cabinet in 1804. When the ministry
of " All the Talents " was formed in 1806 he became Secretary
of State for War and the Colonies. After the two subsequent
dissolutions he sat for the boroughs of New Romney and Higham
Ferrers consecutively. He died in 1810 in consequence of an
operation necessitated by an accident and was buried at Felbrigg,
his home near Cromer, for which he had a very special affection.
In 1798 he married Cecelia Forest, but he had no children.
A public estimate of his political position and character can be
given in the words of Earl Grey, who in the House of Lords at the
time of Windham's death said : "It was his misfortune at
different times to differ from that distinguished and regretted
character ; yet in the heat of political disagreement he never
ceased to admire his many and splendid virtues. He was a
man of great original and commanding genius with a mind culti-
vated with the richest stores of intellectual wealth and a fancy
184
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM 185
winged to the highest flights of a most captivating imagery, of
sound and spotless integrity with a warm spirit but a generous
heart, and of a courage and determination so characteristic as to
hold him forward as the strong example of what the old English
heart could effect and endure. He had indeed his faults, but
they seemed like the skilful disposition of shade in works of art
to make the impression of his virtues more striking and gave
additional grandeur to the outline of his character."
Making all due allowance for exaggeration in parliamentary
obituaries and the hyperbole of eighteenth century periods, this
testimonial shows us that Windham was a man of no small dis-
tinction. Another contemporary view of him may be given
from the pages of another diary. Fanny Burney writes : " He
is one of the most agreeable spirited wellbred and brilliant con-
versers I have ever spoken with ... a man of family and fortune
a very pleasing though not handsome face a very elegant figure
and an air of fashion and vivacity."
It is as well to have this outside estimate before us, because in
his diary we see him from an entirely different angle. It is a
curious mixture of dull record and intimate self- analysis. He
tells us very httle of his political opinions and narrates no events
of any special moment, and although he associates with all the
most interesting people of the day he tells us, with one exception,
nothing whatever about them. Lists even of the most eminent
mortals are of no sort of interest in themselves. But it is tan-
talizing to get so near Fox, Burke, Pitt, Grey, Nelson, Talleyrand,
Boswell, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Mrs. Siddons, etc., etc., and yet
to get no syllable of how they looked or what they said.
The one exception is notable. He was a friend of Dr. John-
son's. For him he had a great admiration, and Dr. Johnson un-
questionably exercised a considerable influence over Windham's
method and manner of confronting the difficulties of life. There
is a note of a conversation which took place before Windham
went to Ireland, that is to say before he kept a diary, in which the
following sayings of the Doctor occur :
Never be afraid to think yourself fit for anything for which your friends
think you fit.
You will become an able negotiator ; a very pretty rascal. . . .
No one in Ireland wears even the mask of incorruption. No one professes
to do for sixpence what he can get a shilling for doing.
It was undoubtedly on Dr. Johnson's advice that he began his
diary in 1784. In that year in August we get a very full memo-
randum of a conversation which took place between them at Ash-
186 ENGLISH DIARIES
bourne, chiefly on literary questions. On December 7 he visits
him in his bedchamber,
where after placing me next him on a chair he sitting in his usual place on the
east side of the room he put into my hands two small volumes (an edition of
the New Testament) saying " Extremum hoc munus morientis habeto." He
then proceeded to observe that I was entering upon a life which would lead
me deeply into all the business of the world ; that he did not condemn civil
employment but that it was a state of great danger ; and that he had therefore
one piece of advice earnestly to impress upon me — that I would set apart
every seventh day for the care of my soul ; that one day, the seventh, should
be employed in repenting what was amiss in the six preceding and for fortifying
my virtue for the six to come ; that such a portion of time was surely little
enough for the meditation of eternity.
After recommending his servant to him and asking Windham
to be his protector, Johnson expresses an emphatic opinion in
favour of revealed religion and his reasons for accepting all the
evidence in support of it. Five days later the diary records
another visit in which Windham urges him to take nourishment,
but Johnson dismisses the subject with " It is all very childish ;
let us hear no more of it." Later in the day they have this last
interview :
I then said that I hoped he would forgive my earnestness — or something
to that effect ; when he replied eagerly " that from me nothing would be
necessary by way of apology " adding with great fervour, in words which I
shall {I hope) never forget " God bless you, my dear Windham, through
Jesus Christ " ; and concluding with a wish that we might meet in some
humble portion of that happiness which God might finally vouchsafe to
repentant sinners. These were the last words I ever heard him speak. I
hurried out of the room with tears in my eyes and more affected than I had
been on any former occasion.
Windham began diary writing in 1784 and continued it prac-
tically to the end of his life. On several occasions he deplores
his failure to write regularly, and we gather quite clearly from
these entries the underlying motive which made him keep a
diary at all. In 1789 he says :
I have no reason to alter the judgment given in the outset of the last volimae
that this practice of journal writing leads one insensibly into a habit of com-
position, strengthens the powers of recollection and by showing how one's
time is actually disposed of suggests the means and excites the desire of
disposing of it to greater advantage.
And again in 1791 :
It is to be regretted that I have not by a more regular observa,nce of the
practice of journal writing ascertained the extent to which this habit has been
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM 187
parried. It is more to be regretted that a habit known at all times to be so
salutary and now found to be so easily practicable should not have been begtm
years and years ago. What a difference it would have made at the time !
What a difference it would have made in my present condition and in all the
future fortune of my life ! It is not too much to say that to this single cir-
cumstance considering the way in which habits propagate each other, the
whole difference may be ascribed of my being something or nothing.
In fact, he regarded keeping a diary as an intellectual and
moral exercise. He records his intellectual pursuits, and notes
the books he reads. The scope of his studies was immense ; he
wrote often in Latin, and many of the authors he refers to are very
obscure. Besides Pluto, Livy, Thucydides, Horace, Erasmus,
Voltaire, Rousseau, Condorcet, we find him absorbed in Lucan,
Petavius, Scoppius, Thuanus, Themistius, Heliodorus, Phalereus,
etc. Every moment his mind appears to have been occupied
with deep intellectual exercises. We read, for instance, many
entries such as these :
Dr. Parr lent me to take in the chaise a treatise of Andronicus Rhodius as
also one of Pletho.
While I was dressing added a line or two to the Latin poem I was meditating.
From eight till ten have been completing the conspectus of the books " De
Sectione " tiU twenty before one : finished with great attention and great
comfort the formulae extracted from Guignee for the construction of quadratic
equations.
In my pocket besides the voliune of Livy I had been reading I took with me
the collections of Greek epigrams with translations and begun a version with
happy success.
At breakfast or dinner I have generally made her {his niece) read some of
Plutarch's Apothegms to me.
My thoughts during the drive were employed in settling the question relative
to the pressure of fluids.
Set off by eleven ; read Aristotle with little intermission all the way.
Went to bed about one after beginning Spanish grammar.
Mathematics were his special hobby. He not only spends
hours in studying them, but makes calculations in his head at
odd moments.
Tried an instance of multiplication in my head ; the problem required a
sum of 4 places into 1 of 3. I executed it without mistake in little less than
ten minutes.
A fall of rain and snow made my ride, both from the cold and uneasiness of
the storm against my face, as unpleasant as any I recollect to have had. I
continued notwithstanding to keep my mind tolerably well abstracted and
188 ENGLISH DIARIES
concluded a verse or two in some epigrams I was translating and settled a
question about the increments of logarithms.
While sitting for his portrait to Sir Joshua Reynolds he multi-
plies 6824 by 2632.
He watches himself, disciplines himself, analyses his powers
of concentration, the effect on him of interruptions, of company,
of sohtude, and he constantly blames himself for not doing
enough — " I tremble lest my powers of thought are not what
they ought to be." He is in fear at times of " a decline of facul-
ties," and when he finds himself going into society more often
he notes " circumstances altogether new and alarming." The
very common failing of forgetting a name fills him " with the
most alarming apprehensions." He fears " a decay of faculties,"
and at great length examines the causes of the phenomenon and
notes down instances of failure in recollection whenever they
occur. Sometimes he seems to fear that his intellectualism is
of a too narrow and arid character.
My information goes no further than my studies and all that knowledge
which is floating in the world and which to a mind properly prepared affords
its chief nourishment has been wholly lost to me : kept off by negligence on
the one hand and a perverse fancy on the other : and 1 eaving me like some
exotic in a greenhouse, to the precarious and imperfect supply of art.
His self-depreciation arises from an exaggerated humility, but
it is quite genuine.
This habit of indecision if some means are not found to stop its progress
and abate its malignity will corrupt and eat away my imderstanding to the
very core ; it wastes my time, consumes my strength, converts comfort into
vexation and distress, deprives me of various pleasures and involves me in
innumerable difficulties. Some canon must be framed for proceeding in such
cases.
My habits of thought are not quite what they ought to be but I tremble
lest my powers of thought are not what they ought to be. I certainlj^ have
continually alarming instances to confirm the fears first conceived during the
course of the preceding Summer.
Jovuney would have been comfortable if I had not been tormented and
depressed by recollection of my own folly.
His low opinion of himself comes out more particularly in the
references to his speeches in Parliament. He had a very high
standard, and seems hardly ever to have been satisfied with his
efforts. The testimony of his contemporaries, however, shows
that he very greatly underrated his powers. Lord Lansdowne
thought he had the best parliamentary address of any man he
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM 189
had ever seen, and Lord Chief Justice Denman declared unhesita-
tingly that Windham's speech on the Law of Evidence was the
best speech he had heard during his life. Pitt, too, declared
that his speeches were the finest productions possible of warm
imagination and fancy.
Windham's constant misgivings with regard to his own powers
may be best illustrated by the following extracts :
1785. The heat of the House disordered my faculties and enfeebled my
powers and brought on a state of inabiUty from wliich I could never recover
sufficiently to venture to rise.
I thought my performance inferior and conceived others thought so too.
... It was a mere effusion and though delivered in a forcible and perhaps
gracefid manner contained nothing more than anyone would have thought
of in conversation.
1786. Tempted to speak on an incidental point in the debate and succeeded
so ill where I think I might have succeeded so well ... I am afraid what I
said was awkwardly and cvunbrously stated.
1 793. Resolved to speak and succeeded fortunately in some parts beyond
what I had reason to expect.
Made speech (a singularly bad one) on Fox's motion.
1798. My infatxiation in not speaking exceeds all that I have ever known
in myself or could conceive. . . . The loss to me is something incalculable
and my regret is such as I know not what to do with myself. It breaks my
slimibers and makes me incapable of doing anything.
1799. Spoke following Sheridan ; naissed and mismanaged a good many
things.
1800. Though rising without embarrassment and no distrust of myself
somehow or other got confused and bewildered and in consequence prolix.
1805. Day of my motion. Spoke I am afraid tln-ee hom-s and a half ;
" o'erflowing but not full."
1810. Spoke after Huskisson. Well satisfied not because everything very
good in what I said but from a feel of power in myself in saying it.
His health occupies him from time to time, and he analyses
elaborately his symptoms, the exact effect on him of early rising
or staying in bed, the state of his digestive organs when dining
alone compared with a dinner in company, the " alarming symp-
toms " brought about by low spirits, the effect on his stomach of
tea, chocolate, and porter, and his giddiness, lumbago, and nose
bleeding.
His entries with regard to his official work are rare and gener-
ally quite perfunctory and dull. As he gets more and more
190 ENGLISH DIARIES
absorbed by his official duties the diary becomes more scrappy,
a mere register of the people he met and of his movements.
One might expect from all this that this rather pedantic but
modest scholar never unbent and was of a uniformly serious if
not melancholy disposition. It is, therefore, with surprise that
we come upon entries of this description :
After tea I grew into spirits more than ordinary so as to make me dance and
sing about the room. . . .
My spirits may be said in fact to be over good for instead of pressing me
forward to vigorous application they have broken out in singing and dancing,
[He sings " Viene o caro " but declares his voice is harsh and feeble and pro-
ceeds to a diagnosis of the causes.]
It was here Mr. Barkes bedroom was adjoining to mine and that I apprehend
that he must have overheard me singing. I went to bed in great spirits.
Here, too, is a sidelight on the dignified legislators of those
times :
The debate lasted till half past seven. In our way from the House we were
boyish enough to amuse ourselves with throwing stones at each other during
our progress through the Park and oranges when we came into St, James's
street.
To trace further the hghter and more frivolous side of Wind-
ham's character we find that he was a devotee of prize fighting
and gives far more vivid accounts of the " battles " he sees than
of any debates in Parhament and breaks into critical descriptions
of the combatants such as we never get of his pohtical colleagues.
Even on his way to Council he " took this opportunity of steahng
to see a battle of which I had just had notice," He was too a
constant playgoer and had a great admiration for Mrs. Siddons,
with whom he exchanged several letters.
Drove to Mrs. Siddons' in order to communicate a hint on a passage in Lady
Macbeth which she was to act the next night.
After the play went with Miss Kemble to Mrs. Siddons' dressing-room :
met Sheridan there with whom I sat in the waiting room and who pressed me
to sup at his house with Fox and North.
Mrs. Siddons did RosaUnd much better than the first time but not equal to
her tragedy ; there is a want of hilarity in it ; it is just but not easy. The
highest praise that can be given to her comedy is that it is the perfection of
art ; but her tragedy is the perfection of nature.
Opera for the first time. Dance of Bacchus and Ariadne. We have
advanced to the point of seeing people dance naked.
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM WINDHAM 191
Balloons were among the curious things which occupied his
thoughts in the earher days :
Did not rise till past nine : from that time till eleven did little more than
indulge in idle reveries about balloons.
The greater part of the time tiU now one o'clock spent in foolish reveries
about balloons.
Went home with Horsley to whom I showed my idea about balloons.
At last he goes up in one himself and expresses his satisfaction
in a very elaborate way, not at the conduct of the balloon, but
at his own conduct in being quite unimpressed by any sensation
of danger or apprehension. Dr. Burney mentions Windham's
" Balloon Diary " in one of his letters to his daughter.
But Windham's lighter moments form only a very occasional
relief to his habitual seriousness.
In 1790 he makes reflections on his loneliness :
I felt that strong sense of the unhappiness of my own celibacy — that lively
conception of pleasure I had lost — that gloomy apprehension of the conviction
which I should feel of this hereafter clouding aU my prospects, relaxing all
my motives and in an especial manner destroying all enjoyment.
He marries in 1798. But the fact is only recorded quite baldly,
and we get no intimate details with regard to his domestic re-
lationships. Nor was the diary kept for recording the critical
pubhc events through which he hved, although they must of
course have absorbed a large amount of his attention. He writes
far less regularly in later years, but when he does write the entries
consist of bare records of dinners, meetings, journeys, inter-
spersed with self-disciphnary resolutions with regard to the dis-
position of his time. For instance, the year of the outbreak of
the French Revolution, we only get three bald and uninteresting
references to it.
In 1793 he goes over to France and is conducted actually into
the trenches :
It was not without anxiety that I ventured into a situation so new and
untried as that in which I was about to enter. It was impossible to tell the
effect of circumstances which have been found occasionally to operate so
strangely on minds not distinguishable beforehand from the rest of the world.
How could I be certain that the same might not happen to me as happened to
certain persons that one knows of. . . . The result of the trial answered I
am happy to say to my most sanguine expectations. I think with confidence
that during any part of the time I could have multiplied if necessary a sum in
my head.
192 ENGLISH DIARIES
In June, 1810, Windham underwent the operation which
caused his death. The last entry in the manuscript diary runs :
" This day sentence has been passed upon me."^
The diary may be dull reading for anyone who expects enter-
tainment; it is of little value to students of history, and we
must go elsewhere for knowledge of Windham's career. But
from the psychological point of view it has interest, for it reveals
the careful endeavours at self-regulation and self-mastery of a
man who might easily have been supposed to be solely engrossed
in the affairs of State or in the scholastic studies for which he
was noted.
Referring to Windham's diary, Lord Rosebery says : " Un- '
happily he was fated to be something of a suicide for he dealt
an almost mortal blow to his owai reputation. For we cannot
doubt that it would have stood much higher but for his diary.
And yet he liimself set store by it as if one would think he regarded
it as a sure base for his future fame . . . any judicious friend would
have put it without hesitation behind the fire."^
We are inchned to think this is altogether too severe. If only
th^ enhancement of a reputation and the further embellishment
of Windham's charms and spectacular talents are required, the
diary undoubtedly is no help. But if a closer knowledge of the
man is what we seek, his own self-exposure prompted by his
" irritable conscience " gives us just the unexpected shadows and
relief which help to make the portrait far more Hving than those
which are generally provided in the case of pubhc men by ex-
terior estimates, however elaborate they may be.
Extracts from the diary were pubhshed in 1866 by Mrs. Henry
Baring. Greville, who examined the manuscript, says there
were twenty-eight volumes. We can judge by this that a great
deal has been cut.
1 Quoted in Lady Holland's Journal, Vol. II, p. 255.
2 Miscellanies — Literary and Historical, by Lord Rosebery.
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
MINOR DIARIES
MARY, COUNTESS COWPER
LORD COWPER was Lord Chancellor in the reign of
George I. He married Mary Clavering in 1706, for some
/unknown reason, secretly. In 1714 she became a Lady
ot the Bedchamber to the Princess of Wales (Carohne of Anspach)
and began to keep a diary of her court experiences. The diary
or rather what remains of it, covers four years up to 1716, and
after a break there are some scattered entries of the year 1720
There is nothing in the diary but court gossip, intrigue and
scandal, but Lady Cowper writes in a very hvely and miconven-
tional style. She begins :
The perpetual Lies that One hears have determined me. in spite of my want
am atTourt """^^ ^"""^ ^" *^^ ^""^"^^^ ^^^^ ^""^ ^""^^^ remembering while I
She says, further, that she intends it only for her own use, a
rough draft which " I intend hereafter to revise and digest into a
better Method."
_ The entries are irregular, sometimes daily, sometimes at longer
mtervals, but always giving the fresh impression of the moment
Here is a sample of her manner of recording the day's doings :
1714. Nov 21. I went to Chapel which concluded the service of my Week.
I received a thousand Marks of my Mistress's Favour, as embracLg me,
E.r^ Week of Wax mg was so near out. I am so charmed with her good
Nature and good Quahties that I shall never think I can do enough to please
mT^t l^J^r^ T ^^«^^g ^^^^^^^1/ true and just to her will be any Means to
ne^r tn t!ir'?'- '^^^^^T: '*' ^°^' ^ ^"^ ^'^^^ ^^*« *^^« C°^rt with Resolution
more ronfii ' w T ^°P" ^ ^^ '^^ S°°^ ^^^^*^ °f i* for she reposes
TZ^f T^ '"" Z^^\^ ^^^ '^^"^ ^^ ^^y °<^*^«^-« "Po^ that very Account.
A great Bustle was heard this Day at the Chapel. It was the Countess of
193
194 ENGLISH DIARIES
Nottingham who was going out before Church was done (like a true High
ChurchWoman) to take her Place behind the Princess's Chair-back in the
Drawing room preferring to make her Coxirt to an earthly rather than to a
heavenly Power. I was ill from standing so long upon my Feet for which
Reason I did undress me as soon as I came Home and stayed within for two
Days to recover myself.
Her character sketches are not always very charitable. Here is
a description of one of her colleagues :
The Duchess of Shrewsbtiry had some extraordinary Talents and it was
impossible to hate her so much as her Lord, though she was engaged in the same
ill Design. She had a wonderful Art at entertaining and diverting People,
though she would sometimes exceed the Bounds of Decency. She had a
great memory, had read a good deal and spoke three languages to Perfection ;
but then with all her Prate and Noise she was the most cunning designing
woman alive.
George I, who speaks to her in French, was apparently capable
of making jokes :
I never saw the King in better Humour than this night. He said a World
of sprightly Things. ;
Her family pester her to get them soft sinecure jobs. Her
brother-in-law wants to be put in " the Commission of the Salt
Office," so does her uncle ; her cousin pleads to get into " the
Wine License " and her aunt asks for " a place about the Princess,"
and " high words " arise because she cannot please them all.
The German and EngUsh elements in the court do not always
appear to have hit it off :
Countess of Buckenburgh said that the English women did not look like
Women of QuaUty but made themselves look as pitiftzlly and sneakingly as
they covild ; that they hold their Heads down and look always in a Fright
whereas those that are Foreigners hold up their Heads and hold out their
Breasts and make themselves look as great and stately as they can, and more
nobly and more Uke Quality than the others. To wliich Lady Deloraine
replied : " We show our Quality by our Births and Titles, Madam, and not
by sticking out our Bosoms."
Lady Cowper becomes exasperated by the tiresome attentions
of Mademoiselle Schutz, a niece of Baron Bemstorff's, the most
prominent of the King's German Ministers.
Mademoiselle Schutz is a very urureasonable Body and would take no Hints
I wished to be alone.
I had a letter from Mademoiselle Schutz to ofier to come to stay with me
all Day. I thank her for Nothing. I had too much of her Impertinence last
Night.
MARY, COUNTESS COWPER 195
She tries to borrow Lady Cowper's jewels, she insists on accom-
panying her to Court, she is " always upon the Spunge " ; in
fact she seems to have been difficult to shake off, and apparently
was not a beauty.
Mademoiselle Schutz is sitting for her Picture to one Constantine a French
Refugee ; 'tis most horridly done and so tmfortunately like, that Anybody
may know it and yet the ugliest Thing in the World.
Lady Cowper is sometimes entrusted with important errands
to such people as the Archbishop of Canterbury and others, but
for the most part all she records is court pohtics ; and the strained
relationship between the King and the Prince and the attempts
at reconciliation form the chief theme of many of her entries.
Judging by some of the remarks she notes down in 1720, she her-
self seems to have fallen out of favour.
Of herself Lady Cowper tells us practically nothing. It would
almost seem as if she thought incidents connected with the court
were suitable material for a diary, but domestic affairs were too
intimate to write about. Nevertheless, we can detect something
of her devotion to her husband, whom she refers to as " the dear
fellow " when she writes in 1716.
My Lord still ill. I am out of my Wits to see him suffer which I declare
IS ten times worse than Death to me, and would rather live with him all my
Life on Bread and Cheese up three Pair of Stairs than be all this World can
make me and at the same Time see him suffer.
She writes a little prayer once on her birthday ; she mentions
sermons, one of them "intolerably Dull to the Degree of an
Opiate." She goes to the play frequently. Here is her account
of taking the Princess to see Betterton's " The Wanton Wife " :
_ Went to the Play with my Mistress ; and to my great Satisfaction she liked
It as well as any Play she had seen ; and it certainly is not more obscene
than all Comedies are. It were to be wished our Stage was chaster ; and I
cannot but hope now it is ;mder Mr. Steel's Direction it will mend.
George I had appointed Steele to the curious office of " Surveyor
of the Royal Stables and Governor of the King's Comedians."
Lord Cowper resigned his office in 1720, and the various incidents
connected with his resignation come in for notice with all the other
intrigues. He died in 1723, and his wife died three months later
at the age of 39.
Lady Cowper writes with such complete naturalness and so
obviously without a thought of pubHcation (as, for instance, when
she starts an entry " Bit in the Night— I'm afraid by a Bug ")
196 ENGLISH DIARIES
that, although the Diary contains nothing of great importance,
one gets a very good idea of the atmosphere of the early Georgian
court.
THOMAS MARCHANT
THOMAS IVIARCHANT, of Little Park, Hurstpierpoint,
Sussex, kept a diary from September 29, 1714, to June 26,
1728, with two breaks, one of five months, the other of
nearly four years. The entries are irregular, occasionally only
half a dozen occurring in one month. They are generally very
brief. It may be included as an instance of a fairly full diary
which is exclusively confined to a record of occupations, business
and events. From the psychological point of view it has httle
interest, nevertheless it gives some picture of the hfe of an inde-
pendent yeoman farmer of the time, and is not without value as a
contemporary illustration of manners and customs.
Marchant, in addition to his agricultural pursuits, was a fresh-
water fish trader, and he gives many details with regard to the
stocking of his ponds. He also registers his various payments
and purchases. On one or two occasions he " drank too much "
or " drank enough," but these occasional excesses do not trouble
him. He frequently misses Sunday church, " having a bad head-
ache." There are many single-hne entries, some of which are
curious as showing what he thought worth recording. For instance :
1715. Jan. 14. My son John began his accidence.
March 15. Paid my Uncle Courtness 15d for a small bottle of Dafiy's
Ehxir.
Sep. 30. We had a dish of green peas for dinner to-day.
1716. Jan. 30. Paid Ball 2s for a bottle of Brandy.
Dec. 15. Paid J. Parsons Is for shaving my head and tying my wig two
or three times.
1717. Dec. 20. Ben Shove went to Lewes for a bottle of claret.
1718. Jan. 31. The mountebank still here.
1722. Aug. 13. Nanny sick with the measles.
26. Kitty the same.
29. Molly Balcombe the same.
1728. Jan. 19. A very wet day. Did nothing but eat and drink and sit
by the fire aU day and hard work I found it.
He always refers to the tinker as " my Lord Treep " and to the
farrier as " my Lord Burt." His wife's doings are also recorded, but
he expresses no opinion about her. Her purchases are entered :
THE REV. JOHN THOMLINSON 197
Doomsday of Horsham brought my wife a new pair of jumps instead of
stays. She paid him 36s 6 for them.
Marchant became land steward to the Duke of Somerset, who
resided at Petworth, having married Elizabeth, Baroness Percy.
Although business meetings with him are mentioned, we learn
nothing about this nobleman except that on one occasion " he
was in a cursed bad humour about the dung carts." The general
impression the diary gives of its author is of a shrewd, humorous,
active man, practical, rather close, easy going and entirely unre-
flecting.
The MS. of the diary was handed down in the family and lent
in 1873 for reproduction in the Sussex Archaeological Collections.
THE REV. JOHN THOMLINSON
THOMLINSON, of Blencogo, curate of Rothbury and
subsequently rector of Glenfield, Leicestershire (b. 1692,
d. 1762), began keeping a diary when he was at St'.
John's College, Cambridge, and it is probable that he kept up the
habit for many years. A third part of the manuscript is taken
up with extracts he wrote out from his earher diary which he had
kept "in loose papers." The remainder is complete between
July 24, 1717, and January 9, 1718/9, and after a break where the
diaries are missing a less consecutive record of the years 1721 and
1722. Judging by the complete section of the diary, Thomhnson
was a regular writer, never missing a day. But this diary has
several peculiar features. He writes fully, but refers compara-
tively httle to local incidents or to births, deaths, marriages.
Day after day often he writes down, not his doings, but some
anecdote or bit of information quite irrelevant to his own pursuits.
For instance, in January, 1717/8, he writes on immediately conse-
cutive days about rattlesnakes (Jan. 19) ; the natives of Virginia
(Jan. 20); dolphins (Jan. 21); whales (Jan. 22); sharks (Jan.
23) ; the rivers of the world (Jan. 24). It would seem as if he
were making notes on what he was reading or collecting anecdotes,
as a raconteur, for future use. There is a certain amount of
erudition in some of his remarks, and he comments on pubhc
events ; on the other hand, he never fails to recount the grossest
local scandals. In addition to this, however, there is a good
deal to be gathered about himself which is very far from being
198 ENGLISH DIARIES
to his credit. He quotes incessantly his two uncles John and
Robert. He was curate to Uncle John, and Uncle Robert was
also a parson. The distinguishing feature of the diary is his
endeavour to find a rich wife and the advice given him by his
uncles with regard to his material advancement. His shameless
pursuit of young ladies and calculations as to their incomes, his
self-complacent materiahsm and his rehsh of unsavoury scandals,
show him up in a most unfavourable light. He is quite sophisti-
cated and there is a complete absence of naiveti in his comments.
No note of passion, of love, or remorse, or even of disappointment,
occurs anywhere. In his daily entries he must have been quite
unaware that he was recording anything discreditable to himself.
He probably regarded himself as an attractive Don Juan ; but the
diary gives him away.
He refers to his own sermons in a very conceited way, and is
always calculating how he can get a good hving.
After leaving Rothbury he makes desperate efforts to become
chaplain to the Duke of Wharton (the most notorious profligate
of the day), but nothing comes of it. We cannot imagine that
the Duke was anxious to have any sort of chaplain, even one of
this type. Nevertheless, John Thomhnson was no fool. He
evidently read a great deal, and he makes critical comments on
his studies, as, for instance :
1718. Aug. 3. Eachard's history commended by Dr. Ellison. Uncle says
he never heard it commended before — he flags in his Roman history, the two
first volumes only good — Dryden corrected his first volume which made it
excellent. Collier's History not good— tho" he rubs up his witt and lards
his book with sententious and quaint expressions in most pages.
" Uncle says," " Uncle told me," " Uncle thinks," etc., occur
very often. In fact. Uncle John seems to have interfered in
matters both great and small. From marriage down to " Uncle
found fault with my wig for being so hght said I should have a
darker one."
The pursuit of the young ladies is so ludicrous that it is worth
quoting, although the frequent changes make it difficult to follow.
We begin with Miss Nicolson, daughter of the Bishop of Carlisle.
1717. July 31. "Uncle John has spoke to the Bishop of
Cariisle about his daughter." But immediately after comes:
" if I do not like her Aunt thinks he will be for her of Alnwick."
This was Miss Potts, who was kept going for some time. But in
August Uncle John says : " Mr. Collingwood is an honest man
and he has got a daughter for you if you'U have her— he will give
THE REV. JOHN THOMLINSON 199
her perhaps £7 or 800 — but what's that to twelve thousand which
your father and I have." Uncle John goes further in September,
and in conversation with Mr. Collingwood says : " Come, you'll
not advance £500 with your daughter not £50 either." In October
young John is taken to see " yon damsel of Mr. Collingwood's."
His only comment is " she's like a Flanders mare . . . had a
very mean dinner but a bottle of wine " ; and later in the month :
" Uncle . . . would have Dolly but I am resolved against it.
Our dinner was well drest but I cannot approve her person."
Uncle Robert was against this match ; he " had rather I should
have Mr. Douglas' daughter than Dolly Collingwood but he has
one in view with £3000 whose father is the most likely man too
to gett me a hving of any man he knows."
Meanwhile Miss Ord was in the running because her father had
the gift of a good living. She was " religious and good natured,"
" not a woman of parts or extraordinary sense but enough to
manage a house."
In April, 1718, he writes : " . . . tryed one woman and did
not like her I was to try another shortly and if I found her answer
the description I intended to attack her very briskly and reduce
her by storm." (It is impossible to say to which of them he
refers.) In June, 1718, Jesse Hall appears on the scene, but
only for a moment, and in the following January he makes an
entry showing he is afraid of an entanglement, but the lady's
name is left blank.
After the break in the diary when he had left Rothbury his
affections turn to Mrs. Lawson, and a few months later to Nancy
Repington, with whom he goes very far ; "no bait shall catch
me but my dearest lady," he writes to her, " I'm all hers heart,
estate, etc." At the same time Cousin Polly is spoken of. We
feel Mary Repington, referred to as " the lady of Amington,"
will be the favoured one when " the Bishop of London's lady "
turns up with a living of £300 a year and " she has £1,200 and
other sisters may die." He is in great perplexity as to " whether
my words may not have engaged me I cannot well recollect."
And then the diary ends. As a matter of fact he eventually
marries quite another lady, the daughter of his patron at Glenfield,
in Leicestershire, James Winstanley. We know nothing of his
subsequent history except the date of his death, and after reading
the diary that exists we feel very little incHnation to learn more.
Nevertheless, this is an instance of a diary which, however
unpleasing it may be, is quite spontaneous and honest and there-
fore portrays the character of the writer more vividly than letters
I
200 ENGLISH DIARIES
or second-hand observations of others could do and gives a truer
picture of him than if he had attempted to explain himself by
means of self-analysis.
The manuscript is in the British Museum (Add. MS. 22560),
and was printed by the Surtees Society.
JOHN BYROM
FROM 1722 to 1744 John B>Tom kept a very full and detailed
diary. But it must be confessed that, although Byrom
was an extremely learned man and came in contact with
many interesting people, there is very little that is either arresting
or entertaining in his long daily records. Born in 1692 at Kersal
Cell, near Manchester, Byrom was educated at Merchant Taylors
School and Trinity CoUege, Cambridge. He studied medicine,
he was a theologian, a mathematician, and a poet and hymn
writer, but his attention was chiefly occupied with the system
of shorthand which he invented. From the artistic, philosophic,
and human point of view shorthand is not an inspiring subject,
and his absorption in it, which appears by his constant references
to it in the diary, does not make him specially attractive. He
shows himself, however, to be very domestic, and while we have
the record of conversations and discussions on religious and
scientific subjects he is not above telhng us when he plays chess
or backgammon, when he goes to the play, exactly what he eats
and drinks, and particulars with regard to his wife and children.
In April, 1726, he confesses something about his motive in keeping
a journal :
I find that though what I set down in this kind of journal is nonsense for
the most part yet that these nonsenses help to recollect times and persons
and things upon occasion and serve at least to some purpose as to writing
shorthand ; therefore I must not, I think, discontinue it any longer, but only
if I have a mind omit some trifling articles ; though when I consider that it
is the most trifling things sometimes that help us to recover more material
things I do not know that I should omit trifles ; they may be of use to me
though to others they would appear ridiculous ; but as nobody is to see them
but myself, I will let myself take any notes, never so trifling, for my own use.
It is clear, therefore, that it was a private record, never intended
for pubUcation, and it often shows an astonishing power of memory.
He seems to have had a misgiving about going on with it, for we
JOHN BYROM 201
and at the end of an entry in June, 1736, " Qy. to abolish this
journal when I came home."
He was engaged in a book on shorthand (which was not published
till after his death), he teaches shorthand to a large number of
pupils, he discusses his system with his friends, he founds a short-
hand society, he takes down sermons in shorthand, and he criti-
cises other systems of shorthand.
Byrom generally writes from Abington's coffee-house, which
seems to have been his headquarters. He habitually begins the
record of the day by giving the time of his rising, wliich is often
very late, as he stays up late at night.
Rose at ten very hearty but not so alert as yesterday.
Rose at twelve my hand trembled very much but I was very hearty ; had
milk porridge to breakfast, had a mackerel to dinner.
The coffee tasted very good after my fasting since morning, that is, since
twelve or one o'clock — ^fine morning indeed, you idle rogue !
Rose at twelve — why no sooner ? — God be mercifxil to me a sinner.
For the most part the entries, though full, are dull. When he
travels there is rather more colour in his descriptions. But the
longer entries are taken up with his discussions generally on
theological subjects. Though an adherent of the Church of
England, he is something of a mystic, and he is interested in various
Nonconformist sects. He tries to win back a young lady referred
to as F. H. from Quakerism to the Church. This leads to certain
misunderstandings.
Mr. Walker said that Abel Strethall had spoke to him to know if he had
heard anything of her and wondered at my going there and thought it very
odd that I should converse with a young woman of twenty one, which I
thought a little carnal of friend Abel.
Many eminent people of the day become interested in his
system of shorthand. He has discussions with Butler (author of
the Analogy), William Law (the Nonjuror), the Wesleys, War-
burton, Bentley, and many others, amongst whom was a gentle-
man who rejoiced in the name of Dr. Anodyne Necklace. Byrom
was a member of the Royal Society and describes meetings and
controversies there under the presidency of Sir Hans Sloane.
His discussions with his friends, related at considerable length,
range over a large variety of topics— the Creation, rehgion,
fluxions, the signs of the Zodiac, poetry, mathematics, Hebrew,
etc., etc., but they are generally long-winded and rather obscure.
202 ENGLISH DIARIES
Brimful of information on every conceivable subject, we can
imagine Byrom must have been rather a bore. It would indeed
be difficult to have any light intercourse with a man who in his
spare moments was engaged in reading Capellus against Buxtorf,
Clenardi, Meursius, Carpzovius, Jamblicus de My stents' Gohorius,
Avenerius, Daubuz on the Revelations, Gutherius' Offices, Ebu
Yokdam, Rusbrochius, Dachsel on Hebrew accents, Lactantius
and Passeratius.
He has lighter moods, no doubt, but we get no sense of enjoy-
ment or fun from his recital of his less serious occupations. For
instance, when he goes to a masquerade there is only the following
perfunctory reference :
They talked of going to the masquerade. Ord gave me a ticket, he lent
me a black coat and waistcoat and bag gown and sent for a wig from the
barber's ; Mr. Folks had another gown and Heyrick's hat without his rose :
the man could not get us a coach so we walked to Common Garden and took
two chairs. My chair Is.
We don't believe he enjoyed himself, and we cannot help
feehng that in his black coat and waistcoat he was longing to be
back 'v\ath Gohorius and Rusbrochius. On another occasion,
when his friends talk of masquerades and plays, he says, " I was
grieved in spirit for myself and them."
The whole diary of course is written in shorthand, and in 1728,
on a visit to Cambridge, he comes across another shorthand diary,
— ^the greatest of all diaries — " five large volumes quarto being a
journal of Mr. Pepys ; I did not know the method but they were
writ very plain." The shorthand expert, however, passes them
by, and is only interested in the various books on systems of
shorthand in the Pepysian Library. His own work was pubhshed
in 1767, four years after his death.
At the time of the rebellion Byrom showed Jacobite sympathies,
but the last entry in the diary is dated January 27, 1744, and the
rest of his career is illustrated by a number of his letters. In the
early part of the nineteenth century a large collection of his papers
was discovered in the two family residences of Kersall Cell and
Quay Street. The diary was deciphered and eventually published
by the Cheetham Society between 1854 and 1857, together with
letters and other memoranda. There is an attractive portrait
of the author at the beginning of the volumes showing a youthful,
pleasant and refined face with a very high forehead.
ELIZABETH BYROM 208
ELIZABETH BYROM
ALTHOUGH only a fragment, this diary is the earliest
woman's diary in this collection. Elizabeth, known
L as " Beppy," was John Byrom's eldest daughter. She
was born in 1722, and died unmarried in 1801. She inherited the
diary writing instinct of her father, or perhaps was taught by him
to keep one, and it is not improbable that this is only a part of a
fuller journal. The entries, which become regular and daily
after November 25, begin on August 14, 1745, and end on January
23, 1746, covering the period of the Pretender's entry into Man-
chester. Byrom himself refers to these events in letters, but not
in his diary. While there is nothing remarkable about this
record, Beppy's style is simpler and more graphic than her
father's, and we get quite a good idea of the invasion of the
Jacobites, with whom she, like her father, was in obvious
sympathy. There are only a few references to domestic details
and the movements of her family. One or two entries begin with
the word " smoothing," which means that she was occupied in
ironing clothes, and she buys " a blue and white gown " for 125.,
after things have quieted down she goes "" a hunting " and has
good sport.
The following extracts may be given, though without the
consecutive entries no impression of the full story can be given :
1745. Aug. 14. Great talk of the Pretender coming.
Sep. 26. The Presbyterians are sending everjrthing that's valuable away,
wives, children and all for fear of the rebels.
Nov. 16. An express is come that Carlisle is surrendered to the rebels
and the next day the castle. General Wade is gone to the relief of it, but went
two days march and turned again ; they were two days without any provi-
sions. Capt. Barlow has writ a most dismal account of them, that they are
so numbed with cold and their limbs mortify and they die very fast.
Nov. 27. The Prince lay at Lawyer Starkey's Preston last night : he has
marched from Carlisle on foot at the head of his army ; he was dressed in a
Scotch plaid, a blue silk waistcoat with silver lace and a Scotch bonnet with
J.R. on it.
Nov. 28. About 3 o'clock to-day came into town two men in Highland
dress and a woman behind one of them with a drum on her knee and for all
the loyal work that our Presbyterians have made, they took possession of the
town as one may say for immediately after they were light they beat up for
volunteers for P.O.
204 ENGLISH DIARIES
Nov. 30. I dressed me up in my white gown and went up to my aunt
BrearcliSe's and an officer called on us to go see the Prince, we went to Mr.
Fletcher's and saw him get a horseback and a noble sight it is, I would not
have missed it for a great deal of money ; his horse had stood an hour in the
court without stirring and as soon as he got on he began a-dancing and caper-
ing as he was proud of his biu'den and when he rid out of the court he was
received with as much joy and shouting almost as if he had been king without
any dispute, indeed I think scarce anybody that saw him could dispute it.
Dec. 12. Smoothing ; my brother came and fetched me to see the Duke
[of Cumberland] we all went up to Axmt Brearcliffe's, stayed there all day, saw
nothing but the light horse and hussars which went straight through the town.
Dec. 19. Yesterday was the fast ; to-day at my Uncle's at dinner, it is the
first time of my uncle's going out, my aunt keeps her bed ; where the High-
landers did not care to pay they drew bills upon the Duke of Kingston or
some other great man ; we have abundance of lies about them, they are
killed, taken, surrounded, and got clean away all two or three times of a day.
Dec. 29. He [The Rev. A. Ward] preached in the afternoon a most furious
sermon against popery. Mr. Lewthwaite and Mr. Johnson drank tea at my
imcle's. Mr. L. and my mama had a great scolding bout about these High-
landers, he abuses them most strangely ; we stayed the evening.
1746. Jan. 3. The Presbyterians have made two effigies of the Prince,
one in his Scot dress and one in his English dress, and carried them up and
down the town and raised a great mob wliich was headed by some of the
great Presbyterian gentlemen and went to all the houses in town where any
were gone from and broke their windows . . . they were very rude and they
carried their bimch of rags down to Mr. Dakenfield's and the Justice out of
his great courage got a gun and shot at it, and then it was brought into the
house, and he wrung it by the nose, then his wife and daughter were introduced
and had the honoiu: to slap it in the face, and so on till they all were tired and
drunk for all the heads of the Presbyterians were at the Angel and gave the
mob drink ; then they hung it upon the signpost then quartered it, then
threw it into the fire ; somebody threw a piece of it into the drink which put
them into a violent passion.
Another account of an eye-witness of the events in Manchester
in these exciting days is given in the Lancashire and Cheshire
Antiquarian Society's Transactions, Vol. VII, in the form of
daily memoranda written down by Thomas Walley, one of the
constables. His account is more official, but not so full or
picturesque as Beppy Byrom's. Her diary is printed with her
father's in the Cheetham Society's volume XLIV.
/
JOHN HOBSON 205
JOHN HOBSON
THE diary of Johii Hobson, of Dodworth Green, York-
shire, begins on January 1, 1725, and ends on January
27, 1734-5. The entries are irregular, an interval of
several days often occurring between them. He writes of local
incidents and accidents, visits, and gossip, the purchase of cattle,
and the visits of friends for the most part in quite a perfunctory-
way. But the distinguishing feature of the diary is the astonishing
number of deaths he records, so that the journal reads like a page
from the church register except that marriages and births occur
very rarely. Never can any man have attended so many funerals.
The cause of this excessive mortality among his friends and
acquaintances is not mentioned except on one or two occasions
from accidents or " died of pleuritick fever," " died of the small
pox." The latter disease, which was the scourge of the time, may
account for many of the deaths. If he has no local deaths to
record he mentions the decease of prominent people, " The King
of Denmark dead," "The Duke of Leeds dead," Indeed, John
Hobson seems to have had a morbid interest in Death and goes
out of his way to discover its ravages.
May 8. 1730. Observ'd a great many fresh graves at Bradfleld church-
yard. There has been above 60 buried there in a short time.
It is not surprising, therefore, that his own death should have
been a subject of interest to him. There is absolutely no personal
note in the diary till April, 1729, when on the 15th he spends the
morning " in meditating on the ill posture of my affairs." The
infirmity of his parents, the carelessness of his servants and his
debts
depressed my spirits so much and made me so weak that at nine o'clock when
I got up I supposed myself dying for several hours. I thank God I had no
fearfull thoughts nor was not at all discouraged at the apprehensions of death
which I thought every minute approaching but took what care I could to
spend that small portion of time I thought I had left to my best spirituaU
advantage.
The Sacrament is administered to him and he says ;
When I think how suddenly death may overtake one it wiU make me lead
a more circumspect life for the future and always have regard to my latter
end.
The doctor who blisters him
206 ENGLISH DIARIES
found quickljf that it was mentall as well as corporeall distemper and told me
I had the hypochondriack passion upon me, which then I could not believe,
as being a meer stranger to that distemper but found his words very true for
I was afterwards very often so much disordered in my thoughts that I could
not rest nor govern them.
But he recovers and is well enough to record the death of two
other people on the two succeeding days.
He falls ill again in 1732, " there was but small hope of my
recovery." He has the Sacrament again, and again recovers,
and is able to announce the death of a friend and his father's
death, which he does without any expressions of regret.
The large number of names mentioned makes the journal
valuable from the point of view of local history. Otherwise it is
only just possible to catch a ghmpse of the personality of the
writer. By a curious irony the date of the diarist's own death is
not recorded anywhere.
The diary was communicated by Mr. Joseph Wilkinson to the
Surtees Society.
WALTER GALE
ONLY extracts exist of the diary of Walter Gale, school-
master, of Mayfield. It was discovered at Hastings spread
out in a garden to be dried for the purpose of hghting
fires. The portion rescued from the flames covers intermittently
the period from 1749 to 1759. It begins on the appointment of
Gale as schoolmaster at Mayfield at a salary of £16 a year. He
was a versatile man, however, and made money in other ways
besides teaching. He paints inn signs, designs quilts, waistcoats,
neckerchiefs, and there is also an entry " finished diamending two
heelbands and three-quarter pieces of a pair of shoes for Squire
Baker's lady."
The diary, which is not kept with daily regularity, is an astonish-
ing mixture of a record of drinks and sermons. The entries of the
former are more frequent than of the latter. Incessantly we have
" he treated me with a quartern of gin " ; "he treated me with a
mugg of fivepenny " ; "he treated me with a quartern of brandy
and a mugg of ale " ; "we sat down with the aldermen and drank
raisin wine — ^very good ! " The text of the Sunday sermon is
always given, and sometimes his conviviality and his piety are
combined in one entry.
WALTER GALE 207
Sunday April 6. (1749) I went to Church at Hothley. Text from St.
Matthew " Take no thought saying What shall we eat and what shall we drink
and wherewithal shall we be clothed," and I went to Jones's where I spent 2d
and here came Thomas Cornwall and treated me with a pint of twopenny.
On one occasion he falls from a high bank in the dark. This
was after partaking of a quartern of brandy, a pint of fivepenny
and a mug of mild beer. An accident on horseback described in
detail takes place after visiting " Mr. Bridge's who entertained
me well." Drink also appears to have been his remedy in illness :
" Having taken three pills I went to Peerless for a Id worth of
warm ale." A Mr. Rogers presents him with a book entitled A
Caution to Swearers. But the schoolmaster never indulges in self-
depreciation or remorse over his failings.
It is not surprising that Gale should have come to cross purposes
with the trustees of the school. John Kent, who appears to have
been a very irascible old gentleman, led the attack.
1750. May 26. Old Kent came and I went with him to Mr. Baker ; they
said they should have a ragged congregation of scholars who should sit together
in the new gallery and that they should insist on my sitting with them ; to
this I did not assent.
1758. Tuesday April 25. Imettheoldman, who, without any provocation
on my part or saying a word to him, loaded me with opprobrious language
and told me the report of the town was that I was a drimken, saucey, covetious
fellow and concluded with his opinion that I had neither good breeding nor
honesty. In answer I disallowed the report of the old man charged upon
the town ; I allowed there might be a little truth in my being covetuous but
as to drunkenness and sauciness, it was utterly false.
The incident of his fall off " the high bank " got about :
Old Kent came to the knowledge of the above journey and told it to the
Rev. Mr. Downall in a false manner, much to my disadvantage ; he said I
got drunk and that that was the occasion of my falling and that not being
contented with what I had had, I went into the town that night for more.
Foreseeing trouble. Gale got up a testimonial to himself from
his neighbours, certifying to his good qualities, " his attachment
to church and state, his sober Hfe, and conversation." But old
Kent continued to visit the school and make trouble.
The old man entered the school with George Wilmhurst and Eliz. Hook
and said they should be taught free. I asked him how many I was to teach
free ; without any further ado he flew into a violent passion. Among other
abusive and scmrilous language he said I was an upstart, runnagate, beggarly
dog ; that I picked his pocket and that I never knew how to teach a school
in my life ... he clinched his fist in my face — made a motion to strike me
and declared he would break my head. He did not strike me but withdrew
208 ENGLISH DIARIES
in a wonderful heat and ended all with his general maxim " The greater
scholler the greater rogue."
One more outburst of Kent's is recorded :
I was told by Mr. Downer that the day before James had been so indiscreet
as to sufier Richardson's boy George to bring beer into the school, and, old
Kent coming in before the mug was out, the boy asked him to drink ; there-
upon he fell into a great heat and drove the boy out of the school.
Except for the account of these disputes very Httle mention
is made of the school or the scholars. The schoolmaster's interests
were evidently in other directions.
One of his references to smugghng may be quoted :
I set out for Laughton after drinking a quatern of gin and came to White-
smiths where was a hm-ley boUoo about Mr. Plummer's (now a custom house
officer) having seized a horse loaded with 3 anchors of brandy which was
carried oS by him and two soldiers.
The end part of the diary is unfortunately lost. But Gale held
his place till 1771, long after his formidable adversary old Kent
was laid in his grave. However, in spite of the invariable self-
complacency of this diarist, liis manner of Hving eventually
brought him into trouble. On October 18, 1771, it was resolved
by the trustees, nem. con.,
That the schoolmaster, Mr. Walter Gale, be removed from the school for
neglecting the duties thereof and that he have notice to leave the same the
next quarter day.
The diary was published by the Sussex Archaeological Society.
GEORGE BUBB DODINGTON (Lord Melcombe)
IF only Bubb Dodington had written a diary about the more
domestic side of his hfe, — ^if only he had displayed himself as
a wit, a friend of wits, scholars, and authors, and given some of
his literary and social experiences, — ^we should no doubt have
been greatly entertained. As it is, his diary, covering the years
from 1749 to the beginning of 1761 (the year before his death), is
just a long rather involved register of political intrigue. In
many diaries there is an abundance of self-reproach. Here we
get a complete contrast. The keynote of Bubb Dodington's diary
is self-justification. He seems anxious to throw the most favour-
GEORGE BUBB DODINGTON 209
able light he can on the sordid intrigues in which he was continu-
ally engaged as an unashamed political place-hunter.
The diary was published by Mr. Henry Penruddocke Wyndham
in 1785. It had been bequeathed to him with other papers by
Mr. Thomas Wyndham, Dodington's cousin, with an injunction
that only those should be pubhshed which may " in some degree
do honour " to Lord Melcombe's memory. Mr. Henry Wyndham
hesitated on the propriety of publisliing the diary, as " it shows
his political conduct (however palliated by the ingenuity of his
own pen) to have been wholly directed by the base motives of
avarice, vanity, and selfishness." But the very careful way in
which Dodington had written out the whole diary afresh forces
the editor to the conclusion that he " wrote for the pubhck and
that he intended his diary should in a future season be produced
to light." Accordingly he had no compunction in having it
printed.
Bubb Dodington, born in 1691, was returned for Pariiament as
member for Winchelsea in 1715. Subsequently he sat for Bridg-
water. For sixteen years he was a Lord of the Treasury. In
1744 he was Treasurer of the Navy under Henry Pelham and
again in 1755 under Newcastle and Fox. He succeeded the year
before he died in getting a peerage.
Political backstairs intrigue is not a very inspiring, nor indeed
a very interesting, theme at anytime. In the days of George II
there was so much of it and its ramifications were so involved
that it is difficult now to follow, and one has some reluctance, or
rather disincHnation, to make any attempt to disentangle the
threads. Dodington's venahty and tergiversations were so
marked that he became a target for pohtical satires, caricatures
and pamphlets, and it is not surprising when we find him com-
plaining of the pubhcation of " the vilest and most rancorous
pamphlet against me."
It is quite impossible to follow him through the political maze.
Extracts must be picked out here and there to illustrate his
endeavours to be on the winning side and to get the best he can
for himself.
In 1749 he resigns his post as Treasurer of the Navy in order
to throw his lot in with Frederick, Prince of Wales, who, as we
know, lived in bitter rivalry with his father. We get a full account
of the bargain. The Prince offers him £2,000 a year, Bubb Doding-
ton goes through the form of saying he would prefer to take the
post of Treasurer of the Chambers " without any salary." The
Prince of course refuses.
14
210 ENGLISH DIARIES
He then immediately added that we must settle what was to happen in
reversion and said he thought a Peerage with the management of the House
of Lords and the seals of Secretary of State for the southern province would
be a proper station for me if I approved of it. Perceiving me to be under
much confusion at this unexpected ofier and at a loss how to express myself,
he stopped me and then said, I now promise you on the word and honour of
a Prince that as soon as I come to the Crown I will give you a peerage and the
Seals of the Southern province. Upon my endeavouring to thank him he
repeated the same words and added (putting back his chair) and I give
you leave to kiss my hand upon it now by way of acceptance ; which I did
accordingly.
But they were both of them counting their chicks before they
were hatched, and when the Prince most provokingly died less
than two years later all Bubb Dodington's schemes were over-
turned. While he was with the Prince, however, there were
dissensions in the camp, and he was accused of having forced
himself on the Prince, which accusation in many pages of the
diary he elaborately repudiates. The royal animosity against
Frederick was kept up after his death. We are told in the diary
that in the funeral procession " there was not an Enghsh Lord,
nor one Bishop, and only one Irish Lord."
No refreshment was provided for those who did attend, and they
" were forced to bespeak a great cold dinner from a common
tavern in the neighbourhood."
For a moment after Frederick's death Dodington is depressed.
He writes :
I have done enough and henceforth shalllive to myself the years which God
in his mercy grant me unless I am called upon to assist.
Nevertheless he soon begins making advances to Pelham and
offers him " all the services in his power." The difficulty is to
get round the King, so he keeps on protesting, " it was never
my intention to offend His Majesty." At the same time he keeps
up intimate relations with the widowed Princess, who is much
exercised about the upbringing and education of her children,
specially Prince George. One one of these visits he writes :
I waited on the Princess and staid with her two hours. Much freedom and
condescension — rather too much of the first on my side.
He was quite a friend of the family, as we see by this domestic
scene.
I went to Leicester House expecting a small company and a little musick
but found nobody but her Royal Highness. She made me draw a stool and
GEORGE BUBB DODINGTON 211
sit by the fire side. Soon after came in the Prince of Wales [George III] and
Prince Edward and then the Lady Augusta all in imdress and took their
stools and sat round the fire with us. We continued talking of famihar
occurrences till between ten and eleven with the ease and unreservedness and
unconstraint as if one had dropped into a sister's house that had a family to
pass the evening.
His plots with Pelhara cease because Pelham dies in 1754, so
then he starts with the Duke of Newcastle. With him he reaches
a degree of cordiahty which raises his highest hopes ; he says to
the Duke :
I would not even be in the right against him and I was very sure I would
never again be in the wrong against him for which I hoped his Grace would
be my caution. He said he would with all his heart. He took me in liis arms
and kissed me twice with strong assurances of affection and service.
This on March 21. But on March 27 he notes :
Notwithstanding the fine conversation of last Thursday all the employments
were given away.
So when in the following month he has another long interview
with the Duke he concludes his account of it :
He made great professions of good wishes, good will, best endeavours
etc. etc. which weigh with me as much as the breath they were composed of.
But his struggle for place and recognition continues, "for,"
he openly confesses, " I was determined to make some sort of
figure in life." But the immensely long interviews and conversa-
tions, in which there is very little about policy and nothing what-
ever about principle, are fatiguing, and sufficient quotations
have been given to show what Bubb Dodington was after. As
already related, he eventually succeeded in getting his reappoint-
ment as Treasurer of the Navy, after which it is not surprising
to read that " Her Royal Highness received me very coolly." A
year before he died he was given a peerage, so perhaps his ambi-
tions were more or less satisfied.
A good many sideUghts on elections and electoral methods occur
in the diary. He expresses indignation at the methods of his
opponents, as if his own were above reproach. We may find
fault with our electoral system to-day, but we can congratulate
ourselves that there is some improvement on those days when an
election at which under 350 votes were polled cost the candidate
£5,000, as was the case with Dodington at Bridgwater.
A most unfavourable criticism of Bubb Dodington occurs in
Egmont's diary. Horace Walpole in the course of a conversation
212 ENGLISH DIARIES
with Egmont in 1733, after describing how Dodington " does
perfectly govern " the Prince of Wales, adds that he is " the
vilest man, vain, ambitious, loose and never to be satisfied. He
wants now to be a Lord and when he is that he will want to be
a Duke."
Several poems were dedicated to Bubb Dodington and he him-
self was the writer of occasional verse. We learn through Cumber-
land, Lord Halifax's secretary, something about the showy and
tasteless splendour in which he lived ; with his vast figure arrayed
in gorgeous brocades he would loll after dinner in his chair in
lethargic slumbers and wake up to produce an occasional flash
of wit or to read selections, often of the coarsest kind, even to the
ladies. It is a pity that his diary does not reflect any of his wit
or his apparently eccentric humours.
JOHN BAKER
BAKER, who was a sohcitor and barrister of the Inner Temple,
kept a regular diary from 1750 to 1779. He carried on his
business in London and was a wealthy man, having married
an heiress. Miss Ryan, whose sister married Cardinal Manning's
grandfather. In 1771 he came to reside at Horsham, in Sussex,
when he was 59, and it is only the diary from that date that is
available for examination. The entries are very regular, describ-
ing his daily occupations and giving the names of a multitude of
friends with whom he came in contact. The style is peculiar and
individual ; words in Latin, French, and other languages are
inserted here and there with amusing effect. He always refers
to his wife as Uxor. For instance :
Uxor and 2 Pattys and I to Col. Leland's in coach and 4. Home to dinner.
Soir home.
Mrs. Drury came and went with y**™ in carosse a quatre. Mrs. Blunt seule.
Mr. Tridcroft and sisters Id. Mr. Blunt had been d cheval to within 5 miles of
Guildford.
J.P.B. out shooting, ne tua rien.
Uxor went hier in chaise con little Patty to see Mrs. Blunt.
Brother brought a letter from each of his daughters to me with a waistcoat
made by I'ainee, also a letter from Mr. William Johnson which shall read eras.
Dined seul. Apres midi walked old walk to mill.
JOHN BAKER 213
Colonel Leland we saw not, he out shooting. Rest of day a I'ordinaire.
Soir picquet. Drank two pint bottles of cowslip wine.
Mr. Blunt called and asked me to dine at his house to-day. I went portant
first time ma belle culottc noire. Found Mr. Thomas White and Mr. B.'s two
fils cadets.
His occupations are not particularly interesting. In addition
to dinners and entertainments and dances at V assemhlee, his
chief form of amusement seems to have been looking on at cricket
matches, which he describes.
And here is an example of a dance : /
We all went to Mr. George Waller's, the " Anchor " oil a, dance [Here
follows a list of names] N B All marked X danced continually changing
partners. Began soon after 7 danced till 9, then drank tea, then danced
till 12, then supped in another room . . . then the ladies to dancing room and
went to singing and the gentlemen who sat down to supper after ladies gone
went backward and forward to rooms where they were singing. At near
2 began three or four more dances and broke up at 3.
We have records of his occasional reading :
Read Boccacio's Novel of " Tedaldo and Emmelina." Apres midi took
"Ninon de I'Enclos."
Mr. Waller sent for " Drake's Voyage " same I gave Jack Manning at
Barbadoes and I lent him Pennant's " First Tour."
Read " Emma " said to be Lady Ferguson's and several other books.
Edward came home with me and took back " Lord Herbert of Cherbury."
All day reading " Abbe Rayner."
He gives his daughters curious reading in the shape of trials.
Girls read Mary Modders trial for bigamy.
Girls read at night Colonel James Turner's Trial but si mal elle sortit pleurant.
He plays bowls and cards and draughts, and although hot
punch and other drinks are mentioned on only one occasion
does he seem to have gone too far.
Afternoon ni cartes ni bowls. Drank a httle hard and walked in garden.
A little dance, sans violon, only one dance.
He takes no interest in public affairs, and the only incident
recorded which does not immediately concern him and his neigh-
bours, except trials in the district which he several times describes,
is the quarrel and duel between John Scawen and Fitzgerald,
of which he gives an account in some detail.
214 ' ENGLISH DIARIES
Although there is no personal note or attempt at self-revelation,
there is a certain intimacy in the homely details which seems to
bring one into close proximity to the diarist so that when Uxor falls
ill one can feel his bitter grief behind the reticent notes on her
illness.
Uxor exceeding ill at night. . . . Uxor much better ce soir. [The use of
French shows a rise of spirits]. . . . Uxor exceeding low to-night.
And then Uxor dies and there is a most affecting scene. For
once he breaks his bare record of events by exclaiming, " Good
God, how terrible and racking it was." He spends a fortnight
in retirement in his own grounds without any communication
with his friends. Then he resumes his ordinary life.
But there is a special feature in the diary which throws a good
deal of light on John Baker's disposition. Many diarists make
occasional references to their ailments. But Baker gives the
closest attention to his physical infirmities, and makes a very
detailed analysis of his illness, the remedies used, and the effects
obtained, sometimes in French, sometimes in plain English.
These notes, however, would only be suitable for a medical journal,
and a few typical extracts alone can be given here :
Was taken with a violent ague — drank hot punch and Madeira negus —
found myself heavy with that — slept well rest of night ; drank much milk
and water, wonderfully refreshing — which sat pleasingly on my stomach.
Took castor oil a very large dose at J past 4, lay till J before 7 quand une beUe
operation mais c'etait la seule.
Awoke ce matin with a violent pain . . . took warm water, honey, Twoa,
turlington, then a mug of warm water and souring then wood strawberry
brandy. However eat nothing but a little broth to dinner and at picquet
broad glass of gin punch and turlington. Afterwards mug small beer and
sugar — to bed soon after ten.
Went to Church. Thought to stay to Sacrament but sermon began just
before twelve and very cold and pain in bowels, so did not.
His health, in fact, undoubtedly caused him anxiety. He may
have been a hypochondriac, but judging by the remedies he took
he must certainly have aggravated any trouble he may have had.
The year before he died (1777) he makes the following entry,
which shows a sad depression from his usual cheerfulness :
Sep. 28. My father died wanting 22 days of completing his 66th year I
want more than four months of completing my 66 year which I think it utterly
impossible I shall ever do, for I grow daily weaker. The sea baths nor sea
air has any effect to make me better but all are flat and useless, and I have
DR. RUTTY 215
neither pleasure nor amendment from them. 'Tis a vain struggle to attempt
to lengthen this poor remnant of life. Even if it could be prolonged it is not
worth holding. I have no business above ground. I consume hourly and
both my feelings and my countenance make me look upon myself as a dead
man,
Sept. 29. I believe the glass of milk and gin and the five or six glasses of
arrack Pvmch I drank at Mrs. Bell's heated me too much, pains in hips, left
thigh, and knee exceeding stiff. In night both knee bones ached. Left thigh
aches and knee burns.
John Baker also made an elaborate daily weather chart.
The diary, bound in vellum, was left by Cardinal Manning to
his niece, Mrs. Gasquet, who gave it to Mr. Wilfred Scawen Blunt.
It forms part of the papers at Newbuildings, and the portion of it
from which the above extracts are taken was communicated by
Mr. Blunt to the Sussex Archaeological Collections in 1909.
DR. RUTTY
THERE are many instances of diaries which have been
kept chiefly for the purpose of spiritual correction,
though other matters may also find a place in them. The
long prayers, the pages of self- depreciation, the exaggerated
humility, make rather tedious reading. Dr. John Rutty's
" spiritual diary," although it is exclusively concerned with his
inner life and contains hardly any mention at all of events or
domestic matters, differs both in form and style from any of the
others and must be regarded as a unique production. Dr. John-
son was much diverted and laughed heartily when parts of the
diary were read to him. And indeed, as will be seen by the
following extracts, there is something pecuharly funny in Dr.
Rutty's entries. Unfortunately, too, we find ourselves laughing
at the doctor and not with him, for his humour is quite uncon-
scious. But we are disposed to take a more serious view when
we have the whole diary before us and can see the patient and
ceaseless endeavour of a really spiritually-minded man to combat
his faihngs. He did not begin diary writing till he was 56, and
he continued till within four months of his death at the age of
77 (1753 to 1774). He can have had no thought of publication
when he began his diary, but after continuing for twelve years or
so he decided that its publication might be helpful to others.
It is his laconic, ejaculatory, epigrammatic style that makes
216 ENGLISH DIARIES
the diary notable. It reminds one in its short paragraphs some-
times of the Psalms and sometimes of the book of Jeremiah.
There is no doubt Rutty modelled his style on the Bible. He says :
There is a beautiful laconism in the holy scriptures ; but many preachers
and authors seem to think to be heard for their much speaking and writing :
but they bring their jewels in a deal of chaff.
John Rutty was born in Wiltshire, of Quaker parents, in 1698.
He was educated at Leyden, took his medical degree in 1723, and
settled down to a practice in Dubhn in 1724. He wrote several
learned medical books as well as a history of the Quakers in
Ireland. He was a much esteemed and successful physician,
and to his friends he appeared a humble, self-sacrificing, temper-
ate man of pleasing temper and charitable disposition. But
inwardly he was consumed with the notion that he was a prey to
drink, gluttony and bad temper, and his diary records his un-
ceasing struggle with these failings, and the entries recording his
failures and resolutions continue ceaselessly throughout the diary,
which in the earlier years is kept with almost daily regularity.
Before singling out special extracts for quotation with regard
to his lapses, it will be as well to give a sample page as an illus-
tration of his biblical style.
Third Month 1758.
9. Went into the coimtry and took the spiritual book with me lest the
natviral should encroach,
10. Struggled and got to meeting : Satan avant ! for God is bringing
forward in a degree suitable to con\ac.tion.
I have sucked at the breasts of thi.s world and am not satisfied.
Exercised with retention of fees.
A rarity — a spiritual conference in a visit.
O for more of the chaste tender preserving fear in drinking !
Feasted beyond bounds.
12. Rose too late : O the dull body !
13. This day an acquaintance broke deeply in my debt ; the deception
great and the loss considerable : Lord thou has smitten : sanctify the event.
15. Thus doth the Lord embitter my sweets and bring a partial blast on
my labours and why ? To wean from the world. Amen. My friendships
moulder.
18. O what a favour this to be planted in the true church out of Babylon
and its corruptions and where every motive draws to a holy life agreeable to
the doctrine and precepts of our Lord.
Seven patients without a penny even as usual.
The references to drink and gluttony are very numerous ; we
can only give the most striking:
DR. RUTTY 217
Feasted again a little beyond the sacred medium.
Feasting beyond the holy bounds.
0 that I may not abuse riches ! Certain it is I often have, in guzzling.
Feasted, not innocently, in not refusing the bumper.
1 feasted pretty moderately ; but with this notable difference in sohtary
ind social eating, that in the last I eat more hke a swine.
An hypochondriac obnubilation from wind and indigestion.
A little incubus last night on too much spinage.
A little of the beast in drinking.
Although I dined with the saints I drank rather beyond bounds.
A little swinish at dinner.
Piggish at meals.
A little piggish in stuffing with vegetables.
Ate and drank swinishly : nature wants less.
I rather exceed in solids at dinner.
Take care, take care of the fumes of cyder and whiskey, tremble at the
aixtxu^e.
Gripes from excess.
A little of the beast in drinking.
Ate as a swine to-day.
The dose of drink precious to the publick meeting was somewhat too large.
Time after time he feasts on " bread and water " to correct
imself, and the occasions of overeating become gradually less
requent, till in later years we get the following entry :
A sensible advancement in victory over the sin that used so easily to beset
Pie.
The reports on temper may be treated in the same way :
Twice, unbridled choler.
Weak, and fretful. Licked spittle in two places insolent in two others.
Brittle again.
A sudden eruption of ferocity.
A black evening : a fit of downright anger on a supposed injury and for
ont of timely resisting, it proceeded : Lord pardon.
218 ENGLISH DIARIES
In-appetent and morbidly peevish with lassitude and coldness.
A frappish cholerick day.
Snappish on fasting.
Cursed snappishness to those under me on a bodily indisposition.
Learn to repine less at small evils and flea bites, thou pitiful Jack Straw
Flatulent and cross on a slight occasion.
Some doggedness on provocation.
Snappish. Lord shall this sin which so easily besets be never never over-
come.
At my return home upon provocation I struck my servant.
Miserably and sinfully peevish : double the guard. I
A little crabbed with two incurables. j
And the year before he died :
A sweet whisper that God will hear my petition for freedom from quickness"
to anger. j
Early rising troubled him too : )
Too idle in bed to-day : O flesh, thou clog ! J
Lay a little too late for this day ; rouse soul, death is at the door.
Some of his more general aphorisms may also be given :
I have been putting the cart (i.e. the body) before the horse (i.e. the soul):
all my life : but God is turning me about since my last signal visitation.
The medical profession exhibits strongly the vanity and wickedness of thei
world where the more work the less pay.
O, what a trial is prosperity ! The reins must be held tighter in time oi<
plenty. $
Saw myself in the clear vision to be top heavy and the necessity there ia/
for my growing less in the branch and more in the root.
Spent my mattin in spiritual fox hunting.
He always makes a note about " meeting," sometimes it is,i
*' sweet," " luminous," and " profitable," at other times " dull ";
and "barren," and once "my fire was almost extinguished byj
my drowsiness." He hates loquacity and prolixity : i
I also saw the vulgar error of long preaching and text spinning.
The aft-ernoon meeting was partly silent, partly loquacious ; the silent part
DR. RUTTY 219
was more edifying than the preaching ; what a pity it is that some persons
know not when to leave off !
Disapproval is shown of play-going and he rejoices when a play
house is converted into a house of prayer.
God opened a way to deal with play haunters in a social capacity : but O
the deadness of our spiritual socios.
Drew up a paper against play haunting.
He more than once expresses his admiration for women. On
one occasion he writes :
The natural volubility of that sex beyond all comparison superior in effect
to what is deUvered by some of us dull reasoners renders them far better
speakers and fitter instrvmaents for a superior power to animate and direct.
His devoted attention to his poorer patients is shown in many
entries :
Eight patients of which six paupers.
Eight patients but all pennyless.
Eleven visits and no fee, blessed be the Lord.
Attended nine patients six of which were the glorious poor.
There is less about his own health than one would expect in
the diary of a doctor. It may be noted, perhaps not irrelevantly,
that a treatise De Diarrhoea was his thesis when he took his doctor's
degree. In addition to " heaviness of the body," " vapourish
from indigestion," " flatulence," etc., we have references, as time
goes on, to " optical tremours," and in 1766 he writes :
An embittering dispensation of sore eyes and dull ears the first taking me
ofi from my darling delights of reading and writing and the second from
conversation : Lord I kiss thy rod.
The old man keeps up his vigilant guard over himself to the
end, continually asking, " What lack I yet ? " A few months
before his death he is still concerned at his " unsubdued ferocity,"
and in the last two entries he is still watchful but hopeful :
12th Month 3. 1774. Conscious that of late no fleshly indulgence hath
taken place : beware that it creep not on now in the days of infirmity and
sitting by the fire ; I dare not trust my own heart.
8. The voice of God now sounds louder in my great infirmity of being
scarcely able to bear the cold.
In addition to the ordinary entries in the diary there are para-
graphs headed " Soliloquies " and sometimes " Question " and
220 ENGLISH DIARIES
" Answer." In 1768 he inserts " a short spiritual Chronology "
in wliich he gives an account of the spiritual side of his early
life before he began to keep a diary.
Dr. Rutty may have been spiritually eccentric, but he never
bores us with diffuse sanctimonious outpourings. In spite of
his violent self-reproach he was probably only a very convivial
and sociable companion. It would perhaps be cynical to suggest
that the passage of time and increasing old age brought in the
natural course a mitigation of the impulses to anger and excess.
Let us rather take his word for it that " God gained ground,"
for, as he says in his preface, " Sanctification is not the work
of a day nor a week nor a year ; the Christian warfare ceaseth
not but with our lives."
The diary was printed and published in 1776.
MRS. BROWNE
Ahli our women diarists were either themselves people of
/\ reputation or were connected with more or less eminent
J \ personages. Mrs. Browne is the one exception. We
know nothing of her except what she tells us in a very entertain-
ing little diary she kept from November 17, 1754, to August 4,
1757, which is contained in a small paper book of not more than
thirty pages. ^
Mrs. Browne accompanied Braddock's expedition to Virginia and
sailed from Gravesend on board the London, on which her brother
was one of the officers. We gather from her entries, which are not
daily but occasional, that she had been a widow for about two
years and had left her children behind her in England. Her
daughter Charlotte dies while she is away, which causes her
great grief. Of her personal appearance we catch just a gUmpse
from the remark made to her by a Quaker whom she comes across
on her travels. " Thou seems full Bulky to travel," he says, " but
thou art young and that will enable thee." Bulky or not, she
evidently had great energy, rode and marched hundreds of
miles and put up with extreme discomforts as the expedition
passed from Bellham to Fort Cumberland, to Frederick's Town,
Philadelphia, and New York.
1 The MS. of this diary is in the possession of Mr. S. A. Courtauld of the
, Howe, Halstead, Essex, by whose kind permission extracts are given.
MRS. BROWNE 221
The ship's passage occupied from November 17 till March 23.
The London " was laden with stores for the hospital."
Mrs. Browne is interested in humanity and has a gossipy
style. We learn a good deal about some of her fellow-passengers,
their behaviour, their quarrels, which she calls "squalls," and
other incidents of the voyage. Her troubles begin early :
Dec. 5. At 4 in the morning made Mizen Head and we all expected to
have been lost. I being Mr. Cherrington's Banker he came to my state room
and said ; Mrs. Browne get up and if you please put my Pm-se in your Pockett.
But remember Lady you are not dressing for court. I dressed myself immedi-
ately and came on Deck and fomid ray brother tying two Planks together for
us to set upon but at last we happily got clear.
Mr. Cherrington, of whom we shall hear a good deal more,
seems generally to have been mixed up in the rows. Here are
some of the " squalls " :
Being Sunday Mr. Cherrington and Mr. Bass had a SquaU on Deck. Mr.
Bass had severall times given hints of Miss Davis, a friendly fair of Mr. Cherring-
ton's. He insisted on his explaining himself wliich Mr. Bass did but not in
the lady's favour. Many ill-natured Truths were said. Mr. Bass was forbid
coming into the Cabin ; but he told him he had as much right as himself, so
he kept his footing, but Mr. Cherrington not being able to bear the insolence
of the little fellow mov'd off to Cork.
Being Sunday a great Squall on Deck between Mr Cherrington and Capt.
Browne it began about the loss of some water gruel and ended with the great
favour I had rec'd to have my Cabbin in the Steerage.
A great squall on Deck with Mr. Lash the Mate and Mr. Black the Qerk
of the Hospital! about the tapping of some Beer, Mr. Lash ordered it to be
tap'd Mr. Black forbid it. At which Mr. Lash in a great rage told him that
It was as thick as Hell and he should never taste it, that it was but the other
day he carried a knot on his Back but now he was so much on his Hizy Prizy
there was no speaking to him. The day ended with a Dispute in the Cabbin
with Mr. Cherrington and Mr. Couch.
In another dispute Mr. Cherrington said : " It was not clear
to him why so many of his sheep should die and not one of ours."
Later, however, one of his sheep " brought forth a fine lamb."
Mr. Couch is a gentleman who suffers terribly from sea sick-
ness and remains in his cabin,
deep in the Horrors and wiU neither eat, drink or speak and is at a loss to tell
whether he is aJive or dead.
Mrs. Browne has to discharge her maid Betty when she arrives
in Bellhaven,
222 ENGLISH DIARIES
having found of mine in her box a pair of Ruffles, a pair of stockings and an
apron.
To Mr. and Mrs. Barbut she makes rather sarcastic references.
They were evidently late risers.
Mr. Barbut up and a mending of stockings his wife fast asleep.
And when there is bad weather,
the reason of it was, as the Men say because Mr. Barbut heav'd out so soon
being up before 11.
Mrs. Barbut up by 8 this morning but the sailors desired her to tumble in
again or else they should have a bad wind.
But Mrs. Barbut's intellectual powers must have been sur-
prising, judging by the follo'W'ing entry :
Mr. Cherrington learnt Mrs. Barbut to read and construe Greek in an Hour.
Or perhaps it was Mr. Cherrington's remarkable skill as a
teacher.
Some months after their arrival Mrs. Browne comes across
Mrs. Barbut again in Philadelphia.
Nov. 28. My old shipmate Mrs. Barbut came to see me but she was so full
of engagements she could not afford me an Hour of her Company. She was
dressed like a Butterfly which put me in mind of June instead of November.
At Frederick's Town in Maryland she goes to a Ball,
which was eompos'd of Romans, Jews and Hereticks who in this town flock
together. The Ladys danced without Stays or Hoops and it ended with a
Jig from each Lady.
Drink specially on board ship figures very prominently. There
is great lamentation when it is discovered that thirty gallons of
brandy had run out :
Pompey the Negroe all most tum'd white on the thoughts of it but Mr.
Lash the Mate said it was all run to Hell but they should have good Grog the
next time that they pump'd the Ship. '4
Mr. Black " drank so much grog he was at a loss how to go to *
bed." And there are two references to the Parson which show
he was not an abstainer : ^
Simday but had no Prayers till afternoon our Parson being indispos'd by
drinking too much grog the night before.
And later ashore :
The officer and the Parson replenished their Bowl so often that they began
MRS. BROWNE 223
to be very joyous tmtill their Servant told them that their Horses were lost
at which the Parson much inrag'd and pop'd out an oath.
Mr. Cherrington, however, was able to withstand the allure-
ments of drink. When they cast anchor in Hampton Roads,
4 officers came on Board ; drank out 15 Bottles of Port : all in the Cabbin
I drunk (but Mr. Cherrington).
We lose sight of Mr. Cherrington for awhile after the landing.
But Mrs. Browne is joined by her old friend again on the journey
to Philadelphia.
We supt and desired to have 2 Beds but the Mistress of the house said she
presumed we were Man and Wife and that one would do. Mr. Cherrington
said it was true I was his Wife but it was very seldom he was favoured with
part of my Bed. She said she was sorry of it and at last complied. I was
favoured with a Bed of Down and Mr. Cherrington with a Bed of Straw.
At another inn :
Mr. Cherrington and I not being of the same opinion as to my Sex in general
we had many Disputes. Several Ill-natured Truths were said on both Sides.
It ended with my telling him he did nothing but say and unsay and that he
was so luiaccountable a riddle I knew not what to make of him. He made a
low Bow and said he was much obliged to me and retired.
In spite of Mr. Cherrington's apparently quarrelsome dis-
position Mrs. Browne was devoted to him, and when he returns
home she writes :
Dec. 1. 1756. Mr. Cherrington left Albany for England in whom I have
lost all my friends in one.
After the death of her brother in July, 1755, she sometimes
finds her position misunderstood. At New York, for instance :
The Dutch had a very bad opinion of me saying I could not be good to come
so far without a husband.
The Dutch said I was General Braddock's Miss but she [Miss Miller an old
friend] has convinced them that I was not for that her Father had known me
Maid, Wife and Widow and that nobody could say anything bad of me.
Mrs. Browne makes brief notes with regard to the military
events and the fighting, and in the latter part of the diary her
personal remarks are less frequent. Her health suffers a good
Ideal from the hardship of riding and marching and many entries
are taken up with comments on her " disorder." She ends her
diary abruptly on August 4, 1757, with the words : *' There
ends my Journal having so much Business on my Hands that I
224 ENGLISH DIARIES
cannot spare the Time to write it." What her " business " was
is not clear, but we very much regret that it should have pre-
vented her from continuing her very human and amusing little
record. Mrs. Browne's diary is far better worth printing than
many of the diaries that have been pubhshed.
HENRY FIELDING
THE author of Tom Jones was not a regular diarist, but
we have from his pen published after his death a brief
journal of his voyage to Lisbon. This voyage was
undertaken at the end of his life in 1754. when he was suffering
acutely from dropsy and the doctors had recommended him to
seek a milder climate. So ill was he that he had completely lost
the use of his limbs and had to be hoisted like a dead weight or
carried about helplessly in a chair. He had to undergo the.
operation of being tapped frequently, and to all intents and
purposes he was a dying man, and what is more he knew it. Added
to this the discomforts on the ship were unusual even for those
days, and owing to the vagaries of the wind the voyage occupied
no less than fifty days. It is astonishing in the circumstances
that he should have written at all. " Yet," as Mr. Austin Dob-
son says, " so indomitable is his gallantry of spirit, so irrepres-
sible his joy of life, so insatiable still his ' curious ' eye for
humanity that a fresh face or a new sensation makes the old fire
flame up once more and he writes as if he had not a care in the
world." His own description of himself, however, on his de-
parture is sufficiently harrowing : jjj
Upon my entrance into the boat I presented a spectacle of the highest
horror. The total loss of limbs was apparent to all who saw me and my face
contained marks of a most diseased state if not of death itself. Indeed so
ghastly was my countenance that timorous women with child had abstained
from my house for fear of the ill consequences of looking at me.
He describes the captain :
He wore a sword of no ordinary length by his side with which he swaggered
in his cabin among the wretches his passengers whom he had stowed in cup-
boards on each side. He was a person of very singular character. He had
taken it into his head that he was a gentleman from those very reasons that
proved he was not one ; and to shew himself a fine gentleman by a behaviour
which seemed to insinuate he had never seen one.
HENRY FIELDING 225
The wind being unfavourable thev hung about the English
coast off the Isle of Wight and off Devonshire till late in July
Every incident is described, the captain's moods and tempers,
the food and the storms ; and one is often made to forget the
state of health of the writer himself. A series of extracts touch-
ing on some of the incidents will give an idea of this singular
journal :
My poor wife after passing a night in the utmost torments of the toothache
resolved to have it drawn. I dispatched, therefore, a servant to Wapping to
bring in haste, the best toothdrawer he could find. He soon found out a
female of great eminence in the art ; but when he brought her to the boat at
the waterside they were informed that the ship was gone.
My wife continued the whole day in a state of dozing ; and my other females
whose sickness did not abate by the roUing of the ship at anchor seemed more
inclined to empty their stomachs than to fill them. Thus I passed the whole
day by myself and the evening concluded with the captain.
"A mxost tragical incident " takes place. A kitten falls over-
board. The sails are slackened and all hands are employed to
recover the poor animal. Fielding expresses his surprise at the
captain's " extreme tenderness," and remarks : " If puss had
had nine thousand instead of nine hves I concluded they had all
been lost." A sailor jumps overboard and returns with the cat
m his mouth. At first the cat shows no signs of life, and the
captain
having felt his loss like a man he resolved to show he could bear it hke one
and having declared he had rather have lost a cask of ram or brandy, betook
himself to threshing at backgammon with the Portuguese friar.
Subsequently the cat recovers, " to the great joy of the good
captain."
After a dinner off beans and bacon in a barn near Ryde he
writes :
We completed the best, the pleasantest and the merriest meal with more
appetite, more real solid luxury and more festivity than was ever seen in an
entertainment at White's.
The description of Mrs. Humphrys, the farmer's wife, with
whom they lodged at Ryde, is in the novehst's best style. Part
of it must be given :
She was a short squat woman ; her head was closely joined to her shoulders
where it was fixed somewhat awry ; every feature of her countenance was
sharp and pointed ; her face was furrowed with the smallpox ; and her
complexion which seemed to be able to turn milk to curds not a little resembled
15
A'
226 ENGLISH DIARIES
in colour such milk as had already undergone that operation. She appeared
indeed to have many symptoms of a deep jaundice in her look ; but the
strenc-th and firmness of her voice overbalanced them all. ... She differed
as I have said in every particular from her husband ; but very remarkably
in this, that as it was impossible to displease him, so it was impossible to
please her ; and as no art could remove a smile from his countenance, so
could no art carry it into hers.
The continued delays exasperate the captain :
The Captain now grew outrageous and declaring open war with the wind
took a resolution more bold than wise of saiUng in defiance of it ajid m its
teeth The wind began in the captain's own language to freshen : and
indeed it freshened so much that before ten it blew a perfect hurricane . . . and
continued to blow with such violence that the ship ran above eight knots an
hour during this whole day and tempestuous night tiU bed time. I was
obliged to betake myself once more to my solitude ; for my women were again
all down in their sea sickness and the captain was busy on deck.
He realises that there is danger, and says
this would have given no small alarm to a man who had either not learnt what
it is to die or known what it is to be miserable. And my dear wife and child
must pardon me if what I did not conceive to be any great evil to myself 1
was not much terrified with the thoughts of happening to them.
He adds the following remark which shows that he was writing
for publication :
Can I say that I had no fear ; indeed I cannot, reader, I was afraid for thee
lest thou shouldst have been deprived of that pleasure thou art now enjoying.
But after all this storm they were still off the coast of Devon-
shire. Fielding buys cider and the captain " drest himself m
scarlet" and went off to pay a visit to a Devonshire squire.
However, although the captain declares the ship is bewitched,
they do eventually get away. They encounter more foul
weather in which the unfortunate invalid suffers and the captam
appears to be quite unsympathetic.
We went only at the rate of four miles an hour but with so uneasy a motion
continually rolling from side to side that I suffered more than I had done in
our whole voyage ; my bowels being ahnost twisted out of my beUy. How-
ever the day was very serene and bright and the captain who was m high
spirits affirmed he had never passed a pleasanter at sea.
At last they arrive, but Lisbon does not appeal to him :
About seven in the evening I got into a chaise on shore and was driven
through the nastiest city in the world.
Fielding died within two months of his arrival.
THOMAS TURNER 227
The diary is not exclusively taken up with a recital of incidents
ot the voyage, there are long digressions, some of them entirely
irrelevant ; they are partly political and controversial and partly
philosophic There is a disquisition on cider, on the morals of
sailors, on the career of a ship's captain and on liberty
Two versions of the diary were published. The first one in which
passages were suppressed was issued in 1755, and a longer version
111 X / o^*
Considering the circumstances, the Journal may not be classed
among Fielding s best works, but it discloses his character, his
tortitude, and his patience, and gives us more knowledge of him
than can be derived from his other books.
THOMAS TURNER
T,URNER kept a general store at East Hoathly, Sussex.
He was born at Groombridge, in Kent, in 1728. His
diary, which was originally contained in one hundred
l?.t T,^l "memorandum books, of which only a few have been
lost extends over a period of eleven years from February 2 1754
7r.Tli.^' ^^^f* ^^ '',^" amazing production, containing as it
does the most outspoken confessions combined with almost
riaiculous pemtence and pretentious morahsing. While he
treats his diary as a sort of confessional, at the same time he re-
mT.t "T/ rf ^ '^'''^'- ^'' '^'^''^y^ °f ^hich his style
might at first make one suspicious, is unquestionable. At the
same time Turner was writing dehberately for posterity (" those
tW T^ 1 ?P'?- ^"^ P"'"'" "^y "'"^^^'^ ") ^nd hoped no doubt
that the elaboration of his remorse might outweigh the gravity
1 btirrf 'P'"'- ^"^^ ™ ^" ^^"^^^' ^"d it may well be
doubted If he ever conquered it. His stilted and sententious
style can be explained by the fact that he was a great reader
T^:\r 1^" r'^'"^'^ ""'"^^ ^^^^^^ ^d--te<^ He "eaS
poetry, theology history and novels and with obvious enjoyment.
thinf ?w\ TC *"ir^'' " ' ^°°^ "P«^^ -' - ^^^y ^e" wrote
thing tho It must be allowed it is too prolix "
He gives long extracts from Pope's translation of the Odyssey,
™T ? % ^Tl-^l ^'''^''^ ^ Mamtenon, he reads out
Tilhtson s Sermons to his friends, he reads the last book of Para-
228 ENGLISH DIARIES
dise Lost twice and says, " it exceeds anything I ever read for
sublimity of language and beauty of similies." As You Like It,
Othello, and the Taming of the Shrew are commended by him, and
many other books are mentioned. In fact, he confesses to a
too great delight in reading." , . , j i
He draws up rules of proper regimen, which include early
rising, an abstemious diet, moderation in drinking, and " always
to go to bed at or before ten o'clock." The spirit, in fact, seems
constantly to have been wilhng, but the flesh was extraordin-
arily weak even for the eighteenth century. His lapses are
always recorded with the immediate renewal of resolution.
Came home drunk ; but I think never to exceed the bounds of moderation
more.
We drank one bowl of punch and two muggs of bumboo and I came home
in liquor Oh with what horrors does it fill my heart to think I should be
guilty of doing so and on a Sunday too ! Let me once more endeavour never,
no never, to be guilty of the same again.
Not quite so sober at home all day and I know I behaved like an ass . . .not
like one that caUa himself a Christian. Oh, how unworthy I am of that
name.
What can I say in my own behalf for getting drunk ? Sure I am a direct
fool.
I cannot say I came home sober though I was far from being bad company.
I came home but to my shame do I say it very much inhquor [and next
day]. Pretty bad aU day with the stings of a guilty and tormentmg conscience.
I came home after eleven after staying in Mr. Porter's wood near an hour
and a half the hquer opperating so much in the head that it made my lega^>
useless.
But it would be unfair not to give instances in which he did
control himself, though in the first quotation the word sober^
seems to be used in a relative sense. \
We came hom^I may say quite sober considering the house ^e was at "
though undoubtedly the worst for drinking and having I beheve contracted a
siighf inpediment in my speech, occasioned by the fumes of the hquor operating
too furiously on my brain. ||
Thank God very sober as was aU the company (except Dame Durrant).
Came home about three minutes past twelve-sober. Oh, how comfortable
does that word sound in my ears !
The orgies he describes in great detail show that his friends and
acquaintances were no better than he was himself.
THOMAS TURNER 229
After supper our behaviour was far from that of serious, harmless mirth ;
it was downright obstreperious mixed with a great deal of folly and stupidity.
Our diversion was dancing or jiunping about without a violin or any musick
singing of foolish healths and drinking all the time as fast as it could be potu-ed
down and the parson of the parish (Mr. Porter) was among the mixed multitude
[Then follow the usual qualms of conscience.]
But three days later Mr. Porter, his wife and a party turned
up at Turner's house, burst into his bedroom, and
drew me out of bed, as the common phrase is topsy tm-vey ; but however afc
the intercession of Mr. Porter they permitted me to put on my . , . and instead
of my upper cloaths they gave me time to put on my wife's petticoats and in
this manner they made rae dance without shoes and stockings untill they had
emptied the bottle of wine and also a bottle of my beer [he goes on to express
horror and indignation ending a propos of Mr. Porter] ' the precepts delivered
from the pulpit on Sunday tho' delivered with the greatest ardour must lose
a great deal of their efficacy by such examples.'
We continued drinking like horses, as the vulgar phrase is, and singing till
many of us were very drunk, and then we went to dancing and pulling of wigs,
caps, and hats ; and thus we continued in this frantic manner behaving more
like mad people than they that profess the name of Christians.
Other orgies at Mr. Porter's house and at his own house are
recorded, and he sums up :
Now I hope all revelling for this season is over ; and may I never more be
discomposed with so much drink or by the noise of an obstreperous mioltitude
but that I may calm my troubled mind and sooth my disturbed conscience.
The celebrations of victories were also occasions for intemperate
rejoicing. Mr. Coates, the Duke of Newcastle's agent at Hal-
land, invited them all to several feasts. Turner always goes,
though he knows beforehand what the result will be :
If I goe, I must drink just as they please or otherwise, I shall be called a
poor singular fellow. If I stay at home I shall be stigmatised with the name
of being a poor, proud, ill-natured wretch and perhaps disoblige Mr. Coates.
The Duke himself gives a banquet. Turner was not one of
the guests, but no doubt he was helping Mr. Coates.
1759. Stmday Aug. 5. I spent most part of the day in going to and fro
from Halland there being a public day where there was to dine with his Grace
the Duke of Newcastle, the Earls of Ashbumham and Northampton, Lord
Viscoimt Gage, the Lord Abergavenny and two judges of assize, and a great
number of gentlemen there being, I think upward of forty coaches chariots
etc. I came home about seven not thoroughly sober. I think it is a scene
that loudly calls for the detestation of the serious and considerating people
to see the sabbath prophaned and turned into a day of luxury and debauchery ;
there being no less than ten cooks, four of which were French, and perhaps
230 ENGLISH DIARIES
fifty more, as busy as if it had been a rejoicing day. There was such hazzaing
that made the very foundations almost of the hovise to shake and all this by
the order and the approbation of almost the next man to the King. Oh !
What countenance does such behaviour in a person of liis Grace's rank give
to levity drunkenness and all sorts of immorality.
Turner's married life was not harmonious, and his mother-in-
law, Mrs. Slater, made matters worse by " having a very great
volubility of tongue for invective and especially if I am the sub-
ject." Having had " words " with his wife (Peggy) he writes :
Oh what happiness must there be in the married state when there is a sincere
regard on both sides and each partie truly satisfied with each other's merits !
But it is imioossible for tongue or pen to express the uneasiness that attends
the contrary.
However, he confesses that in spite of " anemosityes and
disentions " were he single he would do the same again — " I
mean, make her my wife who is so now."
I think I have tried all experiments to make our life's happy but they have
all failed. The opposition seems to be nattu-ally in our tempers — not arising
from spitefulness but an opposition that seems indicated by our very make
and constitution.
Peggy after a period in which she is " prodigiously " ill dies,
and her husband with characteristic remorse displays the warmest
affection for her memory.
How do I lament my present irregvilar and very unpleasant life for what I
used to lead in my dear Peggy's time.
Oh ! How pleasant was the even spent after a busy day in my dear Peggy's
time.
He finds that in solitude " a certain roughness and boisterous-
ness of disposition has seized my mind," and that he is reduced
to a " great degree of moroseness that is neither agreeable to
myself nor can my company be so to others." In fact he cannot
get on without " the company of the more softer sex," so he
begins courting Molly Hicks, " my charmer." But he has
doubts :
This courting does not well agree with my constitution and perhaps it may
be only taking pains to create more pains.
However, he marries Molly on June 19, 1765, and on July 3
he writes :
I have, it's true, not married a learned lady nor is she a gay one, but I trust
she is good natured and one that will use her utmost endeavour to make me
JOHN DAWSON 231
happy. As to her fortvme, I shall one day have something considerable and
there seems to be rather a flowing stream. Well, here let us drop the subject
and begin a new one.
But here, unfortunately, the diary ends, so we do not know
whether he was as happy with Molly Hicks as he imagined him-
self to have been with Peggy, after her death; nor do we learn
whether he ever conquered the sad habit which caused him so
many stings of conscience.
We have only space for the above quotations on reading,
drink, and marriage, but Turner writes much else about his
business and its ups and downs, about race meetings, journeys,
and local customs and incidents. And he moralises in his enter-
taining way about all his pursuits as well as about public events.
The manuscript of the diary is in the possession of his des-
cendants and was communicated in 1859 to the Sussex Archaeo-
logical Society.
JOHN DAWSON
JOHN DAWSON, of Brunton, only kept a diary from March
8 to December 31, 1761. When the Northumberland Mihtia
was first embodied in 1759 under an Act of Parhament passed
30 George II, John Dawson was appointed to be captain of
a Tynedale Company. The diary is almost exclusively concerned
with the doings of the militia during the year 1761. The entries
are recorded daily throughout the whole period, but they are
very brief, giving notes of mob risings, riots, trials, punishments,
courts martial, etc., and the names of the people with whom he
came in contact. Judging by the first half-dozen entries, how-
ever, Dawson seems at first to have intended to keep a very much
fuller journal containing his views and opinions. For instance,
on March 6 he writes :
Surely the best scholars are the best citizens for here I find those whose
minds are least cultivated are absolutely very indifferent company ; I should
say dangerous company — half an hour is badly spent amongst many of them.
Surely it may be called, without impropriety, premeditated murder of time.
And again the next day :
Awakened this morning about 4 o'clock and arose at 6. Without a good
knowledge of the Scriptures a man never can make a tolerable figure in
Society ; the best and wisest men have been in all ages and in all nations the
232 ENGLISH DIARIES
strongest advocates for the sacred writings but with the abandoned and
ignorant we find the reverse. A man starving of hunger would be deem'd a
madman to refuse victuals offered to him but how must we term a man who
refuses to eat of the bread of life to whom immortality is offered and yet
rejected. What fools men are !
Then comes on the same day " this morning I attended a court
martial," and unfortunately never again up to the close 'of the
diary does Dawson give any of his illuminating philosophic re-
flections, even though on several days the only entry is "at home
all day " and two or three times " peace and quietness." The
bald daily record hardly contains even any descriptive epithets.
On one occasion he makes a fuller note ; it discloses the sort of
atmosphere he lived in, which cannot have been conducive to
philosopliic reflection.
June 6, N.B. Mr. Soulsbye came to town last Thursday ; he had not
been 10 minutes in the room till he saw : —
1. The Mayor of Berwick and Captain Romer ready for a boxing match.
2. Noise, Drunkenness and confusion.
3. The Major down with his breeches and up with his shirt and shew'd his
beUy above the navel.
4. The major mob'd at night and N.B. Major damn your soul, what do you
want. Major steady. Major steady Saturday evening for ever.
Apart from his official duties he seems to have been super-
intending his son Jack's education.
Oct. 2. Still reading the English grammar with Jack.
Oct. 7. Jack began to write and construe his Propria quae maribus this
morning.
Nov. 23. I find from Mr. Rumney's conversation that my son Jack follows
the very method of Mr. Romney's scholars as to the preter perfect tense and
supines of which he was master some time ago.
Dec. 25. Jack began Cordery on Wednesday sen* night.
The diary ends : " Here I finish this journal begun the 8th of
March last past. My fingers still very weak."
The Rev. Thomas Stephens, vicar of Horsley in Ridesdale,
communicated extracts of the diary to the Proceedings of the
Newcastle Antiquarian Society and it also appears in the Surtees
Society's collection.
It is one of those diaries in which the little glimpses of the
writer's personality make one regret there is not more.
LADY MARY COKE 233
LADY MARY COKE
THE voluminous journal kept by Lady Mary Coke ex-
tends from 1766 to 1791. It is written for the most part
m the form of letters to her sister, Lady Strafford, and
was actually despatched to her from time to time. On Lady
Strafford s death the journal was addressed to Lord Strafford.
When he died Lady Mary Coke discontinued writing her journal
As there is consciousness throughout of an almost immediate
recipient, the diary has none of the features of the usual private
diary, and as it is written practically daily, it has none of the
merits of a general survey which a letter can give. In fact it
falls between two stools and has very little to recommend' it.
l.ady Mary Coke was the daughter of John, Duke of Argyll • she
was born in 1726. When she was 21 she married Viscount Coke
and after two years of constant disagreement they separated!
During the remainder of her long hfe, for she hved till she was
84 she went about in society, travelled abroad and associated
with many notable people. Lady Louisa Stuart, in a memoir
of the family, describes her thus : " She had the reputation of
cleverness when young and in spite of all her absurdity could
not be called a silly woman : but she was so eminently wrong
' headed, her understanding lay smothered under so much pride
selt conceit, prejudice, obstinacy and violence of temper, that you
knew not where to look for it, and seldom indeed did you catch
such a distinct view of it as certified its existence "
Horace Walpole, who dedicated the Castle of Otmnto to her
referred to her as " violent, absurd and mad." From such an
eccentric character as this one might expect something pecu-
harly entertammg, but the journal, though often very silly is
generally very dull. It contains health notes, a few domestic
details, references to the people she meets, her movements and
travels, her gams and losses at cards, and an immense quantity
of gossip, especially about the Royal Family for whose favour
l^,. '^fu'^u ™ ^^^^^' '''^^"^- ^" f^^t, Horace Walpole
said : If all the sovereigns of Europe combined to shght her she
still would put her trust in the next generation of Princes."
■2)t ^7\^^;j'°^^"al. private and had no intention of publish-
ing it. In 1767 she writes ;
^^^^'''^f T^^®''?/,''^"^® ^ ^^ "^® ^'^d found me writing my journal She
ut a^ n ulhl'i? '"h"^^ ''■ ""^ "°"'^ ^^ --*-* iith^a sl^le page!
&ut as much as I love her I cou'd not consent. I felt ashamed thou' I told
234 ENGLISH DIARIES
her some years hence I thought it might be an amusement at least it would
have one thing to recommend it-that everything that was found m it might
be depended upon for truth.
How far it was true that the Duke of York wanted to marry
her is not known. She anyhow cherished the romance. After
his death there are entries beginning :
I drempt of the Duke.
I drempt again last night of the Duke.
I drempt a great deal about Colonel Bradenel relating to the advice he had
given the poor Duke not to marry me.
When she quarrels with Walpole, she writes':
I have not the same pleasure in meatting him as I used to have since I
know him to be so false to me. Thank God I could not be so to anybody !
She does not deal exclusively with the great world, and al-
though there are no reflections, no thoughts, opmions, or medita-
tions there are several entries of a more domestic character, such
as
I had a bad pain in my head when I got up, but was in hopes going to my
house in the country would take it off, but I had so many vexations when I
Lr there 'twas no wonder it grew worse. My gardener had run away and
a Butcher at Kensington had drove away five and twenty of my sheep.
The ioumal is only of family interest. The part from 1766 to
1774 was privately printed in 1889 in four large volumes in order
to preserve it ; only the headings of the journal of the last seven-
teen years are given.
JAMES HARRIS, EARL OF MALMESBURY j
THE diary extracts given in the four- volume biography
of Lord Malmesbury amount to nothing more than hnks
between the long despatches and letters which tell the
story of his distinguished career. Nevertheless, he kept a pretty
regular diary from 1767, when he was 22, up to 1809. He was
entrusted with many important diplomatic missions, notably
in Berlin and Paris. The diary is a typical diplomatic diary,
filled with visits, travel, functions, dinners, poUtical and diplo-
matic conversations, etc., entirely objective, without a word about
JAMES HARRIS, EARL OF MALMESBURY 235
himself or his family. There are anecdotes of Frederick the
Great and his flutes and of many other royal personages and
statesmen. Anyone making a close study of the foreign policy
of the period might find some interesting sidelights in his
memoranda, but as a human document the diary is quite colour-
less.
Among the dehcate duties entrusted to Lord Malmesbury was
that of marrying Caroline of Brunswick by proxy for the Prince of
Wales (afterwards George IV). He sees it through and gives the
whole scene at the Grand Ducal Court. Even at the time he has
some misgivings about the Princess's manners and disposition
but he brmgs her to London, and the account of her husband's
first meeting with her is worth quoting :
I according to the established etiquette introduced the Princess Caroline
to him. She very properly in consequence of my saying to her it was the
right mode of proceeding, attempted to kneel to him. He raised her (grace-
fully enough) and embraced her. said barely one word, turned round, retired
to a distant part of the apartment and calling to me said : " Harris. I am not
well ; pray get me a glass of brandy." I said " Sir, had you not better have
a glass of water ? "—upon which he, much out of humour, said with an oath
JS/o : 1 will go directly to the Queen " and away he went.
From the first the whole thing was a miserable failure, and
the Pnncess's behaviour, which was " flippant, rattling, affecting
raillery and wit and throwing out coarse vulgar hints," did not
improve matters. So that Lord Malmesbury finally says about
the transaction, " I lament very much having taken any share
purely passive as it was." *
His important diplomatic work in Madrid, The Hague, Berlin,
and more especially in France, where he was engaged in the
fruitless negotiations in Paris and Lille during 1796 and 1797,
are better related by his despatches than by his diary
From 1809 until the close of his life in 1820, however. Lord
Malmesbury gave up his ordinary diary and kept a " Self con-
trolling Journal." This was of a very different character and has
not been published. It appears to have been much more in the
style of an eighteenth- century divine. The final entry, written
a fortmght before his death in 1820, can be quoted :
Thou hast completed thy seventy fourth year having been permitted to live
longer than any of thy ancestors as far back as 1606. Thy existence has been
without any great misfortune and without any acute disease and has been
one for which thou ought'st to be extremely grateful. Be so. in praise and
thanksgiving towards the Supreme Being and by preparing thyself to employ
the remnant of it wisely and discreetly. The next step wiU probably be the
last. Strive not to delay the period of its arrival nor lament at its near
236 ENGLISH DIARIES
approach. Thou are too exhausted, both in mind and body, to be of service
to thy country, thy friends or family. Thou art fortmiate m leaving thy
children weU and happy ; be content to join thy parent Earth calmly and
with becoming resignation. Such is thy imperious duty— Vale.
THOMAS GRAY
THERE are two fragments of diary written by the poet
Gray. The first is some notes on his journey in France
in 1739, when he was 23, which are so brief that there is
only a bare mention of the places he visits and hardly any descrip-
tion except of his ascent to the Grande Chartreuse. He expresses
no personal feelings whatever, and does not even refer to his
travelling companion, Horace Walpole.
The second is his Journal in the Lakes, begun on September
30 1769, and concluded on December 22 of the same year. Gray
was not a diary waiter, and the Journal was only composed for
his friend Dr. Wharton's amusement. The scenery inspired
him, but when he returns " to the smoky, ugly, busy town of
Leeds I dropped all further thoughts of my journal." !
Though it consists of Uttle more than descriptions of scenery
written practicaUy daily as he travels about, a reader can soon
detect, as he peruses the few pages, that it is not the usual banal
effusion that is met with so often in diaries. It wants to be read
all through to get the atmosphere ; quotations cannot convey
it The restraint and simphcity of the language, the absence of
exuberant purple patches, can only be appreciated by consecutive
reading. As, however, the whole diary cannot be transcribed,
extracts must be given.
In the evening walked alone down to the Lake by the side of Crow Park
after sunset and saw the solemn colouring of night draw on. the last gleam of
sunshine fading away on the hill tops, the deep serene of the waters and the.
long shadows oi the mountains thrown across them tiU they nearly touched
the hithermost shore. At distance heard the murmur of many waterfaUa
not audible in the daytime. Wished for the moon but she was dark to vie ami
silent hidden in her vacant interlunar cave.
From the shore a low promontory pushes itself far into the water and on it
stands a white viUage with the parish church rising in the ^^lf}\ h^^g"^|
• enclosures, cornfields and meadows green as an emerald, with their trees and
hedges and cattle fiU up the whole space from the edge of the water Just
opposite to you is a large farm house at the bottom of a steep smooth lawn
embosomed in old woods which climb half way up the mountain side and
discover above them a broken Une of crags that crown the scene. Not a
STROTHER 23t
single red tile, no flaming gentleman's house or garden walls break in upon
the repose of this little xmsuspected paradise but all is peace, rusticity and
happy poverty in its neatest most becoming attire.
On the cliSs above hung a few goats ; one of them danced and scratched
an ear with its hind foot in a place where I could not have stood still for all
beneath the moon.
He mentions his food :
For me I went no further than the farmer's at Grange ; his mother and he
brought us butter that Siserah would have jtxmped at though not in a lordly
dish, bowls of milk, thin oaten cakes and ale ; and we carried a cold tongue
thither with us.
And he gives a " receipt to dress Perch," which he declares
is excellent. He relates romantic stories he hears, he mentions
a few people in connection with the houses he sees, but he indulges
in no meditations and expresses no opinions.
The diary is contained in the first volume of the works of Thomas
Gray, edited by Mr. Edmund Gosse.
K
STROTHER
LTHOUGH only the record of a single year, devoid of
historical interest and of little note from a local and
_ archseological point of view, the diary of Strother, the
draper's assistant, deserves special notice as a production of
psychological value owing to the light it throws on the personality
of its obscure young author, whose Christian name even we do
not know.
We gather that he came to Hull from York at the age of 15,
and remained in the shop for six years. He begins his diary during
the last of these years on August 8, 1784, when he was 21. The
first entry runs thus :
I have often thought of keeping a journal of all my thoughts and proceedings
and by referring to it may sometimes aid my memory and please myself
with reading in some future period past occurrences.
And he says later : " These writings are for my own private
perusal."
He then proceeds with careful daily entries in which, in addition
to notes on the weather, burials, intercourse with friends, records
of prices, reports of sermons and details with regard to his health,
238 ENGLISH DIAHIES
he indulges in philosophic reflections, confesses his aspirations
and describes his depressions. The writing throughout is neat
and clear, the language rather stilted, and while he takes himself
very seriously, he has a sense of humour and gives very sound
moral judgments.
With a good knowledge of French, with a smattering of Hebrew,
and being able to write shorthand, he naturally aspires to a
better position. But his various attempts to get commercial
employment abroad do not succeed, anyhow during the period
in which he writes.
He and his friends form a society " with a design to improve
ourselves in the art of speaking and reasoning for the better
enabling us to hold a conversation with propriety," and he
expresses great contempt for people " who read books and cannot
tell about what they have read."
One of the debates is on the following subject :
Whether may a man derive m;ore solid instruction from Prosperity or
Adversity . . . which I shall consider more fully at Leisure and have for my
present amusement translated the 31st Fable from la Fontaine (the Lion and
the Gnat).
He is very fond of argument, which he carries on with his friends
on every conceivable subject :
I told Burton in an argument that the head is clearer in the morning than
at night because the fumes of provisions rise from the Belly and as a support
for what I said a vapour arises from Meat when stewed on the fire, and if so
why may not the same be in the Belly which is both warm and moist.
He fears, however, after a while that the Debating Society
" teaches us more to prate than to speak," and he notices that
one member " loves oysters, buttered buns, and all better than
any of the Company." The Society, which is known as " The
Sentimental Society," finally breaks up owing to the high cost of
their room and the resignation of other members.
He gives amusing accounts of some of his friends :
Mr. EUerington a man of high imagination ... he is one of those characters
who are fond of holding chit chat and love to hear tongues wag and never is
more happy and contented than when he can hold gossip over a pot of ale ;
but I do not think he is a drunkard although his nose is red and of a tolerable
size so that when he lifts a giU pot to his mouth nosy goes half way in.
His ambition is to get some position abroad, and he copies out
the letters, some in French, which he writes on the subject. He
finds himself, he says, at the age of 21,
STROTHER 23d
with no other prospect than that of struggling thro' the world with few
advantages. So despair is wrong. I'U therefore make the best of a bad
market and endeavour in 3 or 4 years' time to settle myself in as advantageous
a manner as possible and hazard my little all in foreign commerce.
He enlists his mother's assistance, and in one of his letters to
her he writes :
I beg you will write your letter to them plainer and spell better than you do
to me that you may give y™ no occasion to laugh and satirize on your style
of writing.
When she does not reply he fears she is offended :
If she is she will show a spirit more like rich pye crust that cannot bear
touclung.
But his endeavours to get a better situation are in vain, and
when he goes to York in July it is either to another shop or a shop
of his own.
His moral tone is always high. He expresses at some length
and particularly well his indignation with a friend whose advice
on moral questions is contrary to his practices. On the subject
of gaming he says :
It ought to hurt the pride of a gentleman to make an equal of one that is
BO much his inferior both in morals and everything else. If he loves cards or
Dice rather let him amuse himself with his known equals ; but a true bred
gentleman heartily despises such amusements which are only fit for grovelling
spirits.
Here is another of his aphorisms :
There is as much virtue in Private Life as in Public ; the first is rather in
obsciu-ity amongst men, therefore we seldom hear of it. The latter seldom
wants a Trimapeter to sound forth its praise.
Health details occur from time to time :
The little liquor that I drank got into my head and quite metamorphosed
me to be dull and strangely stupid.
Eating too much bread and quenching his thirst with a lot of
water produces disturbing symptoms :
I will eat less of my favourite bread and drink something more substantial
than flip flap water.
And there is a long and elaborate account of the removal of
a com on his left little toe, which he does by means of " Lapis
/
^40 ENGLISH DIARIES |
Infemalis," with the result that he burns his finger and is prevented
from writing for some weeks. However, he keeps memoranda
and the very conscientious diary record does not suffer.
His depressions are frequent.
In looking over my Journal— I find in several places only observations of
the weather to fill up the day which is a sad, but too true sign of want of
occurrences to fill the page and scenes as if I had shut myself from the world
or had not thought sufficient to make up the deficiency whereas I have been
confined behind the counter and prevented from committing my sentiments
to paper. . j u u
I have been here 6 years having visited my mother 3 tmies and she nas
visited me once. I have kept myself from many unlucky mischances which
several of my comrades have run into.
Then follows a great deal of philosophising, naive perhaps but
not in the least self-righteous. He tells some amusing anecdotes,
describes at length Sir Roger de Coverley, his favourite dance,
draws pictures of some coins he finds, and after saying, "I am :
fond of genealogies and particularly of virtuous men," he proceeds
to fill several pages with a very careful account of his o^vn family.
In York he makes a new resolution :
I have often thought of keeping a Journal for a week of every thought, word
and deed that might occur to memory for as we miist give an account of our
actions and how every hom- is spent so this week's Journal may inform me in
what manner I generally spend my time. I never fixt any resolution of the
kind before. ,
He then begins very conscientiously to attempt the impossible.
From July 5 to July 12 he tries to put down everything— how ^
every hour of the day is spent, what he eats and to whom he.
talks. His handwriting becomes more untidy and the shorti
sentences more scrappy. We can only quote a part :
Sold very little this morning— only taken 6/- . . .—came in with haughty*
spirit and pedantic manners. . . . Hum'd a tune or two all the while my corn
pain'd me greatly . . . read the Spectator . . . [measuring cloth]. For the
future I shall measure by the selvage tho' not agreeable to the strictest rules
of honesty. . . . Walked out of Bootham bar and my thoughts tum'd upon'
myself that I have not an address sufficiently pohte for a good shopkeeper and
I know but little how to proceed in improving according to the common rul^.
so that I must learn by observing other Tradesmen and endeavouring top
imitate them or strike out some other method of my own :
After a description of a service in the Cathedral at which the
Archbishop and Judges were present, and of an accident and|
adventure with a riotous companion, there are a few Unes on the
last day, July 12, and then comes the end of the note-book (^
'i
THE LADIES OF LLANGOLLEN 241
260 pages and the end of the diary with the following pathetic
statement on the last page :
And now I have filled this book but perhaps shall not fiU another. I have
learnt by keeping this Journal that I have been discontent more than was
profitable and that it is not proper for a Tradesman to keep a Journal without
he has enough of Time and plentifull fortvme.
I began Sunday 8 of Aug. 1784 and now conclude Sunday 17 July 1785 at
7 o'clock in the evening.
We are left with the hope that Strother eventually found a
position better suited to his capacities and with a regret that
his eminently successful attempt at diary writing should have
been curtailed by his modesty.
The original MS. is in the British Museum. In 1912 the Rev.
Caesar Caine produced a printed edition of it.
THE LADIES OF LLANGOLLEN
THE romantic story of the Ladies of Llangollen is so unique,
and one may almost say fantastic, that it might easily
be supposed that tradition, local gossip and hearsay
had woven the highly-coloured strands of fiction over the bare
threads of whatever there may have been of fact. There are,
however, in existence diaries kept by the Ladies themselves
which fully testify to the authenticity of the accounts given of
them.
We must resist the temptation of entering at length into the
history of the t\/o ladies who lived together for over fifty years
in Plas Newydd, a curious Gothic cottage in the Valley of Llan-
gollen. But in order to explain and give a frame to the diary
extracts which will be quoted a brief outhne of their story must
be related.
Lady Eleanor Butler, a sister of the 17th Earl of Ormonde,
was a high-spirited and independent young woman who conceived
a loathing for the idea of marriage. Exasperated by the matri-
monial plans her relations tried to make for her and impatient
with the restrictions imposed on her in her aunt's house in Ireland,
she decided to " elope " with her friend Sarah Ponsonby, a daugh-
ter of Chambre Brabazon Ponsonby and cousin of the Earl of
Bessborough. Her first attempt, which was unsuccessful, was
some time in the early seventeen-seventies, when she was 33,
16
242 ENGLISH DIARIES
and Sarah Ponsonby about 17. The second attempt, whether
it was again a flight or whether she waited till her friend was of
age anyhow ended in the two friends setthng as tenants of Plas
Ne^dd without any further protest from their relations. There
they remained together for over fifty years, never sleepmg away
from home for a single night.
There they passed their time, carrying on an extensive corre-
spondence, reading, drawing, gardening and making Httle excur-
sions in the neighbourhood. There, in spite of their love of
retirement, they received many guests, among whom may be
named Miss Seward, Madame de Genhs, the Duke of Welhngton,
Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the Duke of York, Prince Puckler
Muskau, de Quincey, Walter Scott, Wordsworth and Charles
Mathews, the actor. Some special fascination m the ladies
must have attracted such visitors. They were cultivated and
well read, they spoke French with ease, and their charm and
originality is dwelt upon in several of the accounts of them which
have been handed down by those whom they entertained. Their
costume and appearance was very singular. With short powdered
hair tall hats, waistcoats, cravats, and riding habits they looked
whek seated more Uke two old gentlemen. Lady Eleanor wore
orders and decorations which had been presented to her by the
Bourbon family. There they sat surrounded by strange curios in
their weU-filled hbrary, into which the sun pierced through stamed-
glass windows and which was hghted at night by a prismatic
lantern of coloured glass.
But the most remarkable thing about these so-called recluses
was their devotion to one another, which not only stood the test
of time, but was kept up all through at an almost ecstatic pitchy
as we shaU see by the diary extracts. Lady Eleanor died m
1829, when she was nearly 90 ; Miss Ponsonby died three year^
As to diaries, only fragments remain, but they are of so regular
and minute a character that we may weU suppose that one of
the two ladies may have kept one throughout the whole period.
It would be in keeping with their methodical and punctual habits.
Lady Eleanor's diary, ^ from which our quotations come, covers
three months from September 15 to December 14, 1785 ; that is
to say, after they had been resident in LlangoUen for about ten
years. It is contained in a Uttle book measuring about 4 inched
square, bound by herself in buff coloured paper. Every day is
1 These quotations are published for the first time by kind permission of the
Marquis of Ormonde, to whom the diary belongs.
THE LADIES OF LLANGOLLEN 243
accounted for. The handwriting is a marvel of neatness, but
can only be read easily by the aid of a magnifying glass. The
lines and margins are as straight as those of a printed book and
there is not a single erasure throughout.
The occupations of almost every hour are set down. Every
day begins with the hour of rising and a weather report. Scenery
is described in detail and often with enthusiasm. The gardener's
doings, the visits of guests, books read, and all the httle trivial
mcidents of their daily hfe are carefuUy entered. Sarah Ponsonby
is referred to as "my SaUy," "my beloved," "the darling of
my heart," " the joy of my hfe." At the end of each entry the
day is summed up in a phrase of which the following are examples :
a silent happy day.
an undisturbed peaceful day.
a day of sentiment and delight.
[after visitors] a tumultuous day.
a day of delight and uninterrupted retirement.
sweet converse with the delight of my heart.
We will first give two full specimen entries :
Sep. 18. Rose at seven, soft morning inclined to rain, went the rounds
after Breakfast. Our shoes from Chirk, vile, scolded Thomas for growing
fat. from ten till one writing and reading (La Rivalite) to my beloved. She
drawing, spent half an hour in the shrubery. mild grey day. from half
past one till three reading, from four tiU seven read to my Sally finished la
Rivahte began Warton on Milton, in the Shrubery tiU ei<^ht. Powell
returned from Wrexham, no letters. eight tiU nine read I'Esprit dea
oroisades. papered our Hair, an uninterrupted delightful day.
Dec. 12. Rose at nine, all the mountains covered with snow, a loaded
I gloomy sky. the most piercing Bitter cold sharp Wind. Letter by the
Oswestry Post from the Burnetts, from Mr. Chambre the contents of which
will be ever gratefully remembered by us. from my friend Boissiere enclosing
a pattern of paper a Vignette avec envelope done by a Protegee of His. some
i poor tawdry french creature who (like a cameleon) lives upon air in some
garret m London, mem. to write to Mrs. Simpson and recommend her to
her protection and oblige my friend Boissiere, wrote to the Burnetts, from
eleven tiU two each writing, at two went the Home circuit, most penetrat-
ing cold and the sharpest wind, gloomy sky. Sent Powell to Tower, the
poor Whalleys very ill. from half past two till Three read Rousseau to my
beloved. She at her Plan. After diimer went round the gardens cold beyond
™f Sanation, the Library is exquisitely warm and comfortable. From five
tiU eight read (Rousseau finished the 14th tome) to my beloved. She drawing
her plan, from eight till ten I read Madame S6vign4>. A day of the most
perfect and sweet retirement.
244 ENGLISH DIARIES
During this period of three months they read fourteen volumes
of Rousseau, who is referred to as " beloved," while Voltaire is
noted as "that detested Voltaire." A subsequent diary shows
the enormous amount of literature they consumed, history,
memoirs and classics in French, Itahan and English. Miss
Ponsonby's drawing consisted often of maps of Wales or of the
world or sometimes plans. Lady Eleanor says :
My beloved finished her map (of the world) with a neatness and accuracy
peculiar to herself. The writing and ornament particularly beautiful.
i
Lady Eleanor superintended the gardening operations; she
goes the round every morning and notes what Powell the gardener
is about, whether he is mowing, raking, planting or " scuffling
in the shrubery," and sometimes scolds him. The entry " Mar-
garet extremely indelicate " might at first be taken to refer to a
domestic servant, but a later entry shows who Margaret was.
There were guests, and " she came and showed herself and was
milked before them."
They brewed their own beer. This year she notes :
Brewed again. aU our Beer proving sour owing to the dishonesty and
negUgence of the vestal whom for her malpractices we discarded last August.
Guests dropped in frequently, specially the Whalley family, who
lived in the neighbourhood.
Mr. WhaUey came staid till two. melancholy, languid and interesting-
gave him a melon and a pencil.
But visits from the outside were not always appreciated. The I
Whalleys called one day when the ladies were occupied with a
friend drawing up their wills, and Lady Eleanor writes :
Wished them at the deuce for interrupting us.
We also find :
Colonel Mydelton smoked and we ran ofi sick to death.
John Jones stayed till three, provincial poUtics how I hate them.
Nothing they disliked more than a pretentious or patronising^
air on the part of their visitors. General Yorke, who succeeded^
them at Plas Newydd, relates how on one occasion Lady Eleanor^
was describing a visit of this sort, but as her memory was failing-
at the time she appealed to her companion, '' Did we like him,.
THE LADIES OF LLANGOLLEN 245
Sarah Ponsonby ? " " We hated him, Eleanor," was the reply ;
and she continued her tale by repeating "' We hated him.''^
Curious as their costume was, we see by the following entry
that they were very particular :
The habits we have so long expected arrived by the stage coach — that
detestable Donnes — instead of the dark violet colour we so expressly ordered
he sent a vulgar ordinary snuff colour like a Farmer's coat and in place of the
plain simple Buttons which we chose has sent a paltry dullish Taudry three
coloured thing hke a Fairing. Just looked at them, observed with fury the
total mistake of our order, packed them up and returned them to him by the
same coach in which they came.
In illness the mutual devotion of the two ladies becomes very
apparent.
I awoke with a violent headache, kept my bed all day. How can I
acknowledge the kindness and tenderness of my Beloved Sally who never for
a moment left me but sat reading and drawing till ten o'clock at night.
My Sally my tender, my sweet love lay beside me holding and supporting
my head till one o'clock. When I by much entreaty prevailed with her to
rise and get her breakfast.
Their financial circumstances remained rather a mystery.
They talked over their " poverty " and occasionally " presents "
helped them. There was evidently one from Mr. Chambre in the
entry of December 12 above quoted. Lady Eleanor talks over
their affairs with the Talbots.
Mr. Talbot has a perfect recollection of the provision wliich was made for
me in my brother's marriage settlement. They agree in thinking I have been
barbarously cheated. I also acquainted them with my having signed, sealed
and delivered my last Will and Testament. That I might secure all I am
possessed of or entitled to to the Beloved of my Heart. They wiU see justice
done her when I am no more.
In the last entry, December 14, she notes : " looking over correct-
ing and binding this Journal."
One quotation alone from Miss Ponsonby's diary in the year
1788 is available.^ It is in precisely the same style, Lady Eleanor
is referred to as " my beloved," and the entry ends, " a day of
sweet and silent retirement." But this diary and the others, if
they existed, cannot be traced. Miss Ponsonby kept the accounts,
and a few quotations from her account book ^ may be given as an
instance of how much may be learned from a recital of items of
expenditure. The accounts are filled with small generosities.
1 Quoted in A Swan and Her Friends, by E. V. Lucas.
246 ENGLISH DIARIES
£ s d.
A travelling boy for the kindness with which he gave us some pinks. 1
Lodowick's unfortunate daughter 1
Poor woman 4d. Irish woman Is 6d. 1. 10.
John Rogers, for bad work 2. 6.
Tinker for spoiUng tea kettle 1. 3.
Ale from " Hand " not fit to be drunk 6.
Powdered Hair Tax 3. 3. 0.
Four little boys at chimney fire 6.
Halston gardener with horrid melon 2. 6.
Mr. Salmon for cleaning our teeth 1. 1, 0.
Muffins for kitchen quality 6.
Old, dirty, ungrateful Lloyd 6.
Carline's man with cart full of disappointment 2, 6.
Brandy for our landlord's cough 3.
Among other extracts are " Eels and trout for Mrs. Piozzi "
and " Pair of Turkies, expectation of Miss Seward."
It is unfortunate that we have no diary comment on some of
the eminent guests who visited Llangollen valley.
ELIZABETH, LADY HOLLAND ^
ELIZABETH VASSALL was born in 1771. At the age of 15
she was married to Sir Godfrey Webster, of Battle Abbey.
She had three children, but the marriage was an unhappy
one. She met Lord Holland in 1794 and separated from her
husband. After obtaining a divorce she married Lord Holland
in 1797. The celebrated hostess of Holland House is described
thus by Greville when she died in 1845 : " Lady Holland contrived
to assemble round her to the last a great society comprising almost
everybody that was conspicuous, remarkable and agreeable. . . .
She was often capricious, tyrannical and troublesome, hking
to provoke and disappoint and thwart her acquaintances and she
was often obliging, good-natured, and considerate to the same
people. . . . She could not live alone for a single minute ; she
never was alone and even in her moments of greatest grief it
was not in soUtude but in society that she sought her consola-
tion."
From a woman of so marked a character, who had been through
bitter private experiences and became the centre of the most
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from The Diary of Elizabeth, Lady Holland,
by kind permission of Messrs. Longmans, Green & Co.
ELIZABETH, LADY HOLLAND 247
remarkable political salon ever known in London, one might
expect a diary of peculiar interest. The published extracts from
her diary between 1791 and 1811, filUng two volumes, are, however,
a great disappointment. Neither the social, political, nor
the personal entries in her diary are in any way noteworthy.
The personal notes are unnaturally stilted and cold, and the
political and social comments fall very far behind Greville or
even some of the minor social diarists of the time. She thought
it worth while to make a pretty full record of her travels and
social entertainments and even to reflect on personal experiences.
She did not lack literary talent, but she seems to have been
entirely devoid of the spontaneity and reckless, careless ease
which make some diaries entertaining. Her gossip is not as
amusing even as Lady Charlotte Bury's, her political notes are
never very illuminating, and what we get of the personal side is
colourless and conventional. It would almost seem as if she
were writing for eventual publication when she makes this sort of
entry on the tragedy of her first marriage.
1793. Jan. 27. This fatal day seven years gave me in the bloom and
innocence of fifteen to the power of a being who has made me execrate my
life since it has belonged to him. Despair often prompts me to a remedy
within my reach. . . . My mind is worked up to a state of savage exaltation
and impels me to act with fm-y that proceeds more from passion and deep
despair than I can in calmer moments justify. Often times in the gloom of
midnight I feel a desire to curtail my grief and but for an unaccountable
shudder than creeps over me, ere this the deed of rashness would be executed.
If she thought she was near committing suicide when she sat
down and wrote this, she was very much mistaken. We get
occasional ghmpses of the advances made to her by various men,
but she does not always give the name. For instance, in 1794
she writes :
Surprise and embarassment have completely overset me. Oh ! what vile
animals men are with headstrong passions. Now ! I have heard from the
lips of one who affects morality and domestic virtues maxims that would
revolt all but the most depraved. . . . One night coming from the Pergola
I was compelled to get out of the carriage to avoid his pressing importunities.
She is annoyed by Tierney's attentions :
I had a long walk upon the terrace with Tiemey. I was in an eloquent
veine and happily conveyed all I intended to express without the rigorous
exterior of forbidding prudery. I think I convinced him his attentions
offended and his hope insulted me, that I was firmly attached at home, and
tho' I felt at present no resentment towards him yet I should if his pretensions
continued.
248 ENGLISH DIARIES
When she hears of the suicide of her first husband, she writes :
I could not hear of his death without emotion and was for some time con-
siderably agitated. But my God ! how was I overcome when Drew showed
me a hasty note written to him by Hodges to apprise me of the manner of his
death. He shot himself, he added, in consequence of heavy losses at play.
With him dies all resentment and great as my injuries have been willingly
would I renotmee all that may accrue to me from this dreadful event to restore
him again to existence with the certainty of his paying the natviral debt of
nature. Unhappy man ! What must have been the agony of his mind to
rouse him to commit a deed of such horror. Peace to his soul and may he
find the mercy I would bestow.
In 1797 there is an interval of a year in the Journal, and when
she resumes it she merely records the fact of her marriage to
Lord Holland. But three years previously, when she first meets
him in Italy, she makes some notes about him :
Ld Holland is quite delightful. He is eager without rashness, well bred
without ceremony . , . he is totally without any party rancoiir ; in short he
is exactly what aU must Uke, esteem and admire. His spirits are sometimes
too boisterous as may occasionally overpower me, but he is good humoured
enough to endure reproof.
Ld Holland's delightfvd spirits cheered us so much that we called him sal
volatile and used to spare him to one another for half an hour to enliven when
either [she and Lady Bessborough] were melancholy.
She prevented her daughter by her first marriage from being
given into the custody of Sir G. Webster by stating that she was
dead. Of this rather dramatic episode, however, we only find
brief references, such as the following :
1799. June 19. On this day my mother left me. During her stay I
disclosed an event which has incessantly occupied my mind now 3 years.
I restored to her father my little daughter Harriet who I had concealed pre-
tending her dead.
When she loses a son in 1801 she breaks out into a long and
elaborate outpouring of grief:
Alas ! to lose my pretty infant just begiiming to prattle his little innocent
wishes, and imagination so busily aids my grief by tracing what he might
have been. . . . Ah ! my child perhaps if I had not left you in the summer but
stayed and watched with maternal care aU your ailments I might have had
you still. . . ,
After a page or so of this she goes on to describe an " interesting
play " at Drury Lane.
She writes a good deal about her travels in Italy, Germany and
ii
THOMAS GREEN 249
the East, and she often enters the books she is reading, which are
of the most various description, comprising classics, histories,
chemistry, travel, drama, and philosophy in English, French and
Italian. Of the parties at Holland House there is often little
more than a list of names, although she sometimes records con-
versations or mentions the particular people with whom she spoke.
There is a long and careful account of the death of Charles
James Fox, who was Lord Holland's uncle.
Not only politicians assembled at Holland House. The literary
and the learned as well as society notables were among the guests.
There is this entry in 1807 about Wordsworth, " one of the Lake
poets," when he came to dine :
He is much superior to his writings and his conversation is even beyond his
abilities. I should almost fear he is disposed to apply his talents more towards
making himself a vigorous conversationalist in the style of our friend Sharp
than to improve his style of composition.
While Lady Holland's descriptions of people are often critical,
they somehow do not seem quite to hit the mark. There is much
political and parliamentary gossip, but it is generally involved and
difficult to follow.
After all, there is no particular reason why a great hostess
and conversationalist with notable social gifts should also be able
to record in writing the striking incidents of an eventful life.
Even the greatest have their limitations.
The diary, edited by Lord Ilchester, was published in 1909.
THOMAS GREEN
THERE are two sections of Green's diary ; the first, 1796
to 1800, which was published ; the second, 1800 to 1811,
extracts from which appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine.
The diary differs from any other diary examined in these pages.
It is concerned almost exclusively with records and criticisms of
books. The first part when pubhshed was entitled The Diary
of a Lover of Literature.
Thomas Green was born at Ipswich. He entered the Inner
Temple, but having a competence of his own he relinquished his
profession and settled down and read and travelled. There is
in the diary, therefore, no professional ambition, no study for a
special object, no endeavour to write up reminiscences for publi-
250 ENGLISH DIARIES
cation, no quest after celebrities, and actually no mention of
royalty. He read because he loved reading, and while he mentions
little else than books there is in his entries an air of quiet leisure,
of peaceful absorption in literature for literature's sake, and a
shrewdness and balance of judgment which shows the appreciation
of a real scholar in the best sense. " Accomphshment," " career,
"success" must have been words unknown to lum. His was
not an initiating, but an appraising mind. We could wish we
had a Httle more colour in the setting, and could see more of the
surroundings of this contemplative devourer of books. There is
one mention of liis "transplanting roses and watenng." He
writes of music a good deal and occasionaUy of pohtics. But for
the most part the entries, which are made six or eight times in
each month, are devoted solely to the books he is reading. They
are not the hurried memoranda of the daily diarist recordmg
events, but the carefully written reviews of a critic. The writing
gave him pleasure. He says in 1803 : ^
This closes the 7th year of my Diary a work from which both in the perform-
ance and in the retrospect I have derived stiU more delight than I expected.
He has a very wide range of reading, and it is impossible to
enumerate all the books he digests. Cicero he admires and Livy
"a sound and satisfactory historian." Johnson is a favourite,
Gibbon's memoir he praises, and Burke's " plenitude of thought,
fertility of fancy and viguour of argumentution." He reads hil \
Bias for the tenth time and re-reads the Arahian Nights, " to whose
facinating influence I am quite ductile." A very long disqmsi-
tion on Rousseau begins :
Rousseau is a character who has by turns transported me with the most-
violent and opposite emotions of delight and disgust, admiration and con.
tempt, indignation and pity : but my ultimate opinion of him drawn as it id
from a pretty attentive consideration of his writings and actions wiU not .
think easily be changed.
Sometimes his comments can be very severe :
Read Maurice's Richmond Hill. However he may struggle to assume tb
poet I will venture to pronounce him not to be one. There are no traces of
fine sensibiUty and his specious images are whipped round and romid agai^
in endless and tiresome succession. His vanity, for he boasts of writintf
Richmond in immortal verse, is more than equalled by his servile fawm
contemptible adulation of the great.
There are philosophic and reHgious speculations. He writ
at some length in defence of annihilation as against a future hfe,;
and later he notes :
ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE ROOKE 251
Had a long and late discussion with Miss Barchard after supper on the
doctrine of annihilation — congenial theme to my afflicted spirit.
After hearing a sermon in which the preacher deliberately
avoided the question of the authenticity of the passage on which
he was enlarging, Green writes :
Was this ignorance, a pious fravid or merely a total want of candour ?
He enjoys music, and insists more than once in his notes that
mere proficiency is not enough both in singing and playing, " a
cultivated understanding and refined sensibility " are essential.
He describes his travels and the sights he sees in a few of the
entries, but there is nothing remarkable in this part of the diary.
When he published the first section in 1803 he is very modest
in his preface and calls it " the idlest work probably that was
ever composed."
A fresh edition of this diary might well be pubhshed, with the
second portion from the Gentleman'' s Magazine added.
The following Diaries in this century may also he briefly noted : —
Admiral Sir George Rooke
The two diaries kept by Sir George Rooke are typical sailor's diaries
of a purely professional character. The first records events from
April to October, 1700, when he was in command of the expedition
in the Sound which was one of the episodes in the War of the Spanish
Succession.
The entries, which are daily, give the usual nautical information
about wind and weather as well as instructions and results of councils.
The diary is written partly in the third person.
The second diary is concerned with an attack on Cadiz and Vigo
in 1702, and extends from June, 1701, to January, 1703, ending up
with the thanks he received from Parliament on his return. The
entries are all brief and technical.
He wastes no unnecessary words about the King's death.
March 8. At 8 this morning his Majesty died and at nine we went towards
Portsmouth and came this evening to Godalming.
And his religious exercises are related with the same brevity as his
movements or the changes of the wind.
Received the sacrament at Queenborough.
Despatches, orders and resolutions in council are written out in full.
The diary was published by the Navy Record Society in 1897.
252 ENGLISH DIARIES
Peter Oliver
This diary shows the intention of the author to write a record of
his Hfe, but when it came to keeping it up in diary form he does not
go beyond making brief business entries or one-Hne references to
pubhc events. From 1741 to 1781 he writes up a pretty full account of
his career. He was born at Boston, U.S.A., and came over to England,
where he practised as a doctor. In 1778 he writes a eulogy of his
wife, who died in that year, but this was not written at the time. The
actual diary does not begin till 1781, and then the entries are very
brief and concern only his goings and comings, the weather, the move-
ments of his family and references to the great public events at the
end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries. It
concludes in 1821. Medical details occur from time to time. He
describes a post mortem ; he notes that " Mr. Whitewood made me
a set of artificial teeth for the upper jaw, very nice and elegant," and
the entry " Peggy's nose gains fast " may or may not be medical.
The manuscript of the diary, which is contained in a small note-book
of seventy pages, is in the British Museum (Eg. MS. 2674).
Thomas Gyll
Solicitor- General of the County Palatine of Durham, Recorder of
the City of Durham and historian and antiquary, Thomas Gyll kept
a diary from 1748 to 1778, two years before he died at the age of 80.
It is nothing more than a recital of deaths, births, and marriages of
people in the district and eminent people in other parts. There are
references to architectural changes in the Cathedral and the appoint-
ment and reception of a new Bishop. Sometimes he makes a very
short comment after registering the date of a death, such as : " very
good sense and cheerful temper," " very rich," " had insured a great
deal," " a hopeful young man," " she was a woman of no consequence.
Ebria, garrula," " was reckoned to sing a base in perfection," etc. He
records a picturesque funeral where five women preceded the coffin
in hoods of white Irish linen and the bearers were eight widows in
hoods and scarfs of the same linen.
Once only does he forget his official manner and express his feelings :
1763. Dec. 30. Mr. Hartley did not invite me to his dinner as he usually-
had done for many years on a groundless and shameful pretense. The Lord
forgive him. I do, but he is inexorabilis acer.
The diary was obviously kept as a useful record for local anti-
quaries. It has very little human interest.
A transcript of the diary was made for the Surtees Society by Canon
Raine.
Mrs. Powys
Caroline Girle was taught by her father to keep a diary. Born in
1739, she began at 17 to write diary letters to her father and then to
' MRS. POWYS 258
keep a regular journal of her own. Her various productions cover
the period from 1756 to 1808. She married Philip Powys and lived
at Hardwiek House, Oxfordshire.
Mrs. Powys' diary is a typical social diary recording movements,
descriptions of scenery, family births and deaths, notes on the weather,
comments on plays and as many references as possible to the Royal
Family. She makes lists of people at dances and parties and she
even includes menus. After a ball at Bath she writes :
I will now put down the names of the nobility I remember to have been
there tho' I've no doubt I shall omit many.
Then follows a list which occupies more than a page ending
" besides Baronets and their wives inumerable." There is nothing
of the smallest interest in any part of the long diary, which can only
have value as a famUy record. She never indulges in personal
opinions and there is very little character or colour in her memoranda.
It serves as a good instance of the hopeless dullness of these social
registers.
NINETEENTH CENTURY
B. R. HAYDON
HAYDON'S diary can certainly be ranked as one of the
most remarkable ever written. It covers practically
his whole life, and is contained in twenty-seven foho
volumes interspersed with sketches. With few breaks it is
written daily. But the diary is much more than merely full
and regular, it gives a vivid, highly-coloured, even blatant picture
of the extraordinary career of this extraordinary man. Every-
thing about him was excessive ; never has lack of reserve and
restraint been carried to such a pitch. He painted the most
gigantic pictures, his conceit was immeasurable, his ambition
was hmitless, in moments of exaltation he soared to the giddiest
heights, his self-reproach was frantic, his depressions hterally
suicidal, the depth of his despair unfathomable, liis friendships
rapturous, his enmities violent, he worked far too hard, he idled
for days and weeks together, and all these exaggerations are re-
flected with mirror-hke accuracy in the pages of his diary. Ego-
tism can never have reached such a height. He was an ego-
maniac. But when he can leave himself for a moment and
describe others, recount incidents, and repeat conversation, we
find so skilful and brilliant a pen that the character sketches and
pen portraits which we try to commend in many other diaries
seem lifeless and flat compared to his. He fancied himself, of
course, as an artist, and it must be admitted, in spite of a few
qualified successes which he always greatly exaggerated, he was
an absolute failure ; he fancied himself as a letter writer and
as a lecturer, and he was fairly good in both capacities, al-
though in his letters he could not be depended upon to steer
clear of rant and fustian. But he never says, as we might well
expect, " this diary of mine is going to be one of the most extra-
ordinary and interesting human documents ever penned," and
yet it is. As Sir Sidney Colvin says in his Life of Keats, speaking
254
B. R. HAYDON 255
of Haydon : " In truth Haydon's cliief intellectual power was
as an observer and his best instrument the pen. Readers of his
journal and correspondence know how vividly and tellingly he
can relate an experience or touch off a character. In this gift
of striking out a human portrait in words he stood second in
his age, if second to Hazlitt alone and in our later literature there
has been no one to beat him except Carlyle." But outside the
diary, where in liis writing he aims higher, " trying to become
imaginative and impressive we find only the same self-satisfied
void turgidity and proof of spiritual hollowness disguised by tem-
peramental fervour, as in his paintings."
It is clear that he wrote for publication a sort of apologia, or
vindication of his life. His motive is more or less disclosed in
the following entry :
I acquired in early life a great love of the journals of others and Johnson's
recommendation to keep them honestly I always bore in mind. I have kept
one for thirty four years. It is the history in fact of my mind and in all my
lectures I had only to refer to them for such and such opinions to look when
such and such thoughts had occurred and I found my journals an absolute
capital to draw upon. I hope that my journals, if ever they are thought
worthy of publication may give as much pleasure to others as other journals
have given a delight to me.
And again we find at a later date :
I write this without a single shiUing in the woi'ld, with a large pictm'e before
me not half done, yet with a soul aspiring, ardent, confident — tnisting on
God for protection and support. ... I shall read this again with delight
and others will read it with wonder.
Needless to say Haydon began an autobiography covering his
life from his birth in 1786 up to 1820, but the autobiography is
largely composed of extracts copied out from his journals. From
1820 to 1846 the journals alone exist.
We cannot follow the ups and downs of his career nor touch
on all the multitude of incidents in his fife. He paints a large
number of pictures, he is generally engaged in controversy,
whether it is the defence of the Elgin marbles, furious attacks
on the Academy or attempts to make the Government patronise
art. He is nearly always in debt ; he sponges shamefully on his
friends ; he reads a great deal ; he is close friends with a number
of interesting people, including Wilkie, Keats, Wordsworth,
Scott, Leigh Hunt, Lamb, Hazhtt, etc. ; he comes into close
contact with many statesmen ; he marries, has children, and
shows an unfailing devotion to his wife ; he travels, he lectures
256 ENGLISH DIARIES
<•
and he writes. But it is naturally impossible out of this volu-
minous record to give anything more than a few illustrative
extracts, and even that is difficult, as there are throughout com-
paratively few short entries.
One habit of Haydon's not yet referred to was his outpourings
and supplications to the Almighty. The diary is literally deluged
in them. Like everything else, it is overdone. Pages of im-
precation, of penitence, of importunate solicitation, of demands
for triumph, in fact " begging letters dispatched to the Almighty,"
as they have been well described. Nevertheless they are abso-
lutely sincere. As these prayers are the accompaniment or
peroration of so many entries, some examples of them may be
given.
God in heaven, on my knees, I pray it may be my lot to realise my idea of
art before I die, and I will yield my Bovl into Thy hands with rapture. Amen
with all my soul.
0 God, on my knees I htimbly, humbly, humbly pray Thee to enable me to
go through it. Let no diffieulties obstruct me, no ill health impede me, and
let no sin displease Thee from its commencement to its conclusion. Oh save
me from prison on the confines of which I am now hovering. I have no
employment, no resources, a large family and no hope. In thee alone I
always trust. Oh let me not now trust in vain. Grant, O God, that the
education of my children, my duties to my love and to Society, may not be
sacrificed in proceeding with this great work (it will be my greatest). Bless
its commencement, its progression, its conclusion and its effect for the sake
of the intellectual elevation of my great and glorious coimtry.
Oh Almighty God ! It is now thirty years since I commenced my picture
of Solomon ; though deserted by the world, my family, father, friends. Thou
knowest well that I trusted in Thee ; that Thou didst inspire my spirit with
a fiery confidence ; that Thou didst whisper me to endtire as seeing One who
is invisible : Thou knowest I never doubted though without money, though in
debt, though oppressed. I prayed for thy blessing on my commencing labours.
Thou carriedst me through to victory and trivimph and exultation.
1 ask from my heart Thou good Being to be saved with my family from the
fatal ruin which must overwhelm me and them without Thy interference
promising repentance sincere and intense.
Occasionally the inclination for prayer is not so acute :
Sent my children to church but did not read prayers to myself which is
wicked and ungrateful. The reason is I am in no danger pecimiarily — felfi
no want of God's protection and forget his past mercies. This shows what
human gratitude is.
And once he has a misgiving that his importunity towards the
Almighty has been overdone :
B. R. HAYDON 257
Perhaps I have presumed too much on the goodness of my Creator — appealed
to Him too much and too freely.
The best way to give some idea of Haydon's alternating moods
of wild elation or of utter despair will be to give a series of ex-
tracts which concern his painting and his debts. His excitement
over the conception, composition and the performance of his
painting, and even over the varnishing of his pictures, is so well
described in some entries which cover days or weeks that a reader
cannot help catching some of the frenzy of enthusiasm that
consumed him. But here the briefer references must suffice.
1815. Never have I had such irresistible and perpetual vu-gings of future
greatness. I have been like a man with air balloons under his arm pits and
ether in his soul. While I was painting walking or thinking beaming flashes
of energy followed and impressed me.
1823. Well I am in prison. So were Bacon, Raleigh, Cervantes. Vanity !
Vanity ! Here's a consolation ! I started from sleep repeatedly during the
night from the songs and roarings of the other prisoners.
1824. Completed my yesterday's work and obliged to sally forth to get
money in consequence of the buUying insolence of a short, wicked-eyed,
wrinkled, waddhng, gin-drinking, dirty, ruflfled landlady — poor old bit of
asthmatic humanity ! As I was finishing the faim's foot in she bounced and
demanded the four pounds with the air of an old demirep duchess. I irritated
her by my smile and turned her out. I sat down quietly and finished my
foot. Fielding should have seen the old devil.
Passed in desponding on the future. Not a shilling in the world. Sold
nothing and not likely to. Baker called and was insolent. If he were to
stop the supplies Grod knows what would become of my children. Landlord
called — kind and sorry. Butcher called, respectful but disappointed. Tailor
good-humoured and willing to wait.
I saw the head of Lazarus as the hand of Christ after a year's absence, and
if God in his mercy spare that picture my posthumous reputation is secured.
O God ! Grant it may reach the National Gallery in a few years and be
placed in fair competition with Sebastian del Piombo. I ask no more to
obtain fair justice from the world.
I leave ofi wearied and commence in disgust. I candidly confess I find my
glorious art a bore.
1825. My fits continue. I am all fits— fits of work, fits of idleness, fits
of reading, fits of walking, fits of Italian, fits of Greek, fits of Latin, fits of
French, fits of Napoleon, fits of the navy, fits of the army, fits of religion.
My dear Mary's lovely face is the only thing that has escaped— a fit that never
varies.
1826. Reinagle said he thought me infamously used and wondered I had
not gone mad or died. ' Where is your Solomon, Mr. Haydon ? ' * Hung
up in a grocer's shop.' ' Where your Jerusalem ? ' ' In a ware room in
17
258 ENGLISH DIARIES
Holbom.' ' Where your Lazarus ? ' ' In an upholsterer's shop in Mount
Street.' ' And your Macbeth ? ' 'In Chancery.' ' Your Pharaoh ? ' 'In
an attic pledged.' ' My God and your Crucifixion ? ' ' In a hayloft.' 'And
Silenus ? ' ' Sold for half price.'
1827. I do not despair ; and something whispers me that I shall yet do
greater things than I have ever yet done and that my knowledge will not be
suffered to leave the world without a period arriving of full development.
To relieve the pressure of necessity he took to portrait paint-
ing, which he loathed :
1830. Finished a rascally portrait, the last I have got— a poor, pale faced,
Bkinny creature who was biting his lips to make them look red, rubbing his
hair, and asking me if I did not think he had a good eye.
1831. A quarter to nine. This moment I have conceived my background
stronger than ever. I strode about the room imitating the blast of a trumpet
—my cheeks full of blood and my heart beating with a glorious heat. Oh
who would change these moments for a throne ?
Another last day of another year. What have I to say ? Nothing but that
after forty five years I have been more irresolute, more idle, more dotmg, more
unworthy of my name than any preceding year of my life.
1835 The agony of my necessities is really dreadfvd. For this year I
have principaUy supported myseU by the help of my landlord and by pamiing
everything of any value I have left until at last it is come to my clothes a
thing in all my wants I never did before. I UteraUy to-day sent out my dinner
suit which cost £10 and got £2.15 on it for to-night's necessities. Oh it la
dreadful beyond expression ! I could not go to dearest Mary and ask her for
her Uttle jewelries ; but I am now if invited to dinner without a dress to dine
in.
1836. Set my palette to-day, the first time these eleven weeks and three
days. I relished the oil ; could have tasted the colour ; rubbed my cheeks
with the brushes and kissed the palette.
1840. It is extraordinary that with a large canvas in the house I always
feel as if Satan crossing Chaos was no match for me. My heart beats ; my
breast broadens ; my height rises ; my cheek warms. How I would sweU
in a Vatican or a dome of St. Paul's ! O God bless me before I die. Why
such talents— why such desires— such longings if to pine in hopeless ambition
and endless agonies ? In Thee I trust O God.
I want to get that broad style of imitating nature I see in the great masters—
not in Vandyke, but in Titian, Correggio, Angelo, Tintoretto, Rembrandt
and Reynolds. Founded as I am I know I could improve on it ; I'll try.
1842. Thank God with aU my soul and all my nature my children have
witnessed the harassing agonies under which I have ever painted ; and the
very name of painting— the very name of high art— the very thought of a
picture gives them a hideous and disgusting taste in their mouths. Thankl
God, not one of my boys, nor my girl can draw a straight line even with a
ruler much less without one. And I pray God on my knees with my forehead
\
B. R. HAYDON 259
bent to the earth and my lips to the dust that he will in his mercy aflflict them
with every other passion appetite or misery, with wretchedness, disease,
insanity, or gabbling idiotism rather than a longing for painting — that scorned
miserable art — that greater imposture than the human species it imitates.
Three days later :
Huzza — huzza — huzza and one cheer more ! My cartoon is up and makes
my heart beat as all large bare spaces do and ever have done. Difficulties to
conquer. Victories to win. Enemies to beat. The nation to please. The
honour of England to be kept up. Huzza — huzza — huzza and one cheer
more !
Though Haydon was the moving spirit in pressing for the decora-
tion of the House of Lords, when the opportunity for executing
the great decorative work came, his cartoons were rejected and
he was passed over. He never recovered from the bitterness
of the disappointment.
1834. Went and removed my cartoons. Thus ends the cartoon contest,
and as the first inventor and beginner of this mode of rousing the people when
they were pronounced incapable of relishing refined works of art without
colour I am deeply wounded at the insult inflicted. These journals witness
under what trials I began them — how I called on my Creator for His blessing —
how I trusted in Him and how I have been degraded, insulted, harassed.
O Lord thou knowest best. I submit. Amen.
Still his fits of optimism return :
Alexander the Great was before me — a mutton chop on the coals. I had
just written to Wordsworth. . . . My chop was cooked to a tee ; I ate like
a Red Indian ; and drank the cool translucent with a gusto a wine connoisseur
knows not. I then thought the distant cloud was too much advanced so
toning it down with black I hit the mark and pronounced the work done —
lo Poe-an ! and I fell on my knees and thanked God and bowed my forehead
and touched the groimd and sprung up my heart beating at the anticipation
of greater work and a more terrific struggle. This is B. R. Haydon — the real
man — may he live a thousand years ! and here he sneezed — lucky !
Haydon's enthusiasm was infectious ; it bhnded his friends to
the mediocre character of his performances as an artist. But
it is a great tribute to his personahty that he should have at-
tracted so many of the best minds of the day to his studio. When
he has to change his quarters owing to debt, he writes :
What pleasure have I enjoyed in this study ! In it have talked to Walter
Scott, Wordsworth, Keats, Proctor, Belzoni, Campbell, Canova, Cuvier, Lamb,
Knowles, Hazlitt, Wilkie and other spirits of the time. And above all thy
sweet and sacred face, my Mary, was its chief grace, its ornament, its sunbeam.
It is after one of the evenings of discussion in his studio that
260 ENGLISH DIARIES
he catches with a single happy phrase the exact reflection of the
passing mood and scene:
Spent a delightful evening with old friends. . . . When they were gone I
felt the solitude of the scattered chairs.
Of course his friendships were, hke everything else, rapturous
to danger point, and many were ended by quarrels.
Keats is a man after my own heart. He sympathises with me and compre-
hends me. We saw through each other and I hope are friends for ever. I
only know that if I sell my pictm-e Keats shall never want till another is done
that he may have leisure for his effusions ; in short he shall never want all his
life.
This did not prevent him from borrowing from Keats at a
time when the unfortunate poet was least able to afford it.
He describes Keats reading out his poems " in a low tremulous
undertone." Keats writes a sonnet to him. Wordsworth
several. Shelley's conversational opening " as to that detestable
rehgion, the Christian," makes Haydon " Hke a stag at bay and
resolved to gore without mercy." With Leigh Hunt, with Rey-
nolds and others he quarrelled. His capricious humours are all
depicted in the pages of the diary. The best of all the scenes
perhaps is the description of the dinner when Lamb was drunk
and chaffed most unmercifully a pompous official, Kingston, the
Comptroller of Stamps. It is far too long to quote, but, as Sir
Sidney Colvin says, it is " thrust before us in the insistent colour
^and illumination of a magic lantern picture."
A comparison of Moore and Wordsworth may be quoted show-
ing that Haydon could appreciate a character very different from
his own.
Moore is a delightful, nay, voluptuous, refined natural creature ; infinitely
more unaffected than Wordsworth ; not blimt and vuicultivated like Chantrey
or bilious and shivering like Campbell. No afiectation, but a true, refined,
delicate frank poet with sufficient honesty of manner to show fashion has not
corrupted his native taste ; making allowance for prejudices instead of con-
demning them, by which he seemed to have none himself ; never talking of
his own works from intense consciousness that everybody else did ; while
Wordsworth is always talking of his own productions from apprehension that
they are not enough matter of conversation.
This amusing little miniature of Chantrey is also worthy of
notice.
I called on Chantrey at Brighton. I had not seen him for eight years and
was astonished and interested. He took snuff in abvmdance. His nose at
the top was bottled large and brown, his cheeks fvdl, his person corpulent, his
B. R. HAYDON 261
air indolent, his tone a little pompous. Such were the effects of eight years'
success. He sat and talked easily, lazily gazing at the sun with his legs
crossed.
Haydon, too, was brought or rather forced himself with his
innate effrontery into the company of statesmen. He exasper-
ated them with his petitions and begging letters, he bored them,
he pestered them, he never took a snub, he persisted and at last
he succeeded in interviewing them, in painting them, and even
staying with them, and we can see that, in spite of their exas-
peration, they were intensely amused and entertained by him.
They, like everyone else, come in for praise or blame according
to his mood and circumstances. As Macaulay says : " Whether
you struck him or stroked him, starved him or fed him, he
snapped at your hand in just the same way."
Lord Grey is in high favour at one time :
Lord Grey was enough yesterday to make any man begin with champagne
the moment he was gone. He looked like the first glass after the bursting
pop.
Lord Grey was looking the essence of mildness. He seemed disposed for
a chat. In my eagerness to tell him all I wanted to know I sprang off my
chair and began to explain bending my fist to enforce my argument. Lord
Grey looked at me with a mild peacefulness of expression as if regarding a bit
of gtinpowder he had admitted to disturb his thoughts.
Lord Melbourne's interviews are described at some length.
He was evidently amused by Haydon, always broke into a laugh,
rubbed his hands, or " went to the glass and began to comb his
hair." " God help the Minister that meddles with Art," he says
to his impetuous interviewer on one occasion.
Sir Robert Peel was a very good friend to Haydon and helped
him on more than one occasion. But Haydon shows little
gratitude and is generally unreasonable.
Lord Egremont was one of his patrons, and while lying in bed
in a magnificent chamber in Petworth, the painter muses :
What a destiny is mine ! One year in the Bench, the companion of gam-
blers and scoundrels — sleeping in wretchedness and dirt on a flock bed, low
and filthy with black worms crawling over my hands — another in a splendid
house, the guest of rank and fashion and beauty.
But the most finished picture — ^needless to say not of his brush,
but of his pen — is the Duke of Welhngton. In a correspondence
extending over some considerable period the Duke positively snubs
his head off. Undismayed, Haydon persists, and he not only
pbtains the Duke's consent to sit, but he is invited to Walmer
262 ENGLISH DIARIES
for a visit of several daj^s. The Duke treats him with the most
gentlemanhke courtesy, and Haydon on his side falls into adora-
tion of " the greatest man on earth and the noblest — the conqueror
of Napoleon." All the little touches about each day o! the visit
bring the scene before one with microscopic clearness. The
Duke seated reading the newspaper with a lighted candle " on
each side of his venerable head," asking him if he will have black
tea or green, giving a tremendous yawn before bed time, showing
him up to his room, sitting for the portrait always patiently but
never looking at it ("D'ye want another sitting ? Very well,
after hunting I'll come"): telling anecdotes, putting on "a
fine dashing waistcoat for the Russian Ambassador " and then
in church —
Arthur Wellesley in the village church of Walmer this day was more inter-
esting to me than at the last charge of the Guards at Waterloo.
The Duke was no doubt tickled by the whole proceeding ; we
can hear him chuckling in the passage when Haydon writes :
He said : ' I hope you are satisfied. Goodbye.' I heard him go to bed after
me, laughing, and he roared out to Arbuthnot ' Good-night.' I then heard
him slam the door of his room No. 11 next to mine No. 10 but on the opposite
Bide a little further along.
Amongst humbler people there is no worse instance of Hay-
don's ingratitude than his references to his landlord Newton,
who not only allowed him to stay on without paying rent, but
often helped him with money. But here again he refers at one
time to his insults and then expresses later his devotion to him.
His poMtical were no less intense than his artistic, literary
and rehgious interests, and contained exactly the same elements
of shrewdness and perception, marred by blatant over-emphasis
and commonness of mind. He plunges into foreign pohtics,
the reform movement and other questions with great zeal, and
peppers his diary with scathing and enthusiastic comments.
Haydon could never do things Hke other people, or rather the most
ordinary things in his mind became transformed and distorted.
A visit to Brighton would be a fairly commonplace event for most
people and they would enter in their diary " went to Brighton ;
bathed"; but Haydon rushes to Brighton, where he "rolled
in the sea, shouted like a savage, laved his sides like a bull in a
green meadow, dived, swam, floated, and came out refreshed."
As may well be imagined, he gradually wore himself out in
mind and body. Debt and disappointment got the upper hand,
and his buoyant vitality was at last vanquished. In June, 1846,
B. R. HAYDON 263
the entries show constant anxiety, though there are attempts
at work. The last four entries may be given :
18th. O God bless me through evils of this day. Great anxiety. My
landlord Newton called. I said " I see a quarter's rent in thy face but none
from me." I appointed to-morrow night to see him and lay before him every
iota of my position. Good hearted Newton ! I said: "Don't put in an
execution." " Nothing of the sort " he replied half hurt. I sent the Duke,
Wordsworth, dear Fred and Mary's heads to Miss Barrett to protect. I
have the Duke's boots and hat and Lord Grey's coat and some more heads.
20th. O God bless us all through the evils of this day. Amen.
21st. Slept horribly. Prayed in sorrow and got up in agitation.
22nd. God forgive me. Amen.
Finis
of
B. B. Haydon.
Stretch me no longer on this rough world (Lear).
He made this last entry at half-past ten, and about an hour
later his body was found with a frightful gash in his throat and
a bullet wound in his skull. On his easel was his unfinished
picture of King Alfred. On a table near was his diary open at
the page of the last entry, a prayer book and a paper headed
" last Thoughts of B. R. Haydon, half past ten."
In this paper, which is a sort of will divided into a number of
clauses, he wrote :
In the name of my God I hope for forgiveness for the step I am about to
take — a crime no doubt but if I am judged immediately hereafter I have done
nothing all my life that will render me fearful of appearing before the awful
consciousness of my invisible God or hesitate to explain my actions.
In earlier years he had more than once discussed the ethics
of suicide in his diary ; one conclusion he came to was : "I am
not so convinced of the wickedness of suicide as I am of its folly."
But the continued crises, the passionate longings and repeated
disappointments no doubt ended by unhinging a mind the balance
of which had always been uncertain. In his last paper he asks
the pardon of his wife and children, " for the additional pang
— ^but it will be the last and released from the burthen of my
ambition they will be happier and suffer less."
Haydon's pictures are forgotten ; but in his diary, by the very
want of reticence, which was perhaps his chief defect, he has
left a wonderful portrait of himself.
The twenty-seven manuscript volumes are in the British
Museum. They were edited and used by Tom Taylor in a
biography published in 1853.
BYRON
MOORE in his Life of Byron gives extracts from the
poet's diary, with " the omission of some portion of its
contents and unluckily too of that very portion which
from its reference to the secret pursuits and feelings of the writer
would most likely pique and gratify the curiosity of the reader."
Byron literature is now so voluminous, and every aspect of his
genius and character has been so carefully examined, that his
fragmentary diary, even when complete, covers only a very small
part of the ground. Nevertheless in a collection of diaries the
fragments certainly deserve a prominent place, because Byron,
though not a diarist in the sense that he kept a regular journal
for any long period, shows in the entries he does make just the
recklessness, humour and egotism which go to make a lively
human document.
The three diary periods are very short, and Moore's winnowing
takes place within these periods. Byron only kept a journal
from November 14, 1813, to April 19, 1814, during his expedition
in the Alps in 1816, and in January and February, 1821. Each
time he writes daily, sometimes more than once in the day and
generally at considerable length.
Some idea is given of his motive in keeping a diary in the
following entry :
This journal is a relief. When I am tired — as I generally am — out comes
this and down goes everything. But I can't read it over : and God knows
what contradictions it may contain. If I am sincere with myself (but I fear
one lies more to one's self than to anyone else) every page should confute,
refute and utterly abjure its predecessor.
He begins writing at the age of 25.
1813. Nov. 14. If this had been begun ten years ago and faithfully
kept ! ! ! Heigho ! There are too many things I wish never to have remem-
bered as it is. . . . At five and twenty when the better part of life is over one
should be something ; and what am I ? Nothing but five and twenty — and the
odd months,
?64
BYRON 265
When he misses writing for two days he begins :
Two days missed in my log book : hiatus hand defiendus. They were as
little worth recollection as the rest ; and luckily laziness or society prevented
me from noticing them.
Everything is noted — his reading, his writing, criticisms of
the people he meets, opinions on public affairs, dinners, parties,
solitude all wrapt up in general reflections on life and interspersed
with details about his food, his health, and his moods. Whether
he lies or tells the truth does not much signify. He writes with a
natural formless spontaneity and brilUance that makes every line
readable. We can but make arbitrary selections — little slices
from the rather rich cake, and as the diaries are so short we will
go along, lifting in chronological order bits as we pass.
The first entry contains this on speaking in the House of Lords :
I have spoken tkrice but I doubt my ever becoming an orator. My first
was liked ; the second and third — I don't know whether they succeeded or not.
I have never yet set to it con amore : one must have some excuse to one's
self for laziness, or inability or both and this is mine '^^Company, villainous
company hath been the spoil of me ' ; — and then I have ' drunk medicines '
not to make me love others but certainly enough to hate myself.
He visits a menagerie :
Such a conversazione ! There was a hippopotamus like Lord Liverpool in
the face and the Ursine Sloth hath the very voice and manner of my valet —
but the tiger talked too much. The elephant took and gave me my money
again — took off my hat — opened a door — trunked a whip — and behaved so
well that I wish he was my butler.
A visit to the dentist :
Went to Waite's. Teeth all right and white ; but he says that I grind them
in my sleep and clip the edges.
He had just finished writing "The Bride of Abydos." On
November 17 we hear something of this, and also about his
extraordinary diet regulations.
Mr. Murray has offered me one thousand guineas for " The Giaour " and
the " Bride of Abydos." I won't — it is too much, though I am strongly
"tempted merely for the say of it. No bad price for a fortnight's (a week each)
what ? — the Gods know — it was intended to be called poetry.
I have dined regularly to-day for the first time since Sunday last — this
being Sabbath too.
All the rest tea and dry biscuits — six per diem. I wish to God I had not dined
now ! It kiUs me with heaviness stupor and horrible dreams and yet it was
but a pint of bucellas and fish. Meat I never touch nor much vegetable diet.
266 ENGLISH DIARIES
I would not so much mind a little accession of flesh — ^my bones can well bear
it. But the worst is, the devil always came with it — tiU I starved him out —
and I will not be the slave of atiy appetite. If I do err it shall be my heart at
least that heralds the way. Oh my head — how it aches ? the horrors of
digestion ! I wonder how Buonaparte's dinner agrees with him.
On November 22 we get this reflection when he is talking about
the affairs of the world abroad :
A little tumult now and then is an agreeable quickener of sensation ; such
as a revolution a battle or an aventure of any lively description.
He begins on November 23 about Ward, afterwards Lord
Dudley :
Ward — I like Ward. By Mahomet I begin to think I like everybody ; — a
disposition not to be encouraged — a sort of social gluttony that swallows
everything set before it. But I like Ward. He is piquant; and in my
opinion wiU stand very high in the House and everywhere else if he applies
regularly. By the by I dine with him to-morrow which may have some
influence on my opinion. It is as well not to trust one's gratitude after dinner.
I have heard many a host libelled by his guests with his burgundy yet reeking
on their rascally lips.
Philosophising on public affairs later on the same day (for
there are three separate entries on this day), he says :
My hopes are limited to the arrangement of my afiairs and settling either
in Italy or the East (rather the last) and drinking deep of the languages and
literature of both. Past events have imnerved me and all I can do is to make
life an amusement and look on while others play. After all even the highest
game of crowns and sceptres what is it ?
On this day, too, we get his opinion of his future wife :
Yesterday a very pretty letter from Aimabella which I answered. What
an odd situation and friendship is ours ! Without one spark of love on either
side and produced by circvunstances which in general lead to coldness on one
side and aversion on the other. She is a very superior woman and very little
spoiled which is strange in an heiress. . . . She is a poetess, a mathematician,
a metaphysician and yet withal very kind, generous, and gentle vsdth very
little pretension. Any other head would be turned with half her acquisitions
and a tenth of her advantages.
The entry on the next day ends with the following reflection :
I shall soon be six and twenty.
Is there anything in the future that can possibly console us for not being
always twenty five.
Oh Gioventit !
Oh Primavera ! gioventH deW anno.
Oh OioventHi I primavera deUa vita.
BYRON 267
The careless ease with which he scribbled down just what came
into his head can be shown in the end of his entry on December
6 and the beginning of his entry on the following day :
I shall now smoke two cigars and get me to bed. The cigars don't keep well
here. They get as old as a donna di quarant anni in the sun of Africa. The
Havannah are the best — but neither are so pleasant as a hooker or chibogue.
The Tm"kish tobacco is mild and their horses entire — two things as they
should be. I am so far obliged to this Journal that it preserves me from
verse — at least from keeping it. I have just tlirown a poem into the fire
(which it has relighted to my great comfort) and have smoked out of my head
the plan of another. I wish I could as easily get rid of thinking or at least
the confusion of thought.
Dec. 7. Went to bed and slept dreamlessly but not refreshingly. Awoke
and up an hour before being called : but dawdled three hours in dressing.
When one subtracts from life infancy (which is vegetation) — sleeping, eating
and swilling — buttoning and unbuttoning — how much remains of downright
existence ? The summer of a dormouse.
Redde [he generally spells " read " like this] the papers and tea-ed and soda
watered and found that the fire was badly hghted. Lord Glenbervie wante
me to go to Brighton — um !
On December 16 there is a very short entry :
Much done but nothing to record. It is quite enough to set down my
thoughts — my actions will rarely bear retrospection.
On January 16 we have Byron on marriage :
A wife would be my salvation. . . . That she won't love me is very
probable nor shall I love her. But on my system and the modern system in
general that don't signify. The business (if it came to business) would pro-
bably be arranged between papa and me. She would have her own way. I
am good humoiu-ed to women and docile : and if I did not fall in love with her
which I should try to prevent we should be a very comfortable couple. As to
conduct that she must look to. But if I love I shall be jealous — and for that
reason I will not be in love. ... I do fear my temper would lead me into
some of our oriental tricks of vengeance or at any rate into a summary appeal
to the court of twelve paces. So ' I'll none on't ' but e'en remain single and
solitary ; — though I shotild like to have somebody now and then to yawn with
one.
His experiment, when it came to the point, was, as we know,
peculiarly unsuccessful. His wife left him after a year.
Mter a month's break he returns to his journal, making three
entries on February 18, 1814 : one in the morning, the second
at nine o'clock, the third at midnight. We will extract the
following bits :
Redde a little — wrote notes and letters and am alone which Locke says
is bad company. ' Be not solitary, be not idle.' Um ! the idleness is trouble-
268 ENGLISH DIARIES
some but I can't see so much to regret in the solitude. The more I see of
men the less I like them. If I could but say so of women too all would
be well. Why can't I ? I am now six and twenty : my passions have had
enough to cool them : my affections more than enough to wither them — and
yet — and yet — always yet and but — ' Excellent well, you are a fishmonger — "
get thee to a nunnery.' ' They fool me to the top of my bent,' '
Napoleon ! this week will decide his fate. All seems against him but I
believe and hope he will win — at least beat back the invaders. What right i
have we to prescribe sovereigns to France ? Oh for a republic ! [there is i
much more about his admiration for Napoleon] I wonder how the deuce >
anybody could make such a world : for what purpose dandies, for instance,
were ordained — and kings — and fellows of colleges — and women of ' a certain ,.
age ' — and many men of any age — and myself, most of all.
On February 27 we get a reference to a woman friend of Byron's
who is jDerhaps not so famous as many of the others :
I always feel in better humour with myself and everything else if there is
a woman within ken. Even Mrs. Mule my fire lighter — ^the most ancient and
withered of her kind — always makes me laugh — no difficult task when I
am i' the vein.
Mrs. Mule, with her gaunt and witch-Hke appearance, acted as
a sort of scarecrow to Byron's visitors. She followed him from
Bennett Street to the Albany and was actually found in his
estabUshment in Piccadilly after he married. Byron's only
reply to inquiries about her was " The poor old devil was so
kind to me."
On March 17 and other dates we get a note of one of the forms
of exercise he took :
I have been sparring with Jackson for exercise this morning ; and mean to
continue and renew my acquaintance with the muffles.
The following on the career of any son he may have reminds
one of Haydon :
If I have a wife and that wife has a son — by anybody — I will bring up mine
heir in a most anti -poetical way — make him a lawyer or a pirate — or anything.
But if he writes too I shall be sure he is none of mine and cut him off with a
Bank token.
Towards the end we get ejaculations such as " Tired, jaded,
selfish and supine — must go to bed," " my heart begins to eat
itself again." Napoleon's abdication upsets him. On April
10;
To-day I have boxed one horn* — written an ode to Napoleon Boanaparte — |
copied it — eaten six biscuits — drunk four bottles of soda water — redde away
the rest of my time.
BYRON 269
And April 19 is the last entry :
There is ice at both poles, north and south — all extremes are the same —
misery belongs to the highest and the beggar when tmsixpenced and unthroned.
There is to be sure a damned insipid meditmi — an equinoctial line — no one
knows where except upon maps and measurements.
And all oiir yesterdays have lighted
The way to dusty death.
I will keep no further journal of that same hesternal torchlight and to prevent
me from retm'ning like a dog to the vomit of memory, I tear out the remaining
leaves of this voltmie and write, in Ipecacuanha — ' that the Bourbons are
restored ! ! ! ' ' Hang up philosophy.' To be sure I have long despised myself
and man but I never spat in the face of my species before — ' O fool ! I shall
go mad ! '
Byron's second attempt at keeping a diary was during a tour
in the Bernese Alps in September, 1816. Needless to say it is not
a dull guide-book account of what he saw and did.
He sent it to his sister. The first he had given to Thomas
Moore. His third attempt only lasted six weeks in 1820 when he
was in Ravenna. " A sudden thought strikes me," he begins.
" Let me begin a Journal once more." He keeps it very regu-
larly and wliile it is just as spontaneous as his first attempt, it has
not quite the same reckless tone. He notes his reading and writing
and his depressions, but he is chiefly occupied with the intrigues
of the revolutionary movement and politics. His enthusiasm
is unbounded, though the leaders of the movement are a dis-
appointing lot.
It is not one man, nor a million but the spirit of liberty which must be
spread. The waves which dash upon the shore are, one by one, broken but
yet the ocean conquers nevertheless.
He is at work on " Sardanapalus " and reports about the progress
of it.
Wrote the opening hnes of the intended tragedy of Sardanapalus. Rode
out sonae miles into the forest. Misty and rainy — returned — dined — wrote
some more of my tragedy. Read Diodorus Siculus — turned over Seneca
and some other books. Wrote some more of the tragedy. Took a glass of
grog. After having ridden hard in rainy weather and scribbled and scribbled
again, the spirits (at least mine) need a little exhilaration and I don't like
laudanum now as I used to do. So I have mixed a glass of strong waters and
single waters which I shall now proceed to empty. Therefore and thereunto
I conclude this day's diary.
He makes notes about the books he reads and expresses
270 ENGLISH DIARIES
more than once his great admiration for Sir Walter Scott : " won-
derful man — ^I long to get drunk with him." Most of the entries|
are long, but here is a complete short one :
Jan. 16. Read — wrote — fired pistols — rettimed — ^wrote — visited — heard
music — talked nonsense — and went home. Wrote part of a Tragedy — ad-
vanced in Act I with " all deliberate speed." Bought a blanket. The weather
is still muggy as a London May — mist, mizzle, the air replete with Scotticisms
which though fine in the descriptions of Ossian, are somewhat tiresome in
real, prosaic perspective. Politics still mysterious.
On the eve of his birthday he writes :
To-morrow is my birthday — that is to say at twelve o'clock midnight
i.e. in twelve minutes I shall have completed thirty and three years of age ! !-
and I go to my bed with a heaviness of heart at having lived so long and to so
little purpose.
It is three minutes past twelve. ' 'Tis the middle of the night by the castle
clock ' and I am now thirty three !
Eheu fugaces, Posthume, Posthume,
Labuntur anni ; —
but I don't regret them so much for what I have done as for what I might have
done.
Then follows a sort of comic epitaph on the year that has
passed.
Of course he becomes deeply involved in the revolutionary
activities. He writes on February 18 :
To-day I have had no communication with my Carbonari croniea ; but in
the meantime my lower apartments are full of their bayonets, fusils, cart-
ridges and what not. I suppose they consider me as a dep6t, to be sacrificed,
in case of accidents. It is no great matter, supposing that Italy could be
liberated, who or what is sacrificed. It is a grand object — the very poetry of
politics. Only think — a free Italy ! ! 1
In addition to arms and ammunition in his villa he apparently
had birds, for we find the remark : " Beat the crow for steahng
the falcon's victuals." He becomes more disinchned to write in
the diary. On February 25 he says :
Came home — ^my head aches — plenty of news but too tiresome to set down.
I have neither read nor written nor thought but led a purely animal life all
day. I mean to try a page or two before I go to bed.
On February 27 he writes one more entry in another book. He
is at work on " Don Juan, " he quotes a stanza from Gray's " Elegy,"
and ends up with a very elaborate description of his indigestion.
BYRON 271
As a last quotation we will give the melancholy passage with
which the poet ends his second diary :
I am a lover of nature and an admirer of beauty. I can bear fatigue and
welcome privation and have seen some of the noblest scenes in the world.
But in all this the recollection of bitterness and more especially of recent
and more home desolation which must accompany me through life preyed
upon me here ; and neither the music of the shepherds, the crashing of the
avalanche nor the torrent, the mountain, the glacier, the forest nor the cloud
have for one moment lightened the weight upon my heart nor enabled me
to lose my own wretched identity in the majesty and the power and the
glory around and above and beneath me.
If Byron had really kept a diary, it would certainly have ranked
among the best ever written. It was not lack of egotism but
lack of regular method, an essential for diary keeping, which pre-
vented him.
CHARLES GREVILLE
ONE has only to notice the number of footnote references to
Greville's Journal in any history of the period during which
he wrote in order to realise the importance of his record.
Greville as a commentator on contemporary events holds a unique
position. He wrote history as it was in the making ; and other
political and social diaries of the nineteenth century fade into
insignificance when compared with his very full and detailed
chronicle. As clerk of the council under four monarchs, and a man
of fashion, he had specially favourable opportunities for collect-
ing the materials he wanted, but he also had the gift of being
able to relate the intrigues and inner workings of the machine
of government and of society in such a way as to make a reader
live in his times. It is an objective diary, of course, and has
not the personal and psychological interest of a diary such as
Pepys', but it is not dryly impersonal, for he often expresses
his own opinions and moralises when he feels inclined.
Greville wrote for publication. He entrusted the ninety-
three quarto note-books to Henry Reeve, with an injunction that
he should " print such portions of them as might be thought of
public interest whenever that could be done without inconvenience
to living persons."
In 1865 Mr. Reeve published a few extracts from the diaries
from 1814 to 1827. But in 1875 the pubhcation of the full series
began with the Journals of the reigns of George IV and William
IV. Five large editions were sold in the first year, but some
passages caused extreme offence and had to be suppressed. In
1885 and 1887 the second and third series of the volumes were
published.
Greville's method was not merely to register public events,
but to relate the inner causes which led up to them. It is all
very personal. His character sketches are well drawn and spon-
taneously written at the moment. They are racy but often
rather superficial, and his political survey does not contain any
profound analysis of motives and principles. At times there is
272
CHARLES GREVILLE 273
great elaboration of circumstances which seemed important
when written but which have ceased to have any sort of interest
to-day. Greville, however, gives the most graphic contem-
porary account of the relationships and intercourse between the
members of the governing class in the country that has ever been
produced. His work differs from other contemporary histories
Mke Clarendon's or Wraxall's memoirs because he adopted the
regular diary form and gave the fresh impression of the day.
In communicating the manuscript to a friend he remarks : " You
will find public characters freely, flippantly perhaps and fre-
quently very severely dealt with ; in some cases you will be sur-
prised to see my opinions of certain men, some of whom, in many
respects, I may perhaps think differently of now," A passing
judgment may not have the same value as a considered survey
after the lapse of years, but it has value of its own, as an opinion
of the moment and the ease and felicity of expression in the case
of Greville bring the events and persons described very close to
one.
It will be unnecessary to quote very much from the well-
known passages in the eight printed volumes. Although the
[ diary consists mainly of a narrative of political and public events,
^ the subjective personal element is present and the man himself
can be discovered by sometliing more than his style as a diarist
historian.
Greville was a handsome and accomplished man of fashion
who served as clerk of the council for nearly forty years. He was
, friends with many pubhc men and was consulted by them, and
he was an active member of the Turf. His contemporaries would
no doubt have been very much surprised had they known with
what fullness and freedom, and we may add with what literary
talent, he was describing them and their doings. He had no
great pretensions with regard to the record he was making. In
one entry he says :
As I don't write history I omit to note such facts as are recorded in the
newspapers and merely mention the odd things I pick up which are not
generally known and which may hereafter throw some light on those which
are.
He is overcome, too, occasionally by the diarist's misgiving as
to whether it is worth while going on with his record, and he
analyses the whole principle of diary keeping more fully perhaps
than any other diarist.
In 1843 he WTites :
18
274 ENGLISH DIARIES
I have serious thoughts of giving up this journal altogether and yet I am
reluctant to do so for it has been for many years an occasional and sometimes
a constant and brisk amusement to me but I feel that it is neither one thing
nor another and not worth the trouble of continuing. I have no incUnation
like some diarists to put down day by day all the trifles they see, hear or do.
... I am reluctant to spoil a quantity of paper with mere trash which what-
ever accident may make it or what value it may possibly acquire by age is
too trivial now to set down without a feeling of mixed shame and disgust.
His gossip — ^and there is a good deal of it — ^is political. He
says :
I hardly ever record the scandalous stories of the day miless they relate to
characters or events but what relates to public men is different from the loves
and friendsMps of the idiots of society.
It is interesting to read his opinion on other diaries and diarists.
He sees the manuscript of Windham's diary, and notes how it
abounds with expressions of self-reproach. He adopts Wind-
ham's practice of only writing on one side of the page. In 1838
for a moment he considers making his diary more personal, but
he says :
I always contemplate the possibility that hereafter my joimial will be read
by the public always greedy of such things and I regard with alarm and dishke
the notion of its containing a heap of twaddle and trash concerning matters
appertaining to myself which nobody else will care three straws about.
But he acknowledges that a strong stimulus to keep such a
diary proceeds from having read Scott's and Byron's. He is
mercilessly critical of Fanny Burney's diary. While he pays
a tribute to her talent for recording conversations, and acknow-
ledges that there are interesting passages, he says :
They are overlaid by an enormous quantity of trash and twaddle and there
is a continuous stream of mawkish sentimentality, loyalty, devotion, sensi-
bility and a display of feelings and virtues which are very provoking.
Occasionally he moraUses, and unexpectedly he actually in-
dulges Mke a true diarist in self-disparagement. This is interest-
ing because he was definitely writing an liistorical narrative for
pubhcation, and it shows how sooner or later a regular diary
writer must notice himself. After an evening in 1834 at Holland
House, where " a vast depression came over my spirits," he re-
flects at length on his ignorance :
He who wastes his early years in horse racing and all sorts of idleness
figuring away among the dissolute and the foolish must be content to play an
inferior part among the learned and the wise. . . . Reflections of this sort
CHARLES GREVILLE 275
make me very uncomfortable and I am ready to cry with vexation when I
think of ray mispent life. If I was insensible to a higher order of merit and
indifferent to a nobler kind of praise, I should be happier far ; but to be
tormented with the sentiment of an honourable ambition and with the aspira-
tions after better things and at the same time so sunk in sloth and bad habits
as to be incapable of exertions without which their objects are unattainable is
of all conditions the worst.
There is a sincerity in this which makes us prefer it to Thoresby's
groanings of the soul. This is not an isolated instance ; he returns
to it several times:
When I see what other men have done, how they have read and thought, a
sort of despair comes over me, a deep and bitter sensation of regret ' for time
mispent and talents misapplied ' not the less bitter from being coupled with a
hopelessness of remedial industry and of doing better things.
Read Macintosh's Life in the carriage which made me di'eadfully disgusted
with my racing metier. What a life as compared with mine !
Yet such are the caprices of fortune that for one person who
has heard of or read a line of Macintosh to-day there are hundreds
who have heard of and read extracts from Greville.
His devotion to the Turf does not prevent him from inveighing
against betting and gambling and racing with great violence,
and, Uke so many diarists, the discharge of passionate self-con-
demnation does not prevent him from continuing in exactly the
same way :
1830. A month nearly since I have written a line ; always racing and
always idleness.
1834. The degrading nature of the occupation mixing with the lowest of
mankind and absorbed in the business for the sole purpose of getting money,
the consciousness of a sort of degradation of intellect, the conviction of the
deteriorating effects upon both the feelings and the understanding which are
produced, the sort of dram drinking excitement of it — all these things and these
thoughts torment me and often turn my pleasure into pain.
1837. One day I resolve to extricate myself entirely from the whole
concern to sell all my horses and pursue other occupations and objects of
interest and then these resolutions wax faint and I again find myself buying
fresh animals entering into fresh speciilations and just as deeply engaged as
ever.
Not till 1854 does he make up his mind to give up racing, and
by that time he seems to be tired of poUtics too.
I am every day more confirmed in my resolution to get rid of my race
horses. . . . The two objects I now have in view are this and to get out of my
office. I want to be independent and be able to go where and do what I like
276 ENGLISH DIARIES
for the short remainder of my life. . . . Of poUtics I am heartily sick and can
take but little interest in either governments or the individuals who compose
them.
Finally, in 1855, we have the following entry :
All last week at Newmarket and probably very nearly for the last time as
an owner of race horses for I have now got rid of them all and am almost ofi
the turf after being on it more or less for about forty years.
On his birthday he sometimes breaks into moralising :
1838. How we wince at our reflections and still go on in the same courses !
how we resolve and break our resolutions ! It is a common error to wish we
could recall the past and be yotmg again and swear what things we would do
if another opportunity was offered us. All vanity, folly and falsehood.
1847. My birthday, a day of no joy to me which I always gladly hasten
over. There is no pleasure in reaching one' s fifty third year and in a retrospect
fill! of shame and a prospect without hope ; for shameful it is to have wasted
one's faculties and to have consumed in idleness and frivolous if not mischie-
vous, pleasures that time which if well employed might have produced good
fruit full of honour and of real solid permanent satisfaction. And what is
there to look forward to at my time of life ? Nothing but increasing infirmities
and the privations and distresses which they will occasion.
This side of Greville's Journal is little known because so much i
material is found by historians in his descriptions and comments i
on pubhc affairs, but it is inte?esting if we are taking into account
the diarist as well as his diary ; and the opportunity allowed us i
of discovering something of the personality of the author makes
us enjoy all the more his views and impressions of public affairs.
The note of depression and self-blame coming from a man whoi
writes comparatively httle of his own private life has a perfectly
genuine ring about it, but it only occurs in the earher years. He
often mentions his health, specially his gout when it prevents
him from getting about, and he notes his gains or losses in racing
from time to time. The entries are quite irregular, as he writes
nothing unless he has gathered material with regard to parlia-
mentary or foreign affairs. He was personally acquainted with
most of the prominent men and women of the day, and he is
therefore able to get his information from the fountain head.
We will make a few selections from his character sketches as
examples of his writing :
{WiUiam IV) The King has been to Woolwich, inspecting the artillery, to
whom he gave a dinner, with toasts and hip, hip, hurrahing, and three times
three, himself giving the time. I tremble for him ; at present he is only a
moimtebank but he bids fair to be a maniac.
CHARLES GREVILLE 277
After diiuier he made a number of speeches, so ridiculous and nonsensical,
beyond all belief but to those who heard them, rambling from one subject to
another repeating the same thing over and over again and altogether such a
mass of confusion, trash, and imbecility as made one blush and laugh at the
same time.
The other day he gave a dinner to one of the regiments at Windsor and as
usual he made a parcel of foohsh speeches in one of which after descanting upon
their exploits in Spain against the French, he went on : " Talking of France,
I must say that whether at peace or at war with that country I shall always
consider her as one natural enemy and whoever may be her King or ruler I
shall keep a watcMul eye for the purpose of repressing her ambitious encroach-
ments." If he was not such an ass that nobody does anything but laugh at
what he says, this wovild be very important. Such as he is, it is nothing.
' What can you expect ' (as I forget who said) ' from a man with a head like
a pine apple.' His head is just of that shape.
It is difficult to imagine anything more irksome for a Government beset
with difficulties like this than to have to discuss the various details of their
measures with a silly bustling old fellow who cannot possibly comprehend the
scope and bearing of anything.
With regard to the Duke of Wellington, his estimates vary from
time to time, but from the political point of view he is very
critical :
I am by no means easy as to the Duke of Wellington's sufficiency to meet
such difficulties ; the habits of his mind are not those of patient investigation,
profoiuid knowledge of human natm-e and cool discriminating sagacity. He
is exceedingly quick of apprehension but deceived by his own quickness into
thinking he knows more than he does. He has amazmg confidence in himself
which is fostered by the deference of those aroimd him and the long experience
of his military successes. He is upon ordinary occasions right-headed and
sensible but he is beset by weaknesses and passions which must and continually
do, blind his judgment.
This was written in 1831. Seven years later he appends a note
retracting having said he was ever a little man, but otherwise
confirming his opinion. On Wellington's death he sums up his
character at some length.
About Macaulay he writes a great deal, critically and un-
favourably at first, and afterwards, when he gets to know him,
much more sympathetically. He gives a very amusing descrip-
tion of his first meeting him at Holland House in 1832 without
knowing who he was. He sits next to " a common looking man
in black," whom he sets down "for a dull fellow." He is so
overcome when he discovers who it is that " perspiration burst
from every pore of my face." He is unfavourably impressed :
Not a ray of intellect beams from his countenance ; a Imnp of more ordinary
clay never enclosed a powerful mind and lively imagination.
278 ENGLISH DIARIES
Later again he writes :
His figure, face, voice, manner are all bad ; he astonishes and instructs, he
sometimes entertains, seldom amuses, and still seldomer pleases. He wants
variety, elasticity, gracefulness ; his is a roaring torrent, and not a meandering
stream of talk.
Macaulay indeed is a great talker and pours forth floods of knowledge on
all subjects ; but the gracefulness, lightness, and variety are wanting in his
talk which are so conspicuous in his writings ; there is not enough of alloy in
the metal of his conversation ; it is too didactic, it is all too good and not
sufficiently flexible, plastic, and diversified for general society.
But in later years he refers to him as "an unrivalled and de-
lightful talker." In 1841 he describes a dinner at Holland House
in which he gives the most entertaining account of Macaulay's
overpowering knowledge. Whatever subject of conversation
arose, from the " Fathers of the Church " to " dolls," Macaulay
capped everyone else and exhibited special technical knowledge.
At a country house party where Macaulay, Rogers and many
others are present, Greville remarks : " Rogers will revive to-
morrow when Macaulay goes." On Macaulay's death Greville
writes a rather exaggerated eulogy of his history.
It is the colour and personal opinion which Greville puts into
his entries that make his record so readable. The parliamentary
crises are developed with great skill because of liis close contact
with the chief actors. His account of the passing of the Reform
Bill is a specially valuable contribution to liistory. He follows
the foreign situation and the developments of international,
pohcy with particular attention. The revolutions of 1848 fill
him with horror ; he attributes it all to " democracy and phil- '
anthropy " which, he writes, " leave behind them — and all
Europe exhibits the result — a mass of ruin, terror and despair."
We find him in 1853 making a very shrewd diagnosis of future
events when he says, " if ever France finds it her interest to go
to war Italy will be her mark."
His parhamentary record is the fullest part of his chronicle.
People are rather apt to beheve that in the good old days there
was a dignity and decorum about our parliamentarians the
absence of which they deplore to-day. When, however, we read
the following, we need not be greatly concerned about the de->'
terioration in parhamentary manners : I
1846. The debate in the House of Commons came to a close at last wound
up by a speech of Disraeli's, very clever, in which he hacked and mangled
Peel with the most unsparing severity and positively tortured his victim. It
CHARLES GREVILLE 279
was a miserable and degrading spectacle. The whole mass of the protec-
tionists cheered him with vociferous delight making the roof ring again ;
and when Peel spoke they screamed and hooted at him in the most brutal
manner. When he vindicated himself and talked of honour and conscience
they assailed him with shouts of derision and gestures of contempt.
There are, of course, many references to Queen Victoria too
well known to be quoted here. The Queen was very indignant
when the first instalment of the journal was published. The
hght thrown on her uncles was a little too bright.
Greville only makes very occasional references to anything
but pubhc affairs. He gives an account of an early railway
journey and has a very appreciative word to say about the intro-
duction of chloroform. There are, however, portions of his journal
which are devoted to his travels in Italy and Germany. His
descriptions, written with spirit and with a seeing eye, are a good
deal above the average diarist's travel notes.
As time goes on he becomes more occupied with literary pur-
suits and less interested in politics. He resigns his office in 1859
at the age of 65, but notes the fact with hardly any comment.
On November 13, 1860, after having neglected to write for three
months, he deliberately concludes his journal :
I take my pen in hand to record my determination to bring this journal
(which is no journal at all) to an end.
The reason he assigns is that he is out of touch with public
affairs and only hears what is known to all the world.
The complete accuracy of Greville's diary was by no means
universally accepted. This is shown by the famous comment
made on it :
' For fifty years he listened at the door,
He heard some secrets and invented more.
WILLIAM COBBETT
TO include a book like Cobbett's Rural Rides among
diaries may at first be thought to be stretching the meaning
of the word " diary " beyond its legitimate limits. But
on closer consideration it will be found that the Rural Rides ful-
fills very exactly the necessary conditions which constitute diary
writing. The book is essentially a joiirnal the entries of which
are freshly written on the actual day, and the fact that it con-
tains much else than a bare record of the events of each day in
no way invalidates its character as a diary.
As we are only indirectly concerned with the careers of our
diarists, no more than a brief reminder of Cobbett's eventful
life need be given. Grandson of a farm labourer and son of a
small farmer, he was born at Farnham in 1766. He was employed
as a boy in the fields, and received little education except what
he gave himself. " Born in a farm-house bred up at the plough
tail with a smock frock on my back," as he describes himself.
Being of an adventurous disposition he soon left home and be-
came successively an attorney's clerk, a soldier in a regiment
quartered at St. John's, New Brunswick, a student in France,
a teacher of English in Wilmington, Delaware, and a bookseller
in Philadelphia. He then began writing pamphlets and books
and editing newspapers. His manner and method constantly
brought him into trouble, and on his return to England he was,
as editor of the Weekly Political Register, more than once brought
to trial and fined. In 1809 his bitter comments on the flogging
of some militiamen at Ely, which had been carried out with the
aid of a body of German troops, brought down on him the mon-
strous sentence of two years' imprisonment with a fine of £1,000.
In 1830 he entered Parhament as member for Oldham. His
speeches were very unconventional and he was an effective
debater, though Greville in his diary speaks disparagingly of his
efforts. He commenced his first speech with the remark : " It
appears to me that since I have been sitting here, I have heard
a great deal of vain and unprofitable conversation." A fellow-
280
WILLIAM COBBETT 281
member describes him thus : " An elderly, respectable-looking,
red-faced gentleman, in a dust-coloured coat and drab breeches
with gaiters, tall and strongly built with sharp eyes, a round and
ruddy countenance, smallish features and a peculiarly cynical
mouth."
The prevailing idea which seemed to pervade all Cobbett's
views was a hatred of tyranny and a sympathy with the minority.
The agricultural labourer was the class of the community in
which he was the most interested and whose cause he specially
espoused. A master of invective and sarcasm, his pen served
him best in showing up scandals and attacking his opponents.
In his private life he was charmingly domestic and displayed
great kindliness. He died in 1835. As well as pamphlets and
newspaper articles, he turned out a large number of books. His
rural rides took place between 1821 and 1832. The object in
view was the investigation on the spot of the state of agriculture,
and his journal was specifically written for publication. The
freshly-gathered experiences, the lucidity and vigour of the style
and the interesting reflection of his personality which appears in the
entries, make the Rural Rides stand out as the masterpiece of
Cobbett's writing and a book unique of its kind in English literature.
In 1821 he left London and rode through Bucks, Hants, Wilts,
Gloucester and Hereford, returning by way of Oxford, and later
in the year he went into Kent and through Norfolk and Suffolk.
In 1822 he had three trips which included Hertford, Bucking-,
ham and Huntingdon, as well as the south-eastern counties.
Both in 1823 and 1825 Sussex, Surrey and Hants were again
visited ; Wiltshire, Somerset and Gloucester in the following
year. 1829 saw him in Hertfordshire and later in Norfolk and
Suffolk, and during the last tour in 1832, which was more purely
political in its character, he was in Northumberland and Durham.
He seldom writes his experiences of the day, which are given
minutely in diary form, without going off into a diatribe against
certain statesmen and fulminating against poUtical scandals.
It is impossible, of course, to follow liim on his journeys and to
note the daily incidents, nor can anything like an adequate review
of his conclusions be given by extracts. Indeed, to break into one
of Cobbett's paragraphs spoils very considerably the swing and
zest of his writing. The country as he describes it daily stretches
out before his readers with intense reality, not only because
Cobbett as a son of the soil knows how to bring its sights and
sounds and breath before us, but because he sat down then and
there and wrote away after his ride, however many miles he had
282 ENGLISH DIARIES
covered. After a rainy day one almost expects to see the page
stained with drops.
I set ofi from Fifield this morning and got here about one o'clock with my
clothes wet. While they are drj-ing and while a mutton chop is getting
ready I sit down to make some notes of what I have seen since I left Enford ;
but here comes my dinner and I must put off my notes till I have dined.
Ever since the middle of March I have been trying remedies for the whooping
cough and have I believe tried everything except riding wet to the slrin two
or three hours amongst the clouds on the South Downs. . . . This is really a
soaking day thus far. I got here at nine o'clock. I stripped off my coat and
put it by the kitchen fire. In a parlour just eight feet square I have another
fire and have dried my shirt on my back. We shaU see what this does for
the whooping cough.
I staid at Reigate yesterday and came to the Wen [this is the way he always
describes London] to-day every step of the way in rain ; as good a soaking as
any devotee of St Swithin ever vmderwent for his sake. I promised that I
would give an account of the effect which the soaking on the South Downs
had upon the whooping cough. I do not recommend the remedy to others
but this I will say that I had a speU of the whooping cough the day before I
got that soaking and that I have not had a single spell since.
This is practically the only mention of his health in the Journal.
But we get some insight into the Spartan habits which kept
him so fit, and it comes as a pleasant rehef after the many
examples we have had of guzzhng and toping :
Many days I have no breakfast and no dinner. I went from Devizes to
Highwater without breaking my fast a distance of more than thirty miles.
I sometimes take from a friend's house a little bit of meat between two bits
of bread which I eat as I ride along ; but whatever I save from this fasting
work, I think I have a clear right to give away ; and, accordingly, I generally
put the amount in copper mto my waistcoat pocket and dispose of it during
the day. I know well that I am the better for not stuffing and blowing my-
self out and with my savings I make many and many a happy boy ; and now
and then I give a whole family a good meal with the cost of a breakfast or a
dinner that would have done me mischief.
And in another place he tells us how he never has more than
two meals a day when he is at home ^vith a httle tea or milk and
water to drink, and with characteristic conceit asks if any man
can do more bodily and mental work than he does. ' , ■ ;4-ife;^' 1
As he passes along he comments on the soil, the state of the
crops, the harvest, and especially the trees ; there are constant
references to his favourite acacia and to splendid oak trees and
disparaging remarks about fir trees " and other rubbish " ; the
potato he describes as " a soul degrading and man enslaving root " ; |
he pictures country houses and cottages; he has much to say
WILLIAM COBBETT 283
on the wages of the labourers and their condition ; and he tilts
with vigorous and eloquent invective against his pet aversions —
the debt resulting from the war, paper money, parliament (which
he calls The Tiling), large towns, parsons, Jews and Quakers.
Seeing so many depopulated villages, and churches far too large
for their parishes, he pours his sarcasm on those who declared
the population was rising, though as a matter of fact they were
quite right. If he enters a cathedral, it is not to admire the
architecture, but to reflect with bitterness over the Reformation :
(Winchester.) The " service " was now begun. There is a dean and God
knows how many prebends belonging to this immensely rich bishopric and
chapter ; and there were at this " service " two or three men and five or six
boys in white surplices with a congregation of fifteen women and four men.
Gracious God ! If William of Wykham co\ild at that moment have been
raised from his tomb. If Saint Swithin whose name the Cathedral bears or
Alfred the Great to whom St Swithin was tutor ; if either of these could have
come and had been told that that was now carried on by men who talked of
the " damnable errors " of those who foimded that very Church !
(Salisbury.) I at last tinned in at a doorway to my left where I found a
priest and his congregation assembled. It was a parson of some sort with a
white covering on him and five women and fovir men ; when I arrived there
were five couple of us. I joined the congregation imtil they came to the
litany and then being monstrously hungry I did not think myself bound to
stay any longer. I wonder what the foimders would say if they could rise
from the grave and see such a congregation as this in this most magnificent
and beautiful Cathedral? I wonder what they would say if they could know
to what pmrpose the endowments of this Cathedral are now applied ; and
above all things, I wonder what they would say if they could see the half
starved labourers that now minister to the luxuries of those who wallow in the
wealth of those endowments.
Out of the many appreciations he gives in the daily records
of his rides of country scenery let us select a few descriptions
of special beauty.
(Sussex.) Woodland countries are interesting on many accounts. Not
so much on account of their masses of green leaves as on account of their
variety of sights and soimds and incidents that they afford. Even in Winter
the coppices are beautiful to the eye while they comfort the mind with the
idea of shelter and warmth. In spring they change their hue from day to day
during two whole months which is about the time from the appearance of the
delicate leaves of the birch to the full expansion of those of the ash ; and even
before the leaves come at all to intercept the view, what in the vegetable
creation is so delightful to behold as the bed of a coppice bespringled with
primroses and bluebells ? The opening of the birch leaves is the signal for
the pheasant to begin to crow, for the blackbird to whistle and the thrush to
sing ; and just when the oak buds begin to look reddish and not a day before,
the whole tribe of finches burst forth in songs from every bough while the lark
imitating them all, carries the joyous sounds to the sky.
284 ENGLISH DIARIES
{Hampshire.) On we trotted up this pretty green lane; and indeed we
had been coming gently and generally up hill for a good while. The lane
was between highish banks and pretty high stuff growing on the banks so that
we could see no distance from us and could receive not the smallest hint of
what was so near at hand. The lane had a little turn towards the end ; so
that, out we came, all in a moment at the very edge of the hanger ! And
never in all my life was I so siirprised and so dehghted ! I pulled up my horse
and sat and looked ; and it was like looking from the top of a castle into the
sea except that the valley was land and not water. I looked at my servant
to see what effect this miexpected sight had upon him. His surprise was as
great as mine. Those who had so strenuously dwelt on the dirt and dangers
of this rout had said not a word about the beauties, the matchless beauties
of the scenery.
(Near Ipswich.) A lark very near to me in a ploughed field rose from the
ground and was saluting the sun with his delightful song. He was got about
as high as the dome of St. Paul's having me for a motionless and admiring
auditor when the hen started up from nearly the same spot whence the cock
had risen, flew up and passed close by him. I could not hear what she said ;
but supposed that she must have given him a pretty smart reprimand ; for
down she came upon the ground and he ceasing to sing took a twirl in the air
and came down after her.
Oh ! the thousands of linnets all singing together on one tree in the sand
hills of Surrey ! Oh ! the carolling in the coppices and the dingles of Hamp-
shire and Siissex and Kent ! At this moment (5 o'clock in the morning) the
groves at Barm-Elm are echoing with the warblings of thousands upon thou-
sands of birds. The thrush begins a little before it is light ; next the black-
bird ; next the lark begins to rise ; all the rest begin the moment the sun gives
the signal ; and from the hedges, the bushes, from the middle and the topmost
twigs of the trees comes the singing of endless variety ; from the long dead
grass comes the sotmd of the sweet and soft voice of the wliite throat or nettle
tom while the loud and merry song of the lark, the songster himself out of
sight, seems to descend from the sky.
As a contrast to these, let us hear Cobbett on towns.
Brighton is naturally a place of resort for expectants and a shifty ugly-
looking swarm is of com-se assembled there. . , . You may always know them
by their lank jaws, the stiSener roxmd their necks, their false sholders, hips,
and hatmches, their half whiskers and by their skin colour of veal kidney suet
warmed a little and then powdered with dirty dust.
Westbury, a nasty odious rotten borough, a really rotten place. It has
cloth factories in it and they seem to be ready to tumble down as well as many
of the houses. God's curse seems to be upon most of these rotten boroughs.
Deal is a villainous place. It is full of filthy looking people. . . . Rotten-
ness and putridity is excellent for land but bad for Boroughs.
Cheltenham which is what they call a " watering place " that is to say a
place to which East India plunderers. West India floggers, English tax-
gorgers, together with gluttons drunkards and debauchees of all descriptions
female as well as male, resort at the suggestion of silently laughing quacks
in the hope of getting rid of the bodily consequences of their manifold sins
WILLIAM COBBETT 285
and iniquities, when I enter a place like this I always feel disposed to squeeze
my nose with my fingers. It is nonsense, to be sure, but I conceive that
every two legged creature that I see coming near me is about to cover me with
the poisonous proceeds of its impurities.
Cobbett is never on stronger ground than when he is con-
demning the growth of large towns. We can hardly imagine
what his language would be were he to see the dimensions to which
they have grown to-day.
Have I not for twenty long years been regretting the existence of these
unnatiu-al embossments ; these white swellings, these odious wens, produced
by Corruption and engendering crime and misery and slavery ? . . . But
what is to be the fate of the great wen of all ? The monster called by the
silly coxcombs of the press " the metropolis of the Empire " ?
He constantly returns to this theme. Reflecting on the de-
creasing population and the poverty of the country side, he
exclaims : " and yet you hear the jolter heads congratulating
one another upon the increase of Manchester and such places."
And at the end of one of his rides he says : " For the present,
however, farewell to the country and now for the Wen and its
villainous corruptions . ' '
It was the condition of the people whom he saw with his own
eyes that infuriated Cobbett, caused his outbursts of anger and
his determination to continue the political struggle — ^the pretty
girls " ragged as colts and as pale as ashes " with their " blue
arms and lips," the miserable poverty, the dwelhngs " little
better than pig beds," the human wretchedness and want of
decent food — these sights make him cry — and we can almost
hear him shouting it out, " And this is 'prosperity is it ? These
Oh ! Pitt ! are the fruits of thy hellish system " ; and then we
get pages of invective.
Tired after his day and on one occasion putting in a paren-
thesis (" for I want to go to bed ") nevertheless he writes three
or four pages of attack on Canning. Indeed, nearly half the
journal is poUtical, and we often have complete reports of the
speeches he makes to farmers and others. But however effective
Cobbett may have been as a poHtical controversiaUst, however
amusing his sallies against ministers and Parliaments, that side
of him can be fully examined by a study of his speeches, articles
and pamphlets. In his journal we are, therefore, more inclined
to pick out the episodes and opinions which give us a more in-
timate view of the man. For instance, what could be more
human and charming than the httle incident with his son Richard,
"Who was his companion on one of his rides ?
286 ENGLISH DIARIES
One of the loops that held the strap of Richard's little portmanteau broke,
and it became necessary for me to fasten the portmanteau on before me, upon
my saddle. This, which was not the work of more than five minutes, would,
had I had a breakfast, have been nothing at all, and indeed, matter of laughter.
But now it was something. It was his "fault " for capering and jerking
about "so." I jumped off saying " Here ! I wiU carry it myself." And
then I began to take off the remaining strap, pulling with great violence and
in great haste. Just at this time, my eyes met his in which I saw great sur-
prise ; and feeling the just rebuke feeling heartily ashamed of myseK, I
instantly changed my tone and manner cast the blame upon the sadler
and talked of the effectual means which we would take to prevent the like
in the futiire.
Of course he draws a moral from the incident ;
If such was the efiect produced upon me by the want of food for only two
or three hoxirs me who had dined well the day before and eaten toast and
butter the over-night ... if this mere absence of a breakfast could thus put
me out of temper, how great are the allowances that we ought to make for
the poor creatures who in this once happy and now miserable country are
doomed to lead a life of constant labour and of half starvation.
After ministers of state, ministers of rehgion are the most
frequent target for Cobbett's wrath. We will give his account
of a sermon.
When I came to the place the parson was got into prayer. His hand
clenched together and held up his face turned up and back so as to be nearly
parallel with the ceiUng and he was bawHng away with his " do thou " and
" mayst thou " and " may we " enough to stun one. . . . After a deal of
this rigmarole called prayer came the preaching . . . such a mixtiu^e of whining
cant and of foppish affectation I scarcely ever heard in my life. (He gives
the text. ) . . . after as neat a dish of nonsense and impertinences as one could
wish to have served up came the distinction between the ungodly and the
sinner. . . . Both he positively told us were to be damned.
As he travels about the landowners are naturally the class
which stirs him to exasperation, though now and again he praises
the efforts of certain individuals. At Salisbury he fairly lets
himself go, and breaks out in one of the longest entries in his
journal, thus :
The baseness, the foul, the stinking, the carrion baseness of the fellows that
caU themselves " co\m.try gentlemen " is, that the wretches while railing
against the poor and the poor rates ; while aSecting to believe that the poor
are wicked and lazy ; while complaining that the poor, the working people,
are too numerous and that the country villages are too populovis ; the carrion
baseness of these wretches is that while they are thus bold with regard to the
working people, they never whisper a word against pensioners, placemen,
soldiers, parsons, fund holders, tax gatherers or taxeaters ! They say not a
word against the prolific dead-weight, to whom they give a premium for
breeding while they want to check the population of labourers ! They never
say a word about the too great populousnesa of the Wen ; nor about that of
WILLIAM COBBETT 287
Liverpool, Manchester, Cheltenham and the like ! Oh ! they are the most
cowardly the very basest, the most scandalously base reptiles that ever were
warmed into life by the rays of the sun !
Outside this class and the pohticians Cobbett does not express
any opinion on individuals in other walks of life. But we get in
one passage his opinion of Dr. Johnson, to whom he refers as
" a teacher of moping and melancholy."
If the writings of this time serving, mean, dastardly old pensioner had got
a firm hold of the minds of the people at large, the people would have been
bereft of their very souls. These writings, aided by the charm of pompous
sound were fast making their way, till light, reason and the French revolution
came to drive them into oblivion.
His son Richard, aged 11, has a passion for fox-hunting. His
father sees danger here, but says nothing discouraging about
fox-hunting. He craftily ends his discourse by declaring :
" but all gentlemen that go a foxhunting (I hope God will forgive me for the
lie) are scholars, Richard. It is not the riding nor the scarlet coats that make
them gentlemen ; it is their scholarship." What he thought I do not know ;
for he sat as mute as a fish and I covild not see his countenance. " So," said
I " you must now begin to learn something ; and you must begin to learn
arithmetic."
After a long discourse on how to teach arithmetic to children,
he ends up :
Nothing is so dangerous as supposing that you have eight wonders of the
world. I have no pretensions to any such possession. I look upon my boy
like other boys in general. Their fathers can teach aritlimetic as well as I ;
and if they have not a mind to pm-sue my method they must pursue their own.
Let them apply to the outside of the head and to the back if they like ; let
them bargain for thumps and the birch rod ; it is their affair not mine. I
never saw in my house a child that was afraid ; that was in any fear what-
soever ; that was ever for a moment under any sort of apprehension on
account of the learning of anything ; and I never in my life gave a command,
an order, a request or even advice to look into any book ; and I am satisfied
that the way to make children dimces, to make them detest books and justify
that detestation is to tease them and bother them upon the subject.
We must be satisfied with these brief extracts from a very
voluminous journal. They suffice perhaps to show us the man.
We see Cobbett in the pages of his country diary a mass of pre-
judices, boihng over with rage at injustice, vain, egotistical and
raging with uncontrolled fury against all, specially those highly
placed, who disagreed with him. We see too a man saturated
with the love of nature, kindly, domestic, witty and infinitely
shrewd, readily moved to anger by a pohtical challenge, but as
readily moved to love by the song of a lark.
QUEEN VICTORIA!
1832, Wednesday August 1. We left K.P. (Kensington Palace) at 6 min.
past 7 and went through the Lowerfield gate to the right. We went on and
turned to the left by the new road to Regent's Park. The road and scenery
is beautiful. 20 min. to 9. We have just changed horses at Barnet a very
pretty little town. 5 min. past J past 9. We have just changed horses at
St. Albans. The situation is very pretty and there is a beautiful old Abbey
there. 5 min. past 10. The coimtry is beautiful here ; they have begiin
to cut the corn ; it is so golden and fine that I think they will have a very
' good harvest at least here. There are also pretty hills and trees. 20 minutes
past 10. We have just passed a most beautiful old house in a fine park with
splendid trees. A i to 11. We have just changed horses at Dunstable
there was a fair there the booths filled with fruit, ribbons etc. looked very
pretty. The town seems old and there is a fine abbey before it. The coxmtry
is very bleak and chalky. 12 minutes to 12. We have just changed horses at
Brick hill. The coimtry is very beautiful about here. 19 min. to 1. We
have just changed horses at Stony Stratford. The coimtry is yery pretty.
About 4 past one o'clock we arrived at Towcester and landed there. At 14
minutes past 2 we left it. At J past 3. We have just changed horses at
Daventry. The road continues to be very dusty. 1 minute past J past 3.
We have just passed through Braunston where there is a curious spire. The
Oxford Canal is close to the town. 1 min. to 4. We have just changed
horses at Dunchurch and it is raining.
This is the first paragraph of the first entry in Queen Victoria's
diary which she began writing at the age of 13. There is nothing
in the least remarkable in a child eagerly writing in great detail the
first entry in a new diary book. But there is something very
remarkable in the fact that the child continued to write and that
the child, who lived to the age of 82, filled over a hundred volumes
with practically daily entries, kept up to the very end of her
hfe. In later years the lady-in-waiting wrote the details of the
functions while she herself noted her personal impressions. Of
these hundred volumes only extracts have been published covering
the period before her marriage 1832-1840 (pubhshed in 1912) and
extracts taken from the diaries between 1848-1862 and published
under the title of Leaves from the Journal of our Life in the High-
1 The Diary extracts from The Childhood of Queen Victoria are quoted by
kind permission of Viscount Esher and Mr. John Murray.
288
QUEEN VICTORIA 289
lands and More Leaves (1862-1882), both of them pubUshed during
the Queen's lifetime, the first in 1868, the second in 1883.
Future generations may read Queen Victoria's diary, we
have only got these scrupulously edited extracts. Editing,
as we have already had occasion to notice, does not improve
the quality of a diary, and often deprives us of much that might
be of real human interest. In the case of a sovereign who died
so recently editing becomes not only a personal but an official
matter. In the earlier diaries the dots and spaces are tantalizing ;
in the latter Leaves the passages were selected by the Queen
herself, the editor knowing that anything from her pen would
be likely to reach a very large public. As a diary they are of
little value. The early diaries, in spite of omissions, do disclose
to a considerable extent the personahty of the writer.
The Queen, Sir Arthur Helps tells us in the preface to the
Leaves, declared " that she had no skill whatever in authorship,"
and indeed it is apparent enough throughout that her literary
skill was very limited. It was not Fanny Burney's facility for
expression which induced her to keep a diary, nor was there any
desire for introspection, or self-analysis which a Windham might
show ; nor hke Wesley, another lifelong diarist, did she wish to
impart a lesson to her fellows by precept and example. She
simply acquired the habit wliich she regarded as a duty and
diligently noted events as a help, no doubt, to her memory,
which, as time proved, became wonderfully reliable.
But Queen Victoria, except perhaps in the first year or so of
her diaries, must have been aware that the diary of a sovereign
was certain one day to see the light. She might therefore have
posed for the picture, she might have written with her eye fixed
on posterity, she might have painted her own portrait with the
consciousness of her position in history. She did nothing of the
kind. And this brings us to the leading feature in the diary
which the published extracts illustrate quite sufficiently. It is
the most natural, misophisticated and ingenuous document that
can be imagined. There is no pose, no pretence, and more
especially no pretension, about it. The Queen did not have the
advantage of being brought up Hke Edward VI by an Ascham.
The precincts of an early nineteenth-century court did not con-
stitute a favourable atmosphere for intellectual development.
She was taught to be punctilious, and in spite of the awkward
and uncomfortable position of her mother, the Duchess of Kent,
her inchnations were intensely domestic. Punctilious domesticity
is essentially the characteristic of that period, and the reaction
19
290 ENGLISH DIARIES
from it which has been pushed to the opposite extreme in the
twentieth century will make many feel that her manner, her
habit of mind, her taste, and her method belong to an age they
have grown to regard with something like contempt. Nothing
would be easier than to make fun in the modem spirit of the
period and of the person whose name it takes and who is the
incarnation of it. The Queen's demonstrative raptures, her
superlatives, her limited vocabulary, do not contribute to literary
finish or thoughtful penetration. Moreover, as Lord Melbourne
said, " the life of Kings and Queens is not very amusing," and
" Uncle Leopold " (the Eng of the Belgians) went so far as to
say it was " very tiresome." In fact, the metier of a monarch is
not at all conducive to interest or entertainment in diary writing.
Ceremonies, functions, banquets, and parties are dull to read
about, however many great people may have been present at
them. Besides this, her indiscretions and probably too some
of her criticisms have all been carefully cut out. Nobody
can suppose that Queen Victoria throughout her hfe used super-
latives only in praise. Nevertheless, while we find no brilliant
phrases, no epigrams, no profound thought and no artistry what-
ever, and while the official blue pencil has no doubt deprived
us of much that might be interesting and amusing, the faithful
and wonderfully simple sincerity of the writer marks every page
we have and probably every page in the hundred volumes. In
fact it would not be too much to say that the young Queen infects
one with her enthusiasm for simple tilings. This ingenuousness
is the feature that will claim attention more in centuries to come
than in the immediately succeeding period when a revulsion
against the domestic virtues is the fashion of the time.
Whatever faults the Queen may have had, she was never indif-
ferent to what was passing round her. She was intensely interested
in life and full of vitahty and energy. " I love to be employed ;
I hate to be idle," she writes when she is 16, and would have written
the same when she was 60. Her sorrows and joys were acute
and she never restrained herself in recording them. So far as
we are allowed to see, the sorrows are all for losses by death.
Hers was not a temperament given to morbid dejection, but hke
all royal personages she was inclined to revel in woe. She cannot
find new words to express her feehngs, so she underUnes the old
ones. But she is quite incapable of affectation. She enters so
conscientiously into the duties and obligations of her isolated
and artificial position as to make one understand how she accepted
it quite naturally. She revealed herself far more than she knew
QUEEN VICTORIA 291
in her daily jottings. The early diaries give the clue to her
manner and method of diary writing, the later volumes show that
she did not change her style in middle age, and had we the hun-
dredth volume before us we should certainly find the same naiveU,
the same emphasis, the same absolutely unaffected and childhke
sincerity. The exterior visions we have first of the girl in sweeping
habit and feathered hat galloping along surrounded by ministers
and courtiers, then of the tiara'd, crinolined, radiant, Crystal
Palace Queen, then of the rarely seen, rather cross-looking widow
in a carriage, and finally of the softened and smihng old lady of
the Jubilees, correspond to no similar interior or mental changes.
In spite of the great sorrow which robbed her of the one person
whom she could treat as an equal and who saved her from her
complete isolation, she really remained the same. She stored
up her experiences carefully and found that their extent and the
accurate recollection of them served her well and proved a rather
formidable weapon in her old age.
The entries of the early diaries contain httle more than records
of events and ceremonies given very fully with a punctilious
regard for accuracy in titles and relationships. The smaller as
well as the greater pursuits are faithfully recorded. For instance,
an afternoon in 1832 is entered thus :
At one we lunched. I then played on the piano and at a little before 3
played billiards downstairs with Victoire and then went out walking. When
I came home 1 first worked and then we blew soap-bubbles.
And a visit to Plymouth in 1833 :
At about J past 9 we went on board the dear little Emerald. We were to be
towed up to Plymouth. Mama and Lehzen were very sick and I was sick for
about J an hour. At 1 I had a hot mutton chop on deck.
In 1837 she gives quite an amusing account of a game of
chess :
The rest of the evening I sat on the sofa with dearest Aunt Louise who
played at chess with me to teach me and Lord Melbourne sat near me. Lord
Tavistock, Lord Palmerston, Mrs. Cavendish, Sir J. Hobhouse and Mme de
M6rode sat round the table. Lord Melbourne, Lord Palmerston, Sir J.
Hobhouse, and later too Lord Conyngham all gave me advice and all different
advice about my playing at chess and all got so eager that it was very amusing ;
in particular Lord Palmerston and Sir J. Hobhouse who differed totally and
got quite excited and serious about it. Between them all I got quite beat and
Avint Louise triumphed over my Council of Ministers !
She loved playgoing, and many entries are occupied with descrip-
tions of plays and criticisms of actors. Her appreciation
j
292 ENGLISH DIARIES
acting remained throughout her hfe, and was as strong when
she was 80 as when she was 18.
On her sixteenth birthday she gives a long and elaborate
description of all the presents she receives, but she thinks she must
preface it by a few reflections in the copy-book morality stram :
To-day my 16th birthday ! How very old that sounds ; but I feel that the
two years to come tiU I attain my 18th are the most important of any almost.
I now only begin to appreciate my lessons and hope from this time on to make
great progress.
Throughout the diaries it wiU be found that the Queen's sorrows ^
were produced almost exclusively by the death of her friends and
relations. Mourning was a duty, and mourning was a function.
We see it at the age of 16 when a nurse who " was not a pleasant
person " dies and she Avrites : " it would be very wrong if I did
not feel her death," and she breaks out constantly mto " awful
and " dreadful " when recording the death of anyone she knew.
This attitude towards death was what she was taught by the
deans and bishops, and it must be remembered that black hearses,
plumes, mourning bands, crape, heavy horse cloths, drawn bUnds,
and all the rest of the hideous paraphernaha of mournmg had been
introduced by the Hanoverians and reached their highest pitch
in the nineteenth century as the pri\dlege of the rich and the
ambition of the poor. It was this way of regarding demonstra-
tions of mourning as a duty and as a sign of affection that induced
the Queen to exceed aU Mmits when her husband died. To her
all the years it lasted it was a sacred duty. No one dared teU
her that it was the most excessive self-indulgence.
Rehgion occurs in the diary occasionaUy in the form of thanks-
giving to God, accounts of sermons and Church ceremonies.
But she is determined not to be troubled by the confusions
of rehgious speculation. She writes at the age of 19 when the
tenets of various sects are explained to her :
I said one could get oneself quite puzzled by thinking too much about these
matters and that I thought it was wrong to do so.
And a year later :
I said that the use of the church was that it made one think of what one
would otherwise not think of.
She finds time on the very day of her accession to write a full
account of the momentous scene— and even to insert a briet
reflection ;
QUEEN VICTORIA 293
Since it has pleased Providence to place me in this station I shall do my
utmost to fulfil my duty towards my comatry. I am very young and perhaps
in many though not in all things inexperienced but I am sure that very few-
have more real good will and more real desire to do what is fit and right than
I have.
After her accession a large part of her diary is taken up with
records of her conversations with Lord Melbourne. He was
her first Prime Minister, her confidential adviser and her political
coach, and before her accession she had not come into close con-
tact with any intelligent people. She is therefore very naturally
impressed by him. As Mr. Strachey ^ says : " Upon every page
Lord M is present. Lord M is speaking, Lord M is being amusing,
instructive, delightful and affectionate at once, while Victoria
drinks in the honeyed words, laughs till she shows her gums,
tries hard to remember and runs off as soon as she is left alone to
put it all down." In addition to politics, they discuss books,
plays, education, food, clothes, gardens, and in fact every con-
ceivable topic that comes up. This is the sort of thing :
1837. Lord Melbovime rode near me the whole time. The more I see of
him and the more I know of him, the more I like and appreciate his fine and
honest character. I have seen a great deal of him every day these last 5 weeka
and I have always found him in good humour, kind, good and most agreeable :
I have seen him in my Closet for Political affairs, I have ridden out with him
(every day) I have sat near him constantly at and after dinner and talked
about all sorts of things and have always found him a kind and most excellent
and very agreeable man. I am very fond of him.
1838. I asked Lord Melbourne how he liked my dress. He said he thought
it" very pretty "and that " it did very well." He is so natural and funny
and nice about toilette and has very good taste, I think.
1839. Said to Lord M I was never satisfied with my own reading and thought
I put the wrong emphasis upon words ; he said " no you read very well ;
I thought you read it very well this morning ' ' ; and I said I often felt so con-
scious of saying stupid things in conversation and that I thought I was often
very childish " You've no reason to think that " said Lord M and that I
feared I often asked him tiresome and indiscreet questions and bored him
Never the least " he replied " You ought to ask."
Talked of my being so sUent which I thought wrong and uncivil as I hated
it in others. " Silence is a good thing " said Lord M " if you have nothing
to say." I said I hated it in others and that it annoyed me when he was
silent. " I'm afraid I am so sometimes " he said " won't say a word." Yes
I said that nothing could be got out of him sometimes. " And that you
dislike ? " he said. Yes, I said, it made me imhappy, which made him
laugh.
^ Queen Victoria, by Lytton Strachey.
294 ENGLISH DIARIES
Talked to Lord M of his being tired and I said he mustn't go to sleep before
so many people for that he generally snored ! ' ' That proclaims it too much,"
he said, in which I quite agreed.
In her historical conversations with Lord Melbourne we get her
opinions on some of her predecessors. She is very much shocked
at the way Henry VIII treated his wives. " Spoke of Charles I
whom I thought much to blame." " I observed that Richard
III was a very bad man : Lord Melbourne also thinks he was a
horrid man," and she makes him tell her many anecdotes about
George III and George IV.
Dancing was a great joy to her, and she describes balls with
great enthusiasm. " I never enjoyed myself more. We were all
so merry." " It was a lovely ball, so gay, so nice, and I felt so
happy and so merry."
When Prince Albert appears on the scene the intensity of
rapture reaches a superlative degree.
First of all with his brother Ernest,
those dearest beloved Cousins whom I do love so very very dearly ; much inore
dearly than any other cousins in the world.
" It was with some emotion that I beheld Albert who is beauti-
ful .. . he is so handsome and pleasing ... he dances so beauti-
fully," etc., and she describes " his exquisite nose," and " dehcate
mustachios and slight but very slight whiskers." Her reluctance
to marry disappears and the intimacy advances : "I played 2
games of Tactics with dear Albert and 2 at Fox and Geese. Stayed
up till 20 m.'past 11. A deUghtful evening." Two days later she
describes her proposal.
At about i p. 12 I sent for Albert : he came to the Closet where I was alone
and after a few minutes I said to him that I thought he must be aware why
I wished him to come here— and that it would make me too happy if he would
consent to what I wished (to marry me). We embraced each other and he
was so kind and so affectionate. I told him I was quite unworthy of him —
he said he would be very happy " das Leben mit dir zu zubringen " and was
BO kind and seemed so happy that I really felt it was the happiest moment in
my life.
In the afternoon she sees Lord Melbourne, and after some
prehminary remarks about the weather and Lord Huntingdon's
rank,
I then began and said I got well through this with Albert " Oh ! you have "
said Lord M.
Under the ingenuous innocence and simplicity and among the
QUEEN VICTORIA 295
sincere confessions of her own shortcomings, one looks for traces
of the development of the Queen's determination which Greville
described as her peremptory disposition and which some may
have characterised as obstinacy, and one finds them.
On the subject of vaccination Lord Melbourne has some difficulty
in persuading her :
Said to Lord M. I should resist about this vaccination ; " Oh ! no you'll
do it," he said kindly : I said No and that no one could force me to it ; he
agreed in that but strongly urged it and said earnestly " Do."
After she had been two years on the throne Lord Melbourne tells
her :
I said to Stanley it's far better that the Queen should be thought high and
decided than that she should be thought weak. ' By God ! ' he said ' they
don't think that of her ; you needn't be afraid of that.' Lord M. seeraed to
say this with pleasure.
Pohtically her first exhibition of determination was with Sir
Robert Peel over the question of her retaining the Ladies of the
Bedchamber on the change of government. Here is part of
the account she gives to Lord Melbourne of the proceedings :
Soon after this, Sir Robert said " Now about the Ladies " upon which I
said I coidd not give up any of my Ladies and never had imagined such a
thing ; he asked if I meant to retain all ; all I said ; the Mistress of the Robes
and the Ladies of the Bedchamber ? he asked. I replied all . . . they were
of more consequence than the others and I could not consent and that it had
never been done before ; he said I was a Queen Regnant and that made the
difference ; not here, I said — and I maintained my right.
Whether the Queen was right or wrong is not the question.
At the age of 20 she stood up to Sir Robert Peel, so that he refused
to form a government.
Over the question of the rank to be given to Prince Albert
she expresses herself very forcibly to Lord Melbourne and she
ends her record of the conversation :
I feared I vexed him, kind, good man as he looked, I think, grieved at my
pertinacity.
And we notice the order of the last words in the last published
entry describing her marriage :
We took leave of Mama and drove o££ at near 4 ; I and Albert alone.
It will not be difficult to find other examples of " pertinacity "
when the many other volumes of the diary appear.
296 ENGLISH DIARIES
She mentions the books she reads, and of course the books
Lord Melbourne recommends her to read, but she was not a
great reader, although she conscientiously ploughed through
some rather stiff volumes.
Although in one entry she says she dislikes " to hear nothing
else but Polities and always Politics," she took a sufficiently
close interest in affairs to have a strong political bias, and it was
some httle time before she overcame her prejudice against Sir
Robert Peel. Parallels to this also would be found later in her
reign.
Leaves from the Journal of our Life in the Highlands are simply
descriptive extracts of expeditions in Scotland lifted out of the
Queen's diaries. The Queen was at first reluctant to publish
them, but her scruples were overcome by editor and publisher.
They knew, no doubt, that an author counts more than a book
with the public, and that anything written by the Sovereign,
no matter what it was, would be safe to have an immense success.
Moreover, at the time of publication the Queen in her retirement
had become a very distant unknown figure. A book showing
she was an ordinary human being with simple domestic tastes
was likely to be appreciated, so descriptions of her expeditions
and pursuits at Balmoral were collected and printed.
The style is very much the same as the style of the early diaries,
but the entries are so much cut and trimmed and edited for public
consumption that the charm of personality is almost entirely
eliminated, and there remains only bald records of the days
which gave her great happiness, or in the second volume recollec-
tions of and regrets over past happiness. The domestic scenes
presented and rather sentimentally described appealed to a
majority of those who read them, and the picture of the fond
wife and in the second volume of the sorrowing widow came to
constitute the sole conception of the Queen in the eyes of her
people. They had not seen the earlier diaries, they were not
allowed to see anything else. Ordinary people revelled in being
able to read something written by a Queen; superior people
laughed at the childish narratives, which were entirely devoid
of literary merit or political interest. Neither of them wondered
whether they were not being presented with a very incomplete
picture, nor did they pause to speculate what that part of the diary
recorded which they were not allowed to see. In fact, they were
all rather taken in.
For instance, they read that in October, 1868, the Queen, accom-
panied by her gillies and attendants, went to a housewarming
QUEEN VICTORIA 297
at a little house at Glassalt Shiel, where reels were danced and
whisky toddy drunk, Ross played the pipes, and the cook, the
housemaids, the stablemen, and the pohceman joined the party.
But they were not told that a week or two earlier the Queen
was writing to Disraeli practically dictating to him with regard
to certain ecclesiastical appointments and getting her own way.^
I Again in September, 1874, they read a description of the home-
coming of the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh with " Brown in
full dress on the rumble " ; Marie " in a brown travelMng dress
with a hat," the playing of the pipes, the dancing of reels, and
the drinking of healths. But they did not hear that in the same
month the Queen was having important consultations with
' Disraeli, who wrote from Balmoral to Lady Bradford saying,
" She opened all her heart and mind to me and rose immensely
in my intellectual estimation. Free from all shyness she spoke
with great animation and happy expressions, showed not only
I perception but discrimination of character and was most interesting
and amusing." "^
There is little that is worth quoting from the Leaves. The
rapture over life in the Highlands occurs again and again.
There is a great peculiarity about the Highlands and the Highlanders ;
and they are such a chivalrous, fine active people. Our stay among them
was so delightful. Independently of the beautiful scenery there was a quiet,
a retirement, a wildness, a liberty, and a solitude that had such a charm for
us.
The pure mountain air was most refreshing. All seemed to breathe freedom
and peace and to make one forget the world and its sad turmoils.
She goes for long expeditions of several days to remote parts
of the Highlands incognito, and the amusement and entertainment
of being able to behave and be regarded as an ordinary mortal
entranced her. They were the only httle ventures she ever
made in the Haroun al-Raschid style. We get accounts of her
visits to cottages and her conversations with the old women.
She shows the same interest and accurate knowledge of the
relationships and careers of her gillies, pipers, attendants, dressers
and wardrobe women as for those of the Royal Family and the
aristocracy. And of course in the first volume Albert's sporting
exploits and doings figure very largely. There are accounts, too,
of the rejoicings over the fall of Sebastopol and the reception
of the news of the death of the Duke of Welhngton.
An instance of how one diarist can be checked by another
1 Life of Benjamin Disraeli, Vol. V, 64-67.
2 Ibid., Vol. V, p. 344,
298 ENGLISH DIARIES
occurs in her entry of September 13, 1850. Lord Carlisle, as we
shall see, notes that the Queen, in her anxiety at seeing the Prince
Consort rush to the rescue of two men who were in danger in the
river, "pinched me very much." And the Queen writes:
There was a cry for help and a general rush including Albert towards the
spot which frightened me so much that I grasped Lord Carlisle's arm in great
agony.
The Queen made £2,500 by the pubhcation of the Leaves, and
with the money she founded university and school bursaries for
the people at Balmoral.
As already noted, so far as diary is concerned between 1840
and 1900, these little scraps of what may be called holiday notes
tell us very little, although at the time of their publication they
were eagerly read as giving a complete picture of the Queen.
Since then we have had two volumes of her letters, two volumes
of her early diaries and her correspondence with Disraeh. There
in a great deal more to come. The portrait is still incomplete.
So far as she was at all conscious of any reader as she wrote,
it seems clear that the Queen wrote for herself in her old age,
and marginal notes in the diaries show that she re-read them.
Their eventual fate, she, like many other diarists, probably never
considered.
The fiill disclosure of the life and activities of Queen Victoria
is not going to reveal that the childishness, ingenuousness and
simplicity were a pose, and that hidden behind this there was a
Machiavellian figure of masterly intellectual powers. Nothing
as crude as that. If we may venture to prophesy, when the
whole story is known— and the hundred volumes of the diary
will reveal more than all the histories and memoirs— it will be found
that what we see of her abeady in the material pubHshed is a true
picture. She was ingenuous, she was simple, she was entirely
without affectation, she was not highly educated, she was punc-
tilious and domestic, she had strong prejudices and she was obstin-
ate. But it wiU be found also that there was a very pronounced
personahty, formed partly by the immense range of her experience
which was carefully stored in a very retentive memory, partly
too by an individual charm, which struck as much those who
came in contact with her in the last years of her hfe as the min-
isters who were assembled round the table at Kensington Palace
on June 20, 1837; and that this personahty, enhanced by a
very rare distinction of manner and bearing, by no means habitual
with sovereigns, gave her a curiously indefinable but very strong
QUEEN VICTORIA 299
influence over all who were brought into relation with her, were
they monarchs, ministers of State or gillies. Moreover, she was well
aware of her own limitations, and would never attempt to assert
herself unless she was quite sure of her ground. In fact. Queen
Victoria wall be found to be a notable instance of the triumph of
character where knowledge and talents might have failed. The
image of the devoted wife and sorrowing widow did very well for
pubhc consumption while she lived ; she was quite content to
leave it at that, and every one accepted it as authentic.
Whether she interfered where she ought not to have, whether
she showed unfair bias, whether she was constitutional or uncon-
stitutional, are matters open to dispute. The conclusion that
will eventually emerge will be that she impressed her personality
to an unsuspected degree on her surroundings, and that the author-
ity which came from such simple sources was more baffling and
irresistible than the decrees of an autocrat.
CAROLINE FOX
IN the Introduction the opinion has been ventured that Caro-
line Fox stands first among Enghsh women diarists. This
opinion should be quahfied by adding, " judging by what we
see of her journal"; because her editor gives only extracts
which, numerous as they are, are confined for the most part to
objective memoranda ; and he remarks in the preliminary memoir,
" It is hoped that nothing will be found in these pages which should
seem like drawing aside the curtains that ought to be left covering
the inner life of all." We are always coming across these curtains,
and we must frankly confess that from the point of view of a
reader they are a nuisance. The inner Mfe is the very life we want
to hear about, and without any question in the case of Caroline \
Fox a closer view of herself would be in the very highest sense of
the word edifying. While a Quaker and devoted to religion in
the narrower meaning of the word, she displays such breadth of
view, such wise philosophic penetration, such balanced and well-
proportioned opinions and such an apparent absence of vain
outbursts of self-reproach, that her account of her inner conflicts
and of life's struggles about which she must have written would
have been specially interesting. The curtains, we are glad to
say, have not been effectively closed on all her subjective reflec-
tions, and when we Hght on such reflections or on references to
religion they are never oppressively serious, never dry and never
accompanied by painful puffs of strained earnestness.
It may be said that the journal comes under the category
of social diaries against which disparaging criticism has been
levelled. It does to some extent. But the society is her own,
and although she was acquainted with people of note, she is
not hunting celebrities, there is no breathless strain to coHect
snippets of gossip or to introduce hsts of great names. There
is no pursuit of notoriety. It is the calm atmosphere of easy
and interesting intercourse, reproduced not only faithfully but
with the skiU that makes the arguments and opinions expressed
attractive to a reader. Not the verbatim method of Fanny
300
CAROLINE FOX 301
Burney, which must entail a great deal of invention, but the
epitome produced by a mind which is absolutely up to the level
of the talkers or disputants.
The diary is difficult to describe. It is one of the minority
which should be read from cover to cover. It includes the years
1835 to 1871. She was 16 when she began it. Her horne was at
Penjerick, in Cornwall. Her father, one of the well-known
Quaker family, was a distinguished scientific man ; and it was
the conversation of his friends that the young girl began to note
with wonderfully precocious powers of understanding and appre-
ciation.
The always vexed question of motive in journal writing seems
in the case of Caroline Fox to be more or less explained by an
entry she makes in 1855 soon after the death of her brother, to
whom she was specially devoted. She writes :
I could fill volumes with remembrances and personal historiettes of inter-
esting people but for whom should I record them now ?
In the early years one is struck by the maturity and restraint
of the style as well as by the alertness of her powers of observation.
She was an exact contemporary of Queen Victoria, and there is
as little similarity in the style and mental vision of the two girls
as there was in their circumstances and surroundings.
It is true that in Caroline Fox's diary as given to us there
is hardly enough childishness to be quite natural, and had it
not been that she was evidently endowed with a sense of humour
her intellectuality might at times have become rather excessive.
When she is 17 she gives an amusing description of the Begum
of Oude, whom she meets in London, whose face was one " of
quick sagacity but extreme ugliness."
She and Papa talked a little theology, she of course began it. "I believe
but one God very bad not to think so ; you believe Jesus Christ was prophet ? ' '
Papa said " Not a prophet but the son of God." " How you think so, God
Almighty never marry."
Caroline Fox became close friends with John Sterling, John
Stuart Mill and the Carlyles, and it is her record of conversa-
tions with them that has made her diary of special interest.
Mill she describes as
a man of extraordinary power and genius, the founder of a new school in
metaphysics and a most charming companion.
The conversations invariably fall into a more or less philosophic
302 ENGLISH DIARIES
strain, and she gives Mill's opinions with a clearness and precision
which he himself could not have surpassed.
Mill unburdens himself to her, tells her of his childhood, and
expresses doubt about the intellectual discipline to which he
was subjected.
This method of early intense application he would not recommend to others ;
in most cases it would not answer, and where it does the buoyancy of youth is
entirely superseded by the maturity of manhood and action is very likely to
be merged in reflection.
He takes the most lively interest in the Quakers and asks her
all about them. He concocts for her " an almanack of the odours
that scent the air " arranged chronologically according to months,
beginning with the laurel and ending with the lime.
With Sterling her conversations range over a large field, but she
manages so to arrange the arguments and opinions as to make
every entry attract a reader's rapt attention.
We may give an example of a full entry which incidentally
shows the diarist's incHnation for introspection.
At one o'clock J. Sterling entered and annovmced he had bought Dr. Don-
elly's house ! How little did we think of such a climax a month since and
even now I cannot realise it. They intend moving early in the summer.
We talked about motives ; he does not like too much self scrutiny and would
rather advise " Take the best and wisest coiu-se, do what you know is right,
and then don't puzzle yourself in weighing yovir motives ; forget yourself in
the object of your striving as much as possible ; any examination which brings
Self under any colom-s into the foregroxmd is bad." I don't altogether agree
with him here for a hearty sincere inlook tends I think in no manner to self
glorification. He talked of the strange breaking up of Sects and bodies,
everywhere remarkable, with a half melancholy sagacity mixed with wondering
imcertainty. There is so much of the destructive spirit abroad that the
creative or at least the constructive must be cherished. After a very interest-
ing hour or two we separated.
The first time she sees Carlyle is in 1840 at one of his lectures
on " Hero Worship."
Carlyle soon appeared and looked as if he felt a well dressed London crowd
scarcely the arena for him to figure in as a popular lecturer. He is a tall,
robust looking man ; rugged simplicity and indomitable strength are in his
face and such a glow of genius in it — ^not always smouldering there but flashing
from his beautiful grey eyes, from the remoteness of their deep setting imder
that massive brow. His manner is very quiet but he speaks like one tremend-
ously convinced of what he utters and who had much — very much — in him
that was quite unutterable, quite vmfit to be uttered to the xminitiated ear ;
and when the Englishman's sense of beauty or truth exhibited itself in vocifer-
ous cheers, he would impatiently almost contemptuously wave his hand as if
IJiat were not the sort of homage which Truth demanded. He began in a
CAROLINE FOX 303
rather low nervous voice with a broad Scotch accent but it soon grew firm
and shrank not abashed from its great task. ■*
Then follows a clear epitome of the whole lecture. Of Carlyle's
forlorn view of his physical health she speaks, telling how one
day he said to Dr. Calvert :
Well, I can't wish Satan anything worse than to try to digest for all eternity
with my stomach ; we shouldn't want fire and brimstone then.
Here is Carlyle on Mill :
He is still too fond of demonstrating everything. If John Mill were to get
up to heaven he would hardly be content till he had made out how it all was.
She goes frequently to see the Carlyles, has long talks with
Mrs. Carlyle, and then the great man comes in.
Carlyle wandered down to tea looking dusky and aggrieved at having to
live in such a generation ; but he was very cordial to us notwithstanding.
Sterhng knows she keeps a diary, and asks her why she does not
describe the appearance of people as well as their conversation.
She immediately starts on him, and not only do we get his appear-
ance but a wonderfully penetrating sketch of his character, which
ends :
In argument he commonly listens to his antagonists sentiments with a
smile less of conscious superiority than of affectionate contempt — I mean
what would express " Poor dear ! she knows no better." In argument on
deep or serious subjects however he looks earnest enough and throws his
ponderous strength into reasoning and feeling ; small chance then for the
antagonist who ventures to come to blows ! He can make him and his
arguments look so small ; for truth to teU, he dearly loves this indomitable
strength of his ; and I doubt any human power brruging him to an acknow-
ledgment of a mistake with the consequent conviction tht the other party
was right. Sterling possesses a quickness and delicacy of perception quite
feminine and with it a power of originating deep and striking thoughts and
making them the foundation of a regular and compact series of consequences
and deductions such as only a man, and a man of extraordinary power of close
thinking and clearness of vision, can attain vmto. He is singularly unin-
fluenced by the opinions of others, preferring on the whole to run counter to
them than make any approach to a compromise.
Here is her description of Wordsworth :
He is a man of middle height and not very striking appearance, the
low part of the face retreating a little ; his eye of a somewhat French diplo-
matic character with heavy eye lids and none of the flashing one connects
with poetic genius. 'When speaking earnestly his manner and voice become
extremely energetic ; and the peculiar emphasis and even accent he throws
into some words add considerably to their force. He evidently loves
804 ENGLISH DIARIES
the monologue style of conversation but shows great candoiir in giving due
consideration to any remarks which others may make. His manner is
simple, his general appearance that of the abstract thinker whom his subject
gradually warms into poetry.
Caroline Fox's own opinions and reflections do not occur at
all frequently. She was no egotist, she was interested in studying
others. But occasionally we have ghmpses of her calm philoso-
phic disposition. A few of these entries may be quoted :
How I like things to be done quietly and without fuss. It is the fuss and
bustle principle which must proclaim itself until it is hoarse that wars against
Truth and Heroism. Let Truth be done in silence " till it is forced to speak "
and then should it only whisper, all those whom it may concern will hear.
But — I ventured to say — rather than this harassmg search amongst the
multitude of conflicting rays which show but an infinite number of tiny light
beams would it not be wiser in simplicity and faith to direct the earnest gaze
upward where all rays of light converge in one gloriovis focus and inward if
one ray is permitted to shine there to guide the teachable spirit through this
misty half -developed chaos of a world.
I have assumed a name to-day for my religious principles— Quaker Catho-
licism—having direct spiritual teaching for its distinctive dogma yet recognis-
ing the high worth of all other forms of Faith ; a system in the sense of inclusion,
not exclusion ; an appreciation of the imiversal and various teachings of the
spirit, through the faculties given us or independent of them.
My birthday ; it seems as if my f utvire life might well be spent in giving
tharia for ail the mercies of the past.
The full year is coming to an end. How much of anxiety and pain and grief
it has contained, but how much too of support and strength and comfort
granted through all, difficulties conquered, paths made clear, duties made
pleasant, very much to strengthen our faith and to animate our love. Our
home life now looks clear and bright and we aU go on cheerily together ; the
sense of change is everywhere but the presence of the Changeless one is nearer
stm.
But, as we have said, the serious note is never overstressed.
The ridiculous is always able to amuse her.
At meeting a Friend spoke very sweetly but from circumstances over which
she had little control her sermon forcibly reminded me of " going to Bexico
to zee the Bunkies."
A damsel belonging to Barclay's establishment being here I thought it
right " to try and do her good " so I asked her after many unsuccessful
questions if she had not heard of the Lord's coming into the World. " Why "
she said, ' ' I may have done so but I have forgot it. " " But surely you must
have heard your master read about it and heard of it at school and church
and chapel." " Very likely I have" said she placidly " but it has quite
slipped my memory I " and this uttered with a lamb-like face and a mild blue
eye.
CAROLINE FOX 305
She introduces, too, a number of good stories which are far
above the average anecdotes often collected in diaries. We may
quote one :
Talked of Taylor, Irving, Coleridge, and Charles Lamb being together ;
and the conversation turning on Mahomet, Irving reprobated him in his
strongest manner as a prince of imposters without earnestness and without
faith. Taylor thinking him not fairly used defended him with much spirit.
On going away Taylor could not find his hat and was looking about for it
when Charles Lamb volunteered his assistance with the query " Taylor,
did you come in a h-h-hat or a t-t-t-turban ? "
She refers to her health occasionally, but probably the editor
has cut out many of these passages. Her weather remarks differ
from the usual perfunctory note :
Such a beautiful day, that one felt quite confused how to make the most of
it and accordingly frittered it away.
A wet day and all its luxuries.
A fine day and all its liabilities.
There is a good account of her miraculous escape from a bull
which pursued her. She lay insensible on the ground, the fierce
animal pawing and snorting but never touching her. She de-
scribes the curious thoughts that coursed through her dazed brain
as she lay on the ground.
CaroMne Fox travelled abroad several times, and in 1863 went
with her father to Spain. In spite of her faihng health in the
last years, she always remained cheerful, and she was going the
round of the cottages with New Year gifts a fortnight before she
died in 1871, at the age of 52.
Her journals, together with some of her letters, were published
with her sister's consent in 1882.
20
GENERAL GORDON
DURING the Taiping revolt in China, when Gordon con-
ducted the successful operations which eventuaUy cul-
minated in the complete suppression of the revolutionary
movement, for a few weeks in 1863 he kept a diary. It is written
in the third person, very brief and exclusively concerned with
military matters. It was subsequently pubHshed with notes
and explanation by S. Mossman, but it does not call for any com-
ment. ,,.•!. 4.
Gordon's reputation was made in China, but pubhc mterest
in him centres round the great tragedy which closed his career
twenty years later. We have from his pen a complete daily
diary kept by him at Khartoum in 1884 from September 10 up
to December 14, six weeks before he was killed.
No sketch of Gordon's adventurous career is needed, he is
far too well-known a national figure. As we are only concerned
here with the period covered by his diary, it will be sufficient
to say that in January, 1884, he was ordered to Khartoum to
report on the best method of carrying out the evacuation of the
Soudan, and was appointed Governor- General by the Khedive.
This is a diary deahng with a very special set of circumstances
and events, and we might easily be led into a discussion of the
ins and outs and the rights and wrongs of the pohcy pursued,
and be drawn into the heated controversy which raged at the
time and continued a long time after the faU of Khartoum. We
must take special care, therefore, to observe the practice which
has been foUowed throughout in the examination of diaries,
namely, to concentrate our attention on the diary itself from the
point of view of the diarist and not from the point of view of the
events he records. We shaU see the events, therefore, through
Gordon's spectacles, and however much there may be to be said
for or against his actions and opinions, that must be left to the
historical student ; it does not concern us here.
The journal consists of six volumes, each one of which was
306
GENERAL GORDON 307
sent down at intervals from Khartoum wrapped up in a hand-
kerchief or a glasscloth. It gives a complete and detailed narra-
tive of events and the most outspoken expressions of opinion.
While the soldier and administrator deals with the daily occur-
rences of the memorable siege, it is not by any means a dry
military record. The style is unconventional and relieved with
touches of satirical humour, and the story told of those days of
tragic apprehension is intensely human and eminently readable.
Gordon had the reputation of being eccentric in matters of
religion, but there is in the diary far less than one might expect
of definitely religious character apart from quotations from the
Bible. In every page of it we can see his character, masterful,
determined, obstinate, human, sometimes apprehensive, but never
despairing, turning his impatience and indignation at the follies
to which he was being sacrificed into jest and firmly resolved not
to betray those around him who were sharing with him the ever-
growing danger. Like the man in Edgar Allan Poe's story,
he saw the walls closing in on him. Now and again the in-
evitable disaster strikes him, but he never dwells on it long.
Gordon wrote for publication. He wanted the Government
and the country to know what he thought and to learn the true
story of events. Each section of the journal was marked, " This
journal will want pruning out if thought necessary to publish."
Very few pages were omitted when the whole journal appeared
in print.
The military details are all carefully set out and often accom-
panied by maps and diagrams : raids, rumours with regard to
the Mahdi's position, reports from spies, the despatch of mes-
sengers, calculations of the quantity of stores and ammunition,
and the daily events in the garrison and town. Trifles, too, are
not omitted, as when he is stung by a scorpion in his sponge and
when a mouse comes on to the table and eats out of his plate.
He draws little pictures and caricatures now and then. There
is a sketch of an Egyptian official with large collars under which
he writes : " Mr. Gladstone has a rival up here in shirt collars."
The funny side of things struck him as he wrote and he cannot
help bringing it in. He has a peculiar way of breaking away
from a subject which he thinks is getting tiresome and suddenly
writing an imaginary dialogue or making some apparently irrele-
vant but humorous reflections.
Various forms and instances of treachery were the chief cause
of harassment to Gordon. Apostasy even on the part of Euro-
peans was not uncommon. On this he writes :
308 ENGLISH DIARIES
It is not a small thing for a European for fear of death to deny oiir faith ;
it was not so in old times and it should not be regarded as if it was taking off
one coat and putting on another. If the Christian faith is a myth then let
men thi-ow it off but it is mean and dishonourable to do so merely to save
one's life if one believes it is the true faith. . . . Treachery never succeeds
and however matters may end, it is better to fall with clean hands than to be
mixed up with dubious acts and dubious men. I am using this argument with
them, in saying : " You ask me to become a Mussulman to save my life and
you yourself acknowledge Mahomet Achmet as the Mahdi to save your lives ;
why, if we go on this principle we will be adopting every religion whose
adherents threaten o\ar existence, for you know and own when you are safe
that Mahomet Achmet is not the Mahdi."
Deplorable as much of the material was which he had on his
side (for it must be remembered he had not a single British soldier),
the idea of throwing them over or letting them down never
entered his head. In addition to his garrison the civil popula-
tion numbered about 40,000. But let us hear Gordon on diplo-
matists. They are the chief obj ect of his irony, not always perhaps
quite fairly, but, considering his position, very naturally :
We are an honest nation but our diplomatists are conies and not officially
honest.
I must say I do not love diplomatists as a rale (and I can fancy the turning
up of noses at my venturing to express an opinion on them) I mean in their
official attire, for, personally, the few I know are most agreeable . . . but
taking them on their rostrum with their satellites, from their chiefs down to
the smaller fry no one can imagine a more imsatisfactory lot of men to have to
do anything with.
I am svire I should like that fellow Egerton (acting agent and consul-general
at Cairo). There is a light hearted jocularity about his commimications and
I should think the cares of life sat easily on him. Notice the slip in the
margin. He wishes to know exactly " day, hoiu: and minute " that he (Gor-
don) expects to be m " difficulties as to provisions and ammmiition." Now I
really think if Egerton was to turn over the " archives " (a delicious word) of
his office he would see we had been in difficulties for provisions for some
months. It is as if a man on the bank having seen his friend in a river ah-eady
bobbed down two or three times hails " I say, old fellow, let us know when we
are to throw you the life buoy, I know you have bobbed down two or tlu-ee
times, but it is a pity to throw you the life buoy vmtil you really are in extremis,
and I want to know exactly for I am a man brought up in a school of exactitude
though I ^d forget (?) to date my June telegram about that Beduin escort
contract."
" I must say I hate our diplomatists." Under this remark there
is a very funny caricature of Egerton and Evelyn Baring. Egerton
says " I can't beUeve it, it is too dreadful," and Baring : " Most
serious ! Is it not ? He calls us humbugs ! arrant humbugs ! "
Evelyn Baring (afterwards Lord Cromer), who, it will be re
GENERAL GORDON 309
membered, never approved of Gordon's mission, comes in also
for his share of the diarist's irony. Gordon writes a dozen lines
and then crosses them out, and goes on :
All the scratched out portion is abuse of Baring. Some one said " If you
feel angry ^then write your angry letter and then tear it up. ' ' It certainly does
relieve the mind to write one's bile and it is good also to scratch it out for I
daresay Baring is doing his duty better than I am ; he is certainly more
patriotic if patriotism consists in obedience to the existing Government of
one's cotmtry.
There was a rumour that Baring himself was coming up.
If Baring does bump his way up here (on a camel) as British Commissioner
I shall consider he has expiated his faults and shall forgive him.
And later we have an amusing imaginary speech by Baring
arriving, " every bone in my body dislocated with those beastly
camels," and expressing horror at the deplorable tone of Gordon's
journal.
Lord Granville, of course, is a special target for his bitterest
sarcasm. He depicts him at Walmer reading his Times and
enlarging with impatience and indignation on the fact that
Khartoum was still holding out. Some of these passages, however,
are suppressed by the editor.
In the following extract he includes himself in his laugh :
We seldom realise our position. In ten or twelve yeai's time Baring, Lord
Wolseley, myself, Evelyn Wood etc. will have no teeth, and will be deaf ; some
of us will be quite passe ; no one will come and court us ; new Barings, new
Lord Wolseleys will have arisen who wiU call us " bloaks " and " twaddlers."
" Oh ! for goodness' sake come away, then ! Is that dreadful bore coming ?
If once he gets along side of you, you are in for half an hour " will be the
remark of some yoimg captain of the present time on seeing you enter the
aub.
In the middle of his entry on October 22 he suddenly breaks
off into a skit on a debate in the House of Lords :
House of Lords ... in answer to questions put by the . . . of . . , replied
that the noble marquis seemed to take a special delight in asking questions
which he knew he (. . .) could not answer. He could say he had given a
deal of time and attention to the aiJairs of the Soudan, but he frankly acknow-
ledged that the names of places and people were so mixed up that it was
impossible to get a true view of the case (a laugh). The noble Marquis asked
what the policy of His Majesty's Government was ? It was as if he asked
the policy of a log floating down stream ; it was going to the sea, as any one
who had an ounce of brains could see. Well, that was the policy of it, only
it was a decided policy and a straightforward one to drift along and take
advantage of every circumstance. His Lordship deprecated the frequent
310 ENGLISH DIARIES
questioning on subjects which, as His Lordship had said, he knew nothing
about and further did not care to know anything about.
His indignation with the Government is more serious : " I
should be an angel (which I am not needless to say) if I was not
rabid with Her Majesty's Government," he writes; and this
brings us to his constant survey of the position and his reiteration
time after time that the rescue of the garrison is the real object.
As for " evacuation " it is one thing ; as for " ratting out " it is another,
I am quite of advice as to No. 1 but I will be no party to No. 2.
I altogether decline the imputation that the projected expedition has come
out to relieve me. It has come out to Save our national honour in extricating
the garrisons from a position our action in Egypt has placed these garrisons.
My idea is to induce Her Majesty's Government to undertake the extrication
of all people or garrisons now hemmed in or captive and that if this is not
their prograrome then to resign my commission and do what I can to attain
it (the object).
I hope I am not going down to History as being the cause of this expedition
for I decline the imputation. The expedition comes up to deliver the garrisons.
Oh ! our Government, our Government ! What has it not to answer
for? Not to me but to these poor people. I declare if I thought the town
wished the Mahdi, I would give up ; so much do I respect free wiU.
And here is a remarkable prophetic utterance.
We are a wonderful people ; it was never our Government which made us
a great nation ; our Government has been ever the drag on our wheels. It
is of course on the cards that Kartoum is taken under the nose of the expedi-
tionary force which will be just too late.
Although they occur again and again with frequency we will
only give one more of these emphatic statements.
It may be urged I was named Governor-General " in order to carry out the
evacuation of the Soudan ■■ and that I am bound to carry that out, which is
quite correct, but I was named for Evacuation of Soudan, not to run away from
Kartoum and leave the garrisons elsewhere to their fate.
Of course, as he explains more than once, if it were a question
of saving his skin he could easily have escaped.
As for the Mahdi, Gordon's opinion of him is lowered when he
hears that he puts pepper under his nails and then when he receives
visitors touches his eyes and weeps copiously.
I must confess that the pepper business has sickened me ; I had hitherto
hoped I had to do with a regular fanatic, who believed in his mission, but
when one comes to pepper in the finger nails, it is rather humiliating to havQ
to succumb to him and somehow I have the belief that I shall not have to do
GENERAL GORDON 311
so. One cannot help being amtised at this pepper business. Those who
come in for pardon come in on their knees with a halter round their neck.
The Mahdi rises having scratched his eyes and obtained a copious flow of
tears and takes off his halter ! As the production of tears is generally con-
sidered the proof of sincerity I would recommend the Mahdi 'a recipe to
Cabinet Ministers justifying some job.
But speaking as a soldier, he says :
From a professional military point of view and speaking materially I wish
I was the Mahdi and I would laugh at all Europe.
Spies and stragglers were constantly coming over from the
Mahdi with information, often not very reliable.
From what the sergeant major says, it appears that I am not more liked
by the Mahdi than I am elsewhere — a nuisance ! and a bore !
A horse escaped from the Arabs, formerly belonging to the Government.
It gave no information, but from its action may be supposed not to believe
the Mahdi,
He makes the best of his Egyptian garrison, although they are
often exasperating.
I declare my people do in a feeble way what is wanted, and do not deserve
the character of cowards ; they bear defeat far better than other peoples
and they are good tempered over it. We English are the cream, all acknow-
ledge that, but we will not exist on two dates a day as these men do, without
a mmmur.
I boxed the telegraph clerk's ear for not giving me the telegram last night
(after repeated orders that no consideration was to prevent his coming to
me) ; and then as my conscience pricked me I gave him 5 dollars. He said
he did not mind if I killed him — I was his father (a chocolate-coloured youth
of twenty). I know all this is brutal — abrutissant as Hansall calls it — but
what is one to do ? If you cut their pay you hurt their families. I am an
advocate for sTimmary and quick punishment which hurts only the defaulter.
It is really amusing to find (when one can scarcely call one's life one's own)
one's servant already with one wife (which most men find is enough) coming
and asking leave for three days to take another wife.
The question of trusting people was of course always coming
up. He generalises on it in the following way :
There is one great question, and if you know a person, say K, is faithless
and is seeking his own, ought one to be down on him ? We have an example
in our Lord. He knew Judas was going to betray Him ; from which I infer,
if we know even that K is going to rat or be faithless unless he K gives positive
proof of such intention, we ought to treat K as J of whom we have no sus-
picion of treachery. I am inclined (satanically I own) to distrust everyone
i.e. I trust every one. I believe that circumstances may arise when self
312 ENGLISH DIARIES
interest will almost compel your nearest relative to betray you to some
extent. Man is an essentially treacherous animal ; and although the psalmist
said in his haste " all men are liars " I think he might have said the same at
his leisure.
On the subject of fear he gives an opinion very different from
the popular clap-trap generally expressed on the subject.
During our blockade we have often discussed the question of being fright-
ened which, in the world's view a man should never be. For my part I am
always frightened and very much so. I fear the future of aU engagements.
It is not the fear of death ; that is past, thank God ; but I fear defeat and its
consequences. I do not believe a bit in the calm tmmoved man. I think
it is only he does not show it outwardly. Thence I conclude no commander
of forces ought to live closely in relation with his subordinates who watch him
like lynxes, for there is no contagion equal to that of fear.
By the following entry he does not appear to suffer from home-
sickness :
I dwell on the joy of never seeing Great Britain again with its horrid weari-
some dinner parties and miseries. How we can put up with those things
passes my imagination. It is a perfect bondage. At those dinner parties
we are all in masks saying what we do not believe, eating'and drinking things
we do not want and then abusing one another. I woiild sooner live like a
Dervish with the Mahdi than go out to dinner every night in London.
The Arab attacks become more frequent ; more often as
November passes does Gordon realise the closing in of the walls.
The steamer Abbas is lost, with Colonel Stewart on board — ^a
catastrophe which haunts liim.
Nov. 15. If not relieved for a month our food supply fails.
Nov. 16. If we do get out of this mess it is a miracle.
Almost the worst side of his terrible position was that he had
no one whom he could trust. He talks of " volleys of hes,"
" tisstues of lies," and an adjutant-major who " told me two cold
lies in two days so I bundled him out." He says :
What has been the painful position for me is that there is not one person
on whom I can rely. . . . My patience is almost exhausted with this con-
tinuous apparently never ending trial ; there is not one department which I
have not to superintend as closely as if I was its direct head.
Dec. 11. The Arabs fired three shells at the Palace from Goba ; two went
into the water, one passed over the palace. This always irritates me, for
it is so personal and from one's own soldiers too ! It is not very pleasant
also to feel at any moment you may have a shell in yoxir room, for the creatixrea
fire at all hours.
GENERAL GORDON 313
Dec. 13. If some effort is not made before ten days' time the town mill fall. It
is inexplicable this delay.
The last entry must be given in full.
Dec. 14. Arabs fired two shells at the Palace this morning : 566 ardebs
dhoora (forage) in store ; also 83,525 okes of biscuit ! 10.30 a.m. The
steamers are down at Omdunnan engaging the Arabs consequently I am on
tenterhooks ! 11.30 steamers returned; the Bordeen was struck by a shell
in her battery ; we had only one man wounded. We are going to send down
the Bordeen to-morrow with this journal. If I was in cormnand of the two
hundred men of the Expeditionary Force which are all that are necessary for
the movement I should stop just below Halfeyeh and attack the Arabs at
that place before I came on here to Kartoum. I should then commimicate
with the North Fort and act according to circimistances. Now mark this
if the Expeditionary Force, and I ask for no more than two hundred men,
does not come in ten days, the town may fall ; and I have done my best for the
honour of my country. Good bye,
C. G. Gordon
Kliartoum fell on January 26, and Gordon was killed. The
relief force under Sir Charles Wilson arrived on January 28, as
the diary had foretold " just too late." Gordon must have
continued keeping a journal, but his record of the last act of the
tragedy is lost.
He wrote for others to read. But how differently from the
conventional soldier ! The diary is filled with shrewd and ex-
cellent general reflections quite apart from his opinions on his
particular position. From its perusal one certainly does not get
the impression of a gloomy unpractical and rather fanatical
idealist ; but no doubt additional and perhaps more personal
knowledge can be gained of his character from the many letters
he wrote.
The journals were pubhshed in 1885 with an introduction by
A. Egmont Hake and notes by Sir Henry Gordon.
I
NINETEENTH CENTURY
MINOR DIARIES
GENERAL DYOTT^
UNLIKE many soldiers ^ho have kept diaries just to
record the incidents of a particular campaign, Dyott
kept a diary from the age of 20 till a year before he died.
He was born in 1761 and died in 1846, so the diary (1781-1845)
covers a period of sixty-four years. It fills sixteen volumes,
and in its original form consists of about 500,000 words. It is
a good instance of a regular and very full recital of events con-
scientiously noted by an honest, unreflecting, and unobservant
man. He calls his life " strange and eventful," but it is neither ;
it is just the ordinary routine of an active soldier sent about on
various duties and of a country gentleman in retirement. The
bare recital of events, what he does, where he goes, whom he
meets, is practically unrelieved by any criticisms, thoughts or
reflections which might make it readable. However, in so long
a record we cannot fail to get some personal impression of the
General himself. Conventional reticence curiously combined
with a desire to keep a full account of his hfe in itself gives us a
clue to his character. In writing he was thinking of his family.
He says :
If in threescore years I am able to entertain myself and family with perusing
the transactions of my juvenile days (the sole purpose of this my journal) I
shall be perfectly satisfied.
And very much later he writes, in beginning a new volume,
that when he is no more, the journal may " afford my children
some amusement and not improbably a feeling thought of their
old father."
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from Dyott' s Diary, by kind permission of
Messrs. Constable & Co.
314
GENERAL DYOTT 315
William Dyott began service as a soldier in Ireland ; he was
for some years in the garrison in Nova Scotia, he saw active
service in the West Indies, he was sent to Egypt, he travelled
on the Continent, he took part in the ill-fated Walcheren Ex-
pedition, and in 1826 he settled down in the home of his ancestors
at Freeford, in Staffordshire. In his youth he enjoys himself,
and we get frequent accounts of " vastly elegant dinners,"
"devilish good suppers," "joyous nights," "bumper toasts,"
etc. In Nova Scotia he makes friends with Prince William
(afterwards William IV), and throughout his hfe he comes in
contact with royalties who are always "uncommonly gracious"
and he is " highly honoured " on each occasion by his intercourse
with them. His account of Prince William in 1787 is not impres-
sive. It consists almost entirely of drinking episodes :
After supper he gave five or six biHnper toasts.
He was in great spirits and we all got a little inebriated.
There were just twenty diaed and we drank sixty three bottles of wine.
His Royal Highness whenever a person did not fill a bumper always called
out ' I see some of God Almighty's daylight in that glass. Sir : banish it.'
Dyott explains in recording instances of the Prince's gracious-
ness :
I cannot avoid mentioning these little circumstances : it is so very flattering
to be taken such particular notice of by so great a person.
However, in later years, when William becomes King, he is
more critical :
I have little hesitation in auguring that William's will not be a reign to
which any great benefits are likely to accrue to the nation from kingly exertion.
For George III, to whom he was A.D.C., he has unbounded
admiration. But of George IV he says :
A more accomplished Prince could not be as to address and manner, but
as King of a great empire future historians will not have material to supply
many princely traits of a great man.
At Queen Victoria's accession he has grave misgivings :
A very young Queen coming to the throne of this mighty Empire, brought
up and subject to the control of a weak, capricious mother, surrouiided by
the parent's chosen advisers from distinguished democratick councillors,
gives token of unpropitious times to come.
Dyott expresses strong Tory views with uncompromising
316 ENGLISH DIARIES
vigour. Catholic Emancipation and the Reform movement are
regarded by him with horror and the prospect of a Repeal of the
Com Laws rouses him to indignation. He even refuses to take
part in the celebrations at Lichfield on the Queen's accession
because the Mayor was " a rank radical." He notices with
regret " a sad evil spirit among the lower orders," and declares
" there is nothing to be more dreaded than popular power." He
strongly disapproves of Elizabeth Fry's attempts at prison
reform, and personally objects at the Stafford quarter sessions
to the formation of a society to visit prisons. His counter pro-
posal which he carries is to erect eight cells for solitary confine-
ment. He writes : " It is my intention to make them as irksome
and lonely to the individual as possible in order to obtain the
desired effect."
Dyott was very domestic. He loves being with his wife and
children. It is startHng and tragic, therefore, suddenly to come
on an entry in 1814 stating that his wife, who was an invahd,
wished to separate from him. She had fallen in love with another
man, with whom she eloped, and the General never saw her again.
But it must have cost him a good deal to note down this incident,
considering he never indulges in any indiscreet expression mth
regard to his inner feelings. He says, " she had long shown
symptoms of unkindness and inattention " ; but he never noted
it in his diary. And except in connection with the business of
the Divorce Bill and the news of her death he does not allude
to her again. His children are a great blessing to him, and the
careers of his two boys are often referred to. We hear a good
deal about all his adventures, about his country hfe and attend-
ance on the bench, and it may seem curious that we cannot quote
more. But the General's style does not attract or excite. There
is an immense quantity of this sort of thing :
My hope of experiencing that feUcity [going home] appears to me in a very
glimmering light ; nor can I determine what limits to fix for my duration in
this most imhospitable clime. All I can conclude definitely is to remain
with my regiment till I acquire the first step an officer can consider as real
promotion in the profession I am embarked in. Towards the end of the
month the season began to be milder and for the first four days of April the
snow and frost etc. etc.
We need not even conclude the quotation, for there is really
no end to it, nor can we cull any gems from his foreign travel ;
the General's artistic side was not his strongest. Here is his
GENERAL DYOTT 317
description of one of the greatest art galleries in the world at
Florence :
The collection of paintings, statues, and busts extremely numerous and of
the first masters, in a high state of preservation and open to the public every
day.
But flitting in a very odd way through the pages of this tedious
and voluminous journal, or rather peeping now and again through
the heavy curtain of the General's correct and conventional
discourse, is a strange figure never fully described — a cousin,
Miss Bakewell. She is upsetting, annoying, irritating, but she
is a cousin and has to be tolerated. We can feel the General
with his pen trying in vain to keep her out of the important
chronicle of his hfe. For a little more of Miss Bakewell we would
have gladly dispensed with negro risings, election contests, and
even royal levees.
A series of some of the short references to this incongruous
person will show why our curiosity is excited.
1827. Miss Bakewell is one of the most singular characters I know. With
much good sense, much meanness of disposition and inability of mind that
leads her to acts bordering on insanity, added to great vanity and open at all
points of flattery and with but few good qualities to rebut her failings.
1830. We dined with cousin Bakewell who lives in a strange imcomfortable
and shabby way.
1832. I left Miss Bakewell at Freeford and foimd her on my return. I
was not sorry to be absent during her visit.
1833. She was altered in her appearance and manner, having shown no
symptoms of violence or ill behaviour to anyone.
1835. Miss Bakewell arrived. I sent horses to meet her at Burton; a
dreadful torment she is and worse than the plague.
1836. We arrived about three and found my wild cousin in one of her
hateful fits of ill humour and insanity. I never saw her more detestable.
1836. Miss Bakewell left us. I and Eleanor did not lament the loss of our
guest. She is the most accomplished tiresome being that nature ever manu-
factured. My poor Eleanor had more of her plague and torment than I had.
Indeed I would not have supported ten hoiurs a day of such a repetition of
plague and pestilence.
What did Miss Bakewell look like, what did she say or do
that was so exasperating ? We are never told. She was evi-
dently something more than an ordinary bore. However, we
welcome her as forming some comic rehef in the otherwise pon-
derous memoir, although the General certainly did not regard
her as a joke.
318 ENGLISH DIARIES
Selections from the diary were published in two volumes in
1907, edited by Reginald W. Jefferey.
FRANCES, LADY SHELLEY ^
THE book entitled Tlie Diary of Frances, Lady Shelley
contains " a private memento of scenes and events that
deeply impressed her." It really only just comes under
the category of a diary at all. The entries are very occasionally
dated and very seldom recorded on the day itself, and they are
only concerned with gossip on public events, mixed with social
and society experiences. She gives a full account of her life
from her birth in 1787, and begins the more or less contemporary
record in December, 1813. The so-called diary consists of
memoirs written up from time to time, and from the subjective
point of view entirely devoid of any personal note, although the
gossip is practically all of a personal character. Lady Shelley's
method is shown by these remarks, which occur at the beginning
of dated entries.
1815. Aug. 25. What an age since I last wrote in my journal. I must
make a sort of pot pourri up to to-day.
1816. Sep. 16. I must fill up this interval of my diary at leisure and write
while it is fresh in my memory.
The few attempts she makes at daily entries are so bald that
she evidently preferred the method of writing up periods of her
experiences at long intervals. She relates a great number of
anecdotes. But many of the anecdotes and indeed incidents
and descriptions she gives are second-hand. " Lord S. told me
many anecdotes about ," " Miss S. told me the following
anecdote," " I am told that," " It is said that," " I have seen
a letter from Lady ," " I have only feebly reproduced Lady
S ^'s eloquent and dramatic description of," are introductory
phrases of frequent occurrence.
A large part of the memoir is taken up with enthusiastic de-
scriptions of foreign travel in Switzerland, Italy, and Vienna.
Lady Shelley had a good memory and a flowing pen, but no
critical faculty, and absolutely no bite or grip in her style. She
undoubtedly came across a large number of celebrities. That,
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from The Diary oj Frances, Lady SheUey,
by kind permission of Mr. John Murray.
FRANCES, LADY SHELLEY 319
no doubt, was what induced her to write, and it is the account of
her intimate friendship with the Duke of WeUington that made
her diary worth publishing. But the ecstatic worship of the
hero of Waterloo is so excessive that we do not get any real char-
acter sketch. However, this is practically the only part of the
diary that is worth noting, although many of the anecdotes
about him are really quite pointless.
While she longs to record his sayings, she is obKged to confess ;
Except on subjects which interest the Duke such as war and politics he
prefers to Usten rather than to talk consequently he seldom says anything
worth noting.
'■O'
I dined at 3 o'clock to-day in order to ride with the Duke who offered to
mount me on Copenhagen. A charming ride of two houi's. But I found
Copenhagen the most difficult horse to sit of any I had ever ridden. If the
Duke had not been there I should have been frightened. He said ' ' I believe
you think the glory greater than the pleasure in riding him."
Mounted as I was on the dear chestnut mare by the Duke's side I felt
supremely happy . . . the Duke took great care of me and I never lost him
for a moment. We were of course always in front ; and on descending the
hill we set off to gallop rovmd the square which we did without once pulling
up, a distance of eleven miles. As usual I received endless compliments on
my horsemanship.
And now comes the moment when we parted from the Diike of Wellington
a short distance on the road to Paris whither the Duke returns. So deeply
did I feel the parting that I coiild not help crying but I do not think he saw
me. After we had shaken hands for the last time Shelley and I rode back to
Vertus.
Shelley is rather a shadowy figure in the diary ; he seems
generally to be sent off on shooting parties. She married Sir
John Shelley in 1807, and a note in the early record of her hfe
runs :
There is one rule from which I have never deviated during the whole course
of my married life. I made it a point never to interfere in any way with my
husband's mode of life ; and I never kept him from the society even of persons
whose conduct I could not admire.
In addition to accounts of reviews, battle-fields, dances, plays,
operas, dinner parties, museums and scenery there are anecdotes
about the Prince Regent, Princess Charlotte, the Emperor of
Russia, the Emperor of Austria, Talleyrand, Metternich, the
Pope, Nelson, Byron, Sir Walter Scott, the Duchess of Devon-
shire, and Lady Caroline Lamb, to mention only a few of the
great people she came across. But the pen portraits do not quite
820 ENGLISH DIARIES
come off, although some of the anecdotes are amusing. Her few
Unes on Talleyrand and Sir Walter Scott will suffice as examples.
Talleyrand seemed pleased with his mo< and repeated it to Madame Perigord
herself. This evidently delighted her for she kissed him on both cheeks
repeatedly. Talleyrand then proceeded to feed her with coffee otit of his own
cup and vised his own spoon for that purpose. He is a frightful object to
look at ; and rolls his tongue about in a disgusting manner ; in spite of all
that the French ladies find him irresistible.
Sir Walter Scott's first appearance is not prepossessing:
A club foot white eyelashes and a clumsy figure. He has not any expression
when his face is in repose ; but upon an instant some remark will lighten up
his whole countenance and you discover the man of genius.
The diary, edited by Mr. Richard Edgcumbe, was published
in 1912.
CHARLES ABBOT (Lord Colchester)
THE editor of Lord Colchester's diaries states that " those
portions which related to strictly private or family
affairs have been excluded as uninteresting to the pubhc."
Of course he is quite wrong. We are therefore left with a purely
official record conscientiously kept from the time Abbot entered
ParHament in 1795, during his Speakership (1802-1817) until
shortly before his death in 1829.
A daily record of this character is useful to historians and
students, but as a diary it is difficult to digest. The very fact,
however, that he thought it worth while to keep this careful
register shows how attentive and exact he was in the discharge
of his parhamentary duties. No rash judgments, hardly any
criticisms, no note of enthusiasm or displeasure, is allowed to
creep into these almost judicial pages.
The differences in parhamentary manners and customs only
a hundred years ago are striking, when we find Abbot being told
soon after his entry into the House that he was " disorderly "
in " wearing his spurs " as " none but county members were
entitled to that privilege " ; or when we get the following account
of a debate :
1796. May 10. In the House Fox moved an Address upon the state of
the nation with regard to the war. He spoke from half past five till a quarter
before ten. Mr. Pitt spoke till a quarter past twelve. Fox replied for three
ELIZABETH FRY 321
quarters of an hour. The division at one was : — For the address 42 ; against
it 216.
In the midst of debates, divisions, reports, commissions, pro-
cedure, etc., he gives very Httle description of the members them-
selves. This seems a pity when as an exception we find this
very striking picture of Grattan :
1805. Grattan was as in all his printed speeches, able and various in his
topics : delivered in language quaint and epigrammatic with occasional
flashes of striking metaphors ; and in a manner disgustingly vain, conceited
and afiected. His elocution fluent ; sometimes rapid with strained pauses
and strange cadences ; his action violent, throwing his body, head and arms
into all sorts of absurd attitudes. He was heard with much attention but
not always with admiration even by his own friends.
There is a good account of a conversation with Fox and an
estimate of Pitt when he dies.
Abbot is evidently greatly impressed by royalty ; remarks and
conversations of the most commonplace description are care-
fully entered ; and the health symptoms of George III and
George IV are given continually in the most elaborate detail.
There is a very long account of the dinner given by the Prince
Regent to the exiled King of France in 1811, at which a table two
hundred feet long was decorated with a river of water with little
gudgeon in it, wliich widened towards the Prince's end, the water
falling by cascades into a lake surrounded by vases burning
perfumes under the arches of a colonnade round the lake.
The diary contains weather notes ; storms, temperature and
floods are recorded.
When he goes to Italy after his retirement from the Speaker-
ship he continues to keep a diary. But the tone is the same.
The politics of Italy and Europe occupy his attention, the eminent
people he meets are never described or criticised, and his inter-
view with the Pope is noted in the usual ceremonial manner.
The diary, in fact, as we have it in the three volumes published
in 1861, is not human but official.
ELIZABETH FRY
ROM before the age of 16 up to the end of her life Elizabeth
Fry kept a journal. She wrote in it intermittently and
confined her entries very largely to religious reflections
md prayers. It is described as " the outpourings of her heart,
21
:
322 ENGLISH DIARIES If
the communings between God and her own soul," and she herself
describes it in the first year as " a httle friend to my heart, and
says, " it is next to communicating my feehngs to another per-
son .. . it is most comfortable to read it over and^ see the
different workings of my heart and soul," and again : writmg
my journal is to me expressing the feehngs of my heart dunng
the day " It was kept in fact for self-disciphnary purposes and
from time to time she does read it over. Ehzabeth Fry's abnor-
maUy active and successful career as a prison r/o^^^^^^.^^ ^^"
known. In addition to a vast pubUc correspondence Ehzabeth
Fry found time to write often at considerable length m her diary.
SuperficiaUy such a journal as this resembles many other
journals of Quakers and di^dnes. But in the midst of the ejacu-
latory appeals there is a great deal of very searching self-examina-
tion and some thoughtful meditations on hfe. Apart from the
extreme seriousness of the tone, the high-minded tenacity ot
purpose makes the reader conscious of a masterful personahty
lifted perhaps rather above the reach of the ordinary mortal, yet
very human. In addition to prayer, descriptions of ' meeting
and references to her work, there is frequent mention of the
numberless members of her family. Besides having eleven
cMldren of her own, she herself was one of twelve. Her health
also occupies her attention. , ^ -, 4. „^j
She began diary writing at a very early age, but destroyed
the earnest attempts. She was not brought up as a strict Quaker,
although the Gurneys were members of the Society of Friends.
In the earhest entries, which are the most human, we find the
young girl bent on self-disciphne and questiomng all her thoughts
and actions.
When she is 16, in 1797, she writes :
I feel by experience how much entering into the world hurts me ; worldly
company I thL materially injures, it excites a false stimulus such a love of
pomp pride, vanity, jealosy and ambition ; it leads to thmk about dress and
sucT^rifles ;nd when out of it we fly to novels and scandal or something of
that kind for entertainment.
And the following year:
I have known my faults and not corrected them and now I am d^t^rmin^
I wm IncVmore try with redoubled ardour to overcome my wicked mclma-
L^; I m^t not flirt ; I must not ever be out of temper with the children
I Zst norcontradict without a cause ; I must not mmnp when my sisters a«
iS?and I am not ; I must not allow myself to be angry ; I must not exagger.
ate wMch iTm indined to do. I must not give way to luxury ; I must no
l^ilT^ IZ, I must try to give way to every good feehng and overcome
every bad.
ELIZABETH FRY 823
My mind has by degrees flown from religion. I rode to Norwich and had a
very serious ride there ; but meeting, and being looked at with apparent
admiration by some ofificers brought on vanity ; and I came home full of the
world as I went to town full of heaven.
Trifles occupy me far too much such as dress etc. etc. I fiind it easier to
acknowledge my vices than my follies.
I went to the Oratorio, I enjoyed it but spoke sadly at random, what a bad
habit !
I feel I am a contemptible fine lady. May I be preserved from continuing
so. . . .
I am more cross, more proud, more vain, more extravagant. I lay it to my
great love of gaiety and the world. I feel, I know I am falling. I do believe
if I had a little true religion I should have a greater support than I have now.
I am a bubble without reason without beauty of mind or person. I am a
fool. I daily fall lower in my own estimation.
The preaching of WiUiam Savery in 1798 makes a deep im-
pression on her :
He seemed to me to overflow with true religion and to be humble and yet a
man of great abilities. If I see William Savery I shall not I doubt be over
fond of gaieties.
This was regarded as her conversion, and in time she became
a strict Friend. Music and dancing had not been prohibited
in her education, but gradually she begins to express doubt
about them :
We went to hear the band which I am sorry for as I cannot get courage to
tell my father, I wish I had not gone.
The danger of dancing I find is throwing me oS my centre ; at times when
dancing I know that I have not reason left but that I do things which in calm
moments I miist repent of.
I do not approve of singing in company as it leads to vanity and dissipation
of mind. ... I shoxild be sorry quite to give up singing.
She found difficulty in adopting the correct language and
saying " thee " and " thou " and she writes : " I do not feel
little scruples of that importance that some other persons do."
Although no one throughout her life could have been a more
devoted Quaker, she is not bhnd to their faults, and in 1830 she
writes : " Bitter experience has proved to me that Friends do
rest too much on externals."
When she was 20 she married Joseph Fry. In her journal
she weighs the pros and cons of marriage from the point of
view of spiritual duty, and decides in favour of it.
824 ENGLISH DIARIES
There is much more about her domestic Ufe in the diary than
about her public hfe, and we are brought right into the atmo-
sphere of a large Quaker household. After the birth of her eldest
child she writes :
I much wish to avoid my mother in law's very " cotting " plan, for a degree
of hardiness I think most desirable — I think being too careful and tender
really make them more subject to indisposition.
A few other references to her children may be given ;
I am at home alone with my nine children, a great and very precious charge ;
at times they appear too much for me at others I greatly enjoy them.
AU our beloved children dined with us. It really was to me a beautiful
sight. Sixteen roim.d our table happy in each other, a strong tie of love
amidst the brothers and sisters and much united to us their father and mother,
, . . When the cloth was removed after dinner I believed it my duty to kneel
down and very fervently to pray and to retiirn thanks to my God for all these
most tenderly beloved ones. . . . After this solemn time thirteen of the sweet
dear grandchildren came m.
Mrs. Fry has servant worries and mentions them more than
once.
Tried by my servants appearing dissatisfied with what I believe to be liberal
things ... I know no family who allows exactly the same indulgences and
few who give the same high wages and yet I do not know of anyone so often
grieved by the discontents of servants as myself.
There are many descriptions of " meeting " and of her praying
and of death-bed scenes. We may pick out of the paragraphs of
prayer, resolutions and self-examination one or two phrases which
will show that Ehzabeth Fry did not, hke some others, find relief
in just the repetition of conventional rehgious formulae :
I want order ; I believe it difficult to obtain but yet with perseverance i
attainable. The first way to obtain it appears to me to try to prevent my
thoughts from rambling and to keep as steadily as possible to the object in|
view.
I am fearful of self confidence; I feel it so different to the confidence placed}
in an All wise Director.
From a great fear of hurting others I feel, though I believe it is not very!
apparent, a bowing to their opinions and not openly professing my own which|
tries me.
Her public work with regard to prison reform and prisonj
schools involved a great deal of correspondence from all parts!
of the world, and it does not figure so prominently therefore inj
ELIZABETH FRY 325
her private diary. But a fev extracts may be given, some of
which show how much she dishked the pubhcity and prominence
into which her work brought her.
1817. I have lately been much occupied in forming a school in Newgate
for the children of the poor prisoners as well as the yoimg criminals which
has brought much peace and satisfaction with it.
Our Newgate visiting could no longer be kept secret, which I endeavoured
that it should be and therefore I am exposed to praise that I do not the least
deserve ; also to some unpleasant humiliations — for in trying to obtain
helpers I must be subject to their various opinions ; and also being obliged
to confer at times with strangers and men in authority is to me a very unplea-
sant necessity.
My having been brought publicly forward in the newspapers, respecting
what I have been instrumental in doing at Newgate has brought some anxiety
with it ; in the first place as far as I am concerned, that it may neither raise
me too high nor cast me too low, that having what may appear my good works,
thus published, may never lead me or others to give either the praise or glory
where it is not due.
The prison and myself are become quite a show which is a very serious thing
in many points.
1818. When the Queen came to speak to me which she did very kindly there
was I am told a general clap. I think I may say this hardly raised me at
all. ...
1824. The burden and perplexity of the opposition to improvement in
prisons is almost too much for me ; it is so much against my nature to take
my own defence or even that of the cause in which I am interested into my
own hands.
1831. My interest in the catise of prisons remains strong and my zeal
unabated ; though it is curious to observe how much less is felt about it by
the public generally. How little it would answer in these important duties
to be much aSected by the good or bad opinion of man.
She has to submit to having her portrait painted, but she
yields very reluctantly :
It is not altogether what I like or approve ; it is making too much of this
poor tabernacle and rather exalting that part in us which should be laid low
and kept low.
She expresses on several occasions grave doubts about trjdng
to see royalty and attending dinners and functions, " how far
it was safe for me thus to be cast among the great of this world " ;
and again, " how far the expensive dinner is right to give," and
she prevents the Lord Mayor on one occasion from proposing
toasts. The stir she caused brought her inevitably very much
to the front, and the way she accepted the situation shows that
she never had her head turned by fame and success. She gives
326 ENGLISH DIARIES
an account of conversations she had at dinner with Sir Robert
Peel and Prince Albert, when she made the most of her oppor-
tunities, and also of the visit of the King of Prussia to Newgate
^vith whom she proceeded arm in arm through the prison. And
in the midst of the royal courtiers and city functionaries she
prays :
I believed it my duty to kneel down before this most curious interesting
and mixed company for I felt my God must be served the same everywhere
and amongst aU people, whatever reproach it brought me mto. |
And afterwards the King has dinner with her and her femily
at Upton Lane, and " appeared to^^enjoy his dinner perfectly
at his ease and very happy with us."
Her great vitahty and energy (for hers was far more an active
than reflective temperament) is shown in all she writes. 1
have got many things stirring " is an entry m 1843, that is to
say when she was 63, when although ill and resting at Sandgate
she says that a place " so remarkably void of objects does not
suit my active mind . . . this place is unusually dull to me.
Though imbued to a great extent with characteristic Quaker
optimism, she has her moments of depression, especially during
periods of illness and family bereavements. On New Years
Day, 1843, she writes :
Another year is closed and passed never to return. It appears to me that
mine is rather a rapid descent into the valley of old age.
There are accounts of her journeys abroad, specially in Paris
and in the Channel Islands, but they are never very descriptive
or critical. She is not writing a narrative, she is communing
with herself and only refers to events in so far as they affect
her at the moment. Strict as she was in the rehgious sense,
many instances might be quoted of her tolerance and broad-
mindedness. , ,
She does not often make any comment on pubhc events, but tne
following is her description of the state of affairs in 1840 ;
PoUtical commotion about the country-riots in Wales-much religious
stir in the Church of England, numbers of persons becommg much the same
as Roman Catholics-Popish doctrines preached openly m many of our
churches— infidel principles, in the form of Socialism, gammg ground.
The last entry in her journal was written on September 16,
1845 • she died on October 12 in the same year.
The journal is copiously quoted in the biography brought out
by her daughters in 1847.
THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE ROSE 327
THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE ROSE
GEORGE ROSE'S diary is exclusively and somewhat
dryly concerned with public affairs. He was a Member
of Parliament who held several minor appointments,
and his diaries and correspondence are of historical importance
owing to his very close intimacy with Pitt, who figures, so to
speak, as the hero of his diary, which covers the years 1800 to
1811, with the exception of 1805, which is a blank. When Pitt
dies in 1806 he writes :
Intending these notes merely as memoranda of occvirrences it is not my
intention to attempt to express the agony of my mind on the incalculable
loss I have sustained ; severe and irreparable as it is and deeply as it will
be felt by me to the latest hour of my life I bow with resignation to the Power
that has inflicted it.
And after the funeral :
On my return to my own house I indulged myself with what has been very
frequently the occupation of my mind during the last five weeks and will not
unfrequently employ it during the remainder of my life ; the reflection on the
character and talents of my deceased friend and the loss I have sustained in
his death, banishing entirely every consideration of an interested nature.
These extracts are quoted as the only instance in which any
note of personal emotion or sentiment is allowed to creep into his
record. But we can detect very unusual disinterestedness, con-
scientiousness and modesty in Rose when Perceval asks him to
be Chancellor of the Exchequer and he refuses, feehng he can
discharge his duty better by remaining at the Board of Trade.
He fears he might be called upon in Perceval's absence to lead
the House of Commons, and he writes : "To this most important
duty I feel myself from want of eloquence quite unequal."
His conversations with George III are fully reported. He
rides with him, and the little touches with regard to their horses,
the scenery and the weather give his descriptions a good deal of
life. One of his Majesty's observations towards the end of a
ride near Lyndhurst may be quoted :
I thank God there is but one of my children who wants courage ; and I
will not name him because he is to succeed me.
Rose is " deeply pained by this remark."
The editor of the diaries and correspondence, published in 1860,
says Rose was not " at any time addicted to pleasantries, anec-
328 ENGLISH DIARIES
dotes or gossip," nor did he " take much notice of what was
passing round him." He had not the quahties, in fact, to make
a good diarist. His memoranda were written for his son.
LADY NUGENT
y' AMAICA One Hundred Years Ago is not an alluring title for
a book. One would not immediately snatch a volume with
that name from the shelf of a hbrary. And yet Lady Nugent's
journal, of which this is the sub-title, is most entertaining.
We have here a very good instance of how little the subject matters
if the diarist is able to impart to diary entries the natural spon-
taneity which comes from sympathetic powers of observation.
Lady Nugent had little pretensions from the Hterary point of
view, although, she wrote a few verses ; she is rather sentimental
and intensely domestic, but she is able in quite a skilful though
perfectly natural way to make each day tell its story.
Sir George Nugent, her husband, was appointed Lieutenant-
Governor and Commander-in-Chief in Jamaica in 1801, where
he remained till the beginning of 1806. Lady Nugent accompanied
him and remained there till June, 1805. She kept a regular
diary during this period, and there are some irregular entries (up
to 1814) after she returned to England, and also in India where
Sir George was Commander-in-Chief. She was the daughter of
Brigadier-General Skinner of New Jersey, and was born about
1771, when New Jersey was still under the British Crown. Irish,
Scotch, as well as Dutch blood flowed in her veins.
She wrote for her children and for her own amusement, and the
idea of publishing her diary never entered her head. It was
first privately printed after her death, and pubHshed in 1907.
The appointment to Jamaica does not smile on her ; she says :
I would greatly have preferred remaining (at Hampstead) instead of
playing the Governor's lady to the blackies : but we are soldiers and must
have no will of our own.
The voyage out is graphically described with all its incidents
and discomforts. She refers throughout to her husband, whom
she calls " General N," or "my dear N," with the greatest affec-
tion, and often gets into a state about his health. She finds it
very hot on their arrival :
LADY NUGENT 329
All the gentlemen, civil and military were introduced to me before we sat
down ; I scarce recollect the name or visage of any of them only they all
looked very bilious and very warm. One gentleman seemed to suffer exceed-
ingly ; for in spite of his constant mopping the perspiration stood like drops
of crystal on his face the whole time we were at dinner.
I sat between Lord B and Colonel MacMurdo, the latter actually dripping
with perspiration. He saw me looking at the drops as they fell from his
forehead, poor man ! and this increased them almost to a cascade.
She is not very complimentary about her husband's predecessor,
who is still on the island.
I wish Lord B would wash his hands and use a nail brush for the black
edges of his naUs really make me sick. He has, besides, an extraordinary
propensity to dip his fingers into every dish. Yesterday he absolutely helped
himself to some fricass6e with his dirtj' finger and thumb.
I behaved very ill, having placed an Aide-de-camp between me and his
lordship ; for really his hands were so dirty I co\ild not have eaten anything
had he been nearer.
The feasts and banquets were sometimes a high trial to her.
One or two of her comments on the food may be given.
I don't wonder now at the fever the people suffer from here — such eating
and drinking I never saw ! Such loads of all sorts of high, rich, seasoned
things, and really gallons of wine and mixed liquors as they drink ! I observed
some of the party to-day eat of late breakfasts as if they had never eaten
before — a dish of tea, another of coffee, a bumper of claret, another large one
of hock negus ; then Madeira, sangatee, hot and cold meat, stews and fries,
hot and cold fish, pickled and plain, peppers, ginger sweetmeats, acid fruit,
sweet jellies — in short it was all as astonishing as it was disgusting.
I am not astonished at the general ill health of the men in this country,
for they really eat like cormorants and drink like porpoises.
Dances are very frequent, and all officials join in them. After
a formal ball, at which she had to dance with members of the
Council, etc., she ends up :
But after supper I forgot all my dignity and with aU my heart joined in a
Scotch reel — Many followed my example and the ball concluded merrily.
A very large party in the evening and the candidates for the Chief Justices
situation particularly smiling and attentive. Some of them danced merrily
on the occasion and particularly when they were my partners.
The round of entertainments and her other official duties she
often finds very tiring, and she notes when she is exhausted and
says on one occasion :
I would give anything for a little rest and quiet but must exert myself at
dinner to make the agreeable to the big wigs.
330 ENGLISH DIARIES
Tlae heat, the mosquitoes, the roars of laughter from the gentlemen till a
late hour and the dancing and jollity of the servants aU night all combmed
together to spoil our repose so that we got very little sleep, and I feel this now
very much.
She notes her health and her symptoms before her first confine-
ment. The birth of two children is recorded with great rapture :
the struggles with the black nurses, the protection of the babies
from scorpions, mosquitoes, and poison spiders, and all their
minor ailments are fully noted. She is very rehgious, and there
are many httle phrases of prayer and thanksgiving throughout
the diary. She sets to work and converts numbers of her black
servants, teaches them the catechism, and has them baptised.
The blacldes perfect in theu" prayers. Bead to them this evening and intend
to do so in future.
In fact, she is always kind and attentive to the coloured popula-
tion, and indeed goes beyond what is considered proper.
I began the baU with an old Negro man. The gentlemen each selected a
partner according to rank by age or service and we aU danced. However I
was not aware how much I shocked the Misses Murphy by domg this They
told me afterwards they were nearly fainting and could hardly forbear sheddmg
a flood of tears at such an unusual and extraordinary sight.
Saw a number of black and brown ladies in the evening to please the old
housekeeper ; but I don't know whether the white ladies whom I left m the
dramng room when I gave audience quite approved of my conduct.
She accompanies Sir George on his journeys of inspection in the
island, and is entertained by various people.
She has a visit from royalty in the shape of the king ot the
Mosquito Indians and his uncle, who called himself Count Stam-
ford or the Duke of York. The king, who is eight years old, is
dressed in scarlet and wears a crown, and
he cried roared and yeUed horribly and began to pull ofi all his clothes in the
most violent manner and was nearly naked before we could have him carried
out of the room.
Meanwhile the uncle got drunk and had to be put to bed. The
whole description is extremely funny.
Lady Nugent is often distressed at the connections formed by
white men with the black population. She exclaims :
This is indeed a sad immoral country, but it is no use worrying myself.
She shows throughout a most optimistic and cheerful disposition,
and we have no difficulty in beheving that she and Sir George were
SIR GEORGE JACKSON 331
very popular. Every day she relates her doings, the official and
political transactions, the weather phenomena, more especially
the storms, and the progress of her children, with the most natural
and engaging frankness.
Her diary when in England is very much less good. She goes
about visiting her friends, goes to a drawing-room, giving a full
description of her dress and remarks on Mr. Fox's " slovenly
appearance." The extracts from the Indian diary show that she
no longer wrote regularly and her youthful fun has disappeared.
The little baby George, who is guarded and watched with such
care in Jamaica, succeeded his father as second baronet and lived
to be 90.
SIR GEORGE JACKSON
THERE are four volumes of Sir George Jackson's diaries
and letters covering the period from 1801 to 1816. Sir
George was a diplomatist of some distinction. The
most interesting period of his career was when he accompanied
Sir Charles Stewart to Germany and entered Paris with the Allies
in 1815. Jackson's diary reads very much like extracts from
letters which he forgot to post — letters in which the almost
official tone of despatches is preserved and in which hardly any
personal matter is introduced. Diplomatists by their profession
are brought into close touch with rulers and people of importance,
and many of them keep diaries to record their official and social
intercourse which must appear at the moment to be highly
important. But it is not the fact of meeting a King or Minister
that matters in a diary, but what you say about him ; and Jack-
son's notes contribute very little beyond occasional anecdotes
to our general knowledge of those times. That the Czar was
" gracious and affable " does not tell us much, and Jackson's
indignation at his not wearing the Garter when he appears in
knee breeches tells us more about Jackson than about the Czar.
However, he has a very strenuous time of it, sitting up all night
writing with the pen sometimes dropping from his hand in his
exhaustion, travelMng from one place to another and sometimes
finding himself very near the scene of action. He always has
faith in the cause of the AUies, scoffs at the idea of invasion in
1810, and in 1813 notes that " there is a probabihty of their over-
coming the great Boney at no very far off date."
382 ENGLISH DIARIES
In the same year he records " an event to make a figure in my
journal," which is the fact that he is lodged at Goethe's house
in Weimar, and the sketch he gives of the poet philosopher is
worth quoting :
There was a great deal of entertaining conversation for the presence of M.
de Goethe put vis all on our mettle. . . . The charm of his conversation, in
my humble opinion, is somewhat marred by an air of pedantry which is
probably due to the adulation he is accustomed to receive from his many
worshippers. People here seem to hang, as it were, upon his lips and listen
for his words as if an oracle were about to hold forth. It is not therefore
surprising that they should flow from them in a less easy current than if he
were allowed to speak with as little restraint as those from whom no vmusual
beauty of language, lessons of wisdom, or poetic fancies are expected each
time they open their mouths. For my part I like Goethe for his good humour
and pleasant manners ; for I think that a man inferior in genius and of less
genial nature would have become insufferable in society if constantly dosed
with flattery as he is and that much credit is due even to him for being so httle
spoiled by it.
We get accounts of visits to Holland House, dinners, balls,
and plays when he is in London. More than half the volumes
consists of letters, many from his brother Francis, who was also
a diplomatist.
Lady Jackson, in editing the volumes, only wanted no doubt
to present the picture of the official activities of the diplomatic
brothers, and probably more intimate sections of the diary were
omitted.
Sir George distinguished himself by his ser\dces in connection
with the abolition of the Slave Trade, and died in 1861.
HENRY MARTYN
SIR JAMES STEPHEN says that Henry Martyn's " is the
one heroic name that adorns the Church of England from
the days of EUzabeth to our own." Son of a Cornish miner's
agent, he was educated at Truro and St. John's College, Cambridge,
and was senior wrangler in 1801. He was ordained at Ely, and
in 1805 he went to India, where he devoted his hfe to missionary
work. He translated the New Testament and the Prayer Book
into Hindustani and the New Testament and Psalms into Persian.
Owing to ill health, he obtained leave to go to Persia, where after
travelling about in the greatest discomfort he died at the age of
80. From 1803 to 1812 he kept a more or less regular diary.
HENRY MARTYN 883
For nine months in 1809 he made his entries in Latin or Greek
" for secrecy."
His intention in keeping a diary is disclosed in the following
passages :
In making this journal, I pretend not to record all that I remember ; and
that not on account of its minuteness for nothing is strictly so — but because
in some cases it would be improper to commit it to paper. I desire to collect
the habit of my mind, to discover my besetting sins, the occasion of calling
them forth and the considerations by which I have at any time been stirred
up to duty.
And a year later :
On the review of my journal of the last year I perceived it has been of lats
becoming a diary of my life instead of being a register of my state of mind.
He never wholly succeeds in making it only a register of his
state of mind. So far as it assumed this character, it resembles
very much the journals of self-examination which have already
been noticed. Martyn was a saint, a man of rigidly strict and
uncompromising religion, a man for whom the world, human
intercourse and even the vision of nature were filled with snares
and pitfalls of evil. Self-discipline of the most rigorous descrip-
tion was the rule of his life, but, hke many others, his self-con-
demnation and self-abasement when committed to writing appear
altogether exaggerated. And while his wonderful record of
ascetic self-discipline places Iiim on a pedestal far beyond the
reach of the ordinary mortal, the incessantly repeated expressions
of penitence and remorse must fail to attract others to follow his
example.
Such expressions as the following occur on every page : " I
groaned under the corruption of my heart " ; " my sins really
deserve hell " ; " my spirit groans at my unprofitableness " ;
" daily do I deserve the pit of destruction " ; " the sense of my
guilt still almost overwhelming " ; " my soul groans at recording
the wickedness of every day."
When the expressions are less extreme they are far more con-
vincing. Such as, "I began to see for the first time that I must be
contented to take my place among men of second rate abilities " ;
" recollected that I had said something sarcastic at table " ;
" at supper was grieved at the conversation and longed to say
something effectually " ; " felt chagrined in the evening at not
hearing my sermon praised."
His style in preaching was evidently characteristically severe.
A friend tells him so :
884 ENGLISH DIARIES
He then told me of my preaching that it was not calculated to wm people
to religion : for I set the duties of religion in so terrific a light that people
were revolted.
And another friend comes up and says :
" Upon my word, Mr. Martyn, you gave us a good trimming yesterday."
Everything against himself, whether it comes from others or
from his own habitual self-disparagement, goes down in the diary,
and occasions outpourings of his soul to God. Had he lived
an inactive life of contemplation, Martyn would probably have
gone out of his mind. Instead of that, however, his life was one
of most strenuous and almost inconceivable activity. Yet
in the midst of prayers and imprecations his daily doings
are recorded. His whole life on board ship going out on his long
voyage to India is almost realistically described, his torture from
sea-sickness, the storms, the indifference and open hostihty of
some of the crew, his failure in preaching, his attempts to convert,
to pray with or to move the spirit in some of the people, all become
pegs on which to hang reflections either about his own desperate
sinfulness or the hopeless condition of those around him. Even
the glories of the setting sun he declares have no power to charm
him, so absorbed is he in the work of salvation. He revelled in
opposition, adversity, struggle, discomfort and pain. It was
as if he enjoyed being buffeted, and anything that softened,
beautified or mitigated the trials of life seemed almost to exas-
perate him. He appears to resent having any human feelings at
all. But he has them even to the extent of falling in love. Again
here we find him regarding the young lady from the point of \iew
of how she will help his soul or be of assistance to him in his
work. One is inchned to feel that the failure of his love affair,
which would have been a tragedy to a normal man, was looked
upon by him as an additional cross which his Spartan nature was
ready to bear. He had met her in England and had made advances
to her. After he has been in India a while he decides in favour
of marriage, and writes to her to come out to him. Her mother
refuses her consent, and there the matter ends :
Grief and disappointment threw my soul into confusion at first but gradu-
ally, as my disorder subsided, my eyes were opened and reason resumed its
ofiice.
He continues, however, to have an affectionate correspondence
with her to the end of his short hfe.
Martyn refers, of course, in many entries to his constant study
THOMAS CREEVEY 335
of languages, which began before he went out and on board ship.
He gained such proficiency that he could preach in Hindustani
as well as do his laborious and monumental work of translation.
So far as conversions are concerned, he has no success. He
admits this himself in an entry on his thirtieth birthday :
I once used to flatter myself that when entering my thirtieth year I might
have the happiness of seeing an Indian congregation of saints won to the
gospel through my preaching. Alas ! how far is this from being the case ;
scarcely even an European can I fix upon as having been awakened under my
ministry since coming here.
Even allowing for his usual exaggeration with regard to his own
demerits, it is clear that Martyn's success was as a scholar, not as
a preacher. It may be imagined that a man of his type was
entirely out of his element so far as social festivities were concerned.
Although he says :
I groan at the misery and vanity of the world and humbly adore the mercy
of God which hath separated me from them, —
nevertheless he is obliged occasionally to go to dinners and other
entertainments. Here is one :
I found such a party of Dragoon officers that I could not open my mouth but
was obliged to sit listening to nonsense, while the happy people of God were
worshipping in his courts ; but I lifted up my heart in prayer and ejaculation
frequently ; and was therefore so far from being inclined to conform to them
that I never felt more averse to the ways and miserable merriment of
the worldly.
His journey in Persia becomes more and more distressing as
his fever and wretchedness increase. Even for this tough and
vahant spirit the load of suffering becomes too great. But to
the very end he thinks " with sweet comfort and peace of my God,
in solitude my company, my friend and comforter." The last
entry is written ten days before he died.
The journal, edited by Samuel Wilberforce, was published
in 1839.
THOMAS CREEVEY
ALTHOUGH Greville speaks of Creevey's " copious
diary," Sir Herbert Maxwell, the editor of the Creevey
.Payers, states that it never came into his hands, and
expresses some doubt as to whether it ever existed. If it did, it
336 iENGLiSH DIARIES
is conceivable that his poUtical opponents got hold of it after
his death and destroyed the greater part of it. Anyhow, the
Creev^y Papers consist almost exclusively of letters and memo-
randa of reminiscences, and there are only a few diary extracts.
These show that intermittently the great collector of gossip must
have kept some sort of a diary. He certainly was well qualified
to do so, because he was in a favourable position to hear all that
was going on and in his writing he shows a special talent for
recording the intrigues and scandals of the day with the ease and
indiscretion which is very suitable for diary writing. We may
regret, therefore, that there is not more of it.
Thomas Creevey, born in 1768, was for several years a Member
of Parliament. The few passages in his journal from which we
can quote occur between 1809 — 1818. There is nothing what-
ever in them about himself or his domestic affairs.
He relates in some detail a visit to Ho wick, where he has several
conversations with Lord Grey, but he remarks :
Conversation after dinner and after supper always as artificial as the devil.
Lord Grey showing his spite at my conduct the last session.
He sometimes writes in the present tense :
Mrs. Creevey receives a letter from Lady Petre begging her and me to
write letters of introduction in Edinburgh for her son yotmg Lord Petre who
is going there. Mrs. Creevey asks Lord Grey to] let her send a note to Aln-
wick to bring him and his tutor over here. Lord and Lady Grey make such
difficulty about beds and in short fling such cold water upon the proposal that
we drop the subject. Take notice. There was room in the house — aplenty.
We cannot help sympathising with Lord Grey.
The entries in 1809 are chiefly political gossip and scandal
about Mrs. Clarke, the Duke of York's mistress. In 1811 at
Brighton he is highly delighted at being asked several times to
the Pavilion with his wife and step-daughter, so we get some amus-
ing references to the Prince Regent.
We were at the Pavilion last night — Mrs. Creevey's three daughters and
myself — and had a very pleasant evening. . . . About half past nine which
might be a quarter of an hour after we arrived the Prince came out of the
dining room. He was in the best hiunour, bowed and spoke to all of us and
looked uncommonly well tho' very fat.
The Regent sat in the musiek Room almost all the time between Viotti,
the famous violin player and Lady Jane Houston and he went on for hours
beating his thighs the proper time for the band and singing out aloud and
looking about for accompaniment from Viotti and Lady Jane. It was curious
to see a Regent thus employed but he seemed in high good humour.
LADY CHARLOTTE BURY 337
The Regent was again all night in the Musick room and not content with
presiding over the Band but actually singing and very loud too.
The Prince was very merry and seemed very well. He began to me with
saying very loud that he had sent for Mrs. Creevey's physic to London.
The passages quoted in 1817 and 1818 are mostly accounts
of conversations with the Duke of WeUington. He seems anxious
to show on what famihar terms the Duke was with him.
We talked over English politics and upon my saying that never Government
cut so contemptible a figure as ours did the last session — particularly in the
defeats they sustained on the proposals to augment the establishments of the
Dukes of Clarence, Kent and Cumberland upon their marriages he said " By
God ! there is a great deal to be said about that. They (the Princes) are the
damnedest millstone about the necks of any Government that can be imagined.
They have insulted — personally insulted — two thirds of the gentlemen of
England and how can it be wondered at that they take their revenge upon
them when they get them in the House of Commons ? It is their only oppor-
timity and I think, by God ! they are quite right to use it.
All the " Well, Creevey," " Come in here, Creevey," " Come
on and dine with me, Creevey," are most carefully noted. Sum-
ming up the Duke, he writes ;
It is a curious thing to have seen so much of this said Duke as I have done
at diSerent times considering the imposters that most men in power are — the
insufferable pretensions one meets with in every Jack in office — the uniform
frankness and simplicity of Wellington in all conversations I have heard him
engaged in coupled with the unparalleled situation he holds in the world for
an English subject make him to me the most interesting object I have ever
seen in my life.
It is not in the diary extracts but in the letters and memoranda
that the full spice of Creevey's tittle-tattle comes out.
LADY CHARLOTTE BURY
IN 1838 was published anonymously A Diary Illustrative of the
Times of George the Fourth. It created a considerable stir and
was fiercely attacked. Thackeray tore it to pieces in Skim-
mings from the Diary of George IV, by C. Yellowplush, Esq. ;
but this did not prevent him using passages from it in his Four
Georges. Tom Hood wrote :
When I resign the world so briery
To have across the Styx my ferrying
O may I die without a Diary
And be interr'd without a Busying !
22
i
338 ENGLISH DIARIES
This shows that the authorship was already suspected.
Lady Charlotte Bury, who was the author of this diary, was
born in 1775. She was a daughter of John, Duke of Argyll,
and became a famous beauty. She married first m 1796 John
Campbell, her cousin, and in 1818 the Rev. Edward J. Bury. The
latter got hold of the diary, which was originally never intended
for pubhcation, edited it and added notes, but he died before
its actual pubhcation. Lady Charlotte was a proUfic novelist.
She turned out novel after novel for the sake of making a little
money when she found herself in reduced circumstances m later
years, but no one has ever heard of any of them.
The diary is certainly a most astonishing production. Tarts
of it read almost hke a parody or skit. Her husband evidently
tampered with it, anyhow to the extent of mentiomng the author
herself by name and in the third person, with a view no doubt
of putting people off the right scent. It covers about ten years
(1810-1820) with breaks, and many of the entries occupy several
pages. Scandal gossip and anecdotage served in rich profusion
are heavy reading at the best of times, and we do not get much
relief in the sentimental effusions of the novehst on her foreign
travels. What she sees may be " sublime," " radiant,' dazz-
ling" "transcendental," "effulgent," "enchanting, replete
with sweetness," but our attention flags. A comparison of Lady
Charlotte's Journal with Fanny Burney's will strike anyone who
reads the two because they both describe the Court, they are
both novelists, and they both write a great deal. But in l^anny
Burney there is a shrewdness, a humour, an inimitable descriptive
power which we may look for in vain in Lady Charlotte's observa-
tions • in the former diary there is a reticence with regard to scandal,
a rather charming propriety and even in her raptures a naivete
which is absent in the more worldly and sophisticated lady s
writing. In another respect, however. Lady Charlotte differs
again from the author of Evelina. In her more mature experience
of the world and society she has no awe or obseqmous reverence
for her royal acquaintances. Fanny's " sweet Queen ' becomes
" the old Queen whose death would not be much regretted ;
"the excellent King" becomes "the unfortunate King"^whose
"mind is quite gone," and Princess Charlotte who is quite
beautiful " becomes Princess Charlotte who is " neither graceful
. nor elegant, and extremely spread for her age." With aU her
faults Lady Charlotte kept her head when she was m the presence
of royalty, and indeed exercised her critical faculties m this
connection far more skilfuUy than when she was surrounded by
LADY CHARLOTTE BURY 339
her society friends, who all appear rather colourless, or than when
she was admiring the pictures of Carlo Dolci in Italian galleries or
gazing at the beauties of Italian scenery.
After a ruthless pruning of the heavy and elaborate acces-
sories in the diary, one can detach a very bold and pecuharly
realistic portrait of the Regent's unfortunate wife, to whom
Lady Charlotte was a lady-in-waiting. The curious thing is
that whenever she is describing or criticizing or pitying her royal
mistress Lady Charlotte's style seems entirely to alter ; the soar-
ing enthusiasm vanishes, the cloying verbiage ceases, and we
get trenchant phrases, acute observations and sound judgments.
Though a critical she was a loyal and helpful friend to the Princess
of Wales, and she certainly provides the most intimate informa-
tion with regard to the extraordinary treatment of George IV's
wife that has been furnished from any source.
We may therefore pass over a great deal of the diary in order
to collect some of the passages which gives us this close view
of Carohne of Brunswick, not because she is either an interesting
or important historical personage, but because it shows off the
diarist at her best. Only a small selection can be made from
the many pages of conversations, confidences and revelations
which the diary contains.
Sometimes there is a series of exalted sentiments in what she (the Princess)
says and does that quite astonishes me and makes me rub my eyes and open
my ears to know if it is the same person who condescends to talk low nonsense
and sometimes even gross ribaldry. One day I think her ail perfection —
another I know not what to think. The tissue of her character is certainly
more uneven than that of any other person. One day there is tinsel and
tawdrjr — another worsted — another silk and satin, another gold and jewels —
another de J<i boue, de la crasse — que dirai-jc ?
No appetite for converse, no strength of nerves, no love for any individual
who might be present could possibly enable any person who was not royal
(they certainly are gifted with supernatural strength) to sit for five or six
hours at table and keep vigil till morning light. Some one I remember
present that night ventured to hint that morning was at hand. " Ah " said
the Princess " God, He knows when we may all meet again — to teU you God's
truth, when I am happy and comfortable I could sit on for ever."
The Princess gave a long and detailed account of her marriage ..." a
protestant Princess must be found — they fixed upon the Prince's cousin. To
tell you God's truth I always hated it but to oblige my father, anything. But
the first moment I saw my jutwr and Lady Jersey together I knew how it all
was and I said to myself ' Oh, very well.' "
The old ourang outang came to dinner — more free and easy and detestable
than ever. Then Her Royal Highness sang — squall — squall ! Why invite
me ? After supper she continued the complaints. I cannot describe how
340 ENGLISH DIARIES
wearisome how unavaUing and injudicious the subjects of her conversation
now are in general.
In regard to myself I have laid down a rule of conduct towards Her Royal
Highness from which I am determined not to depart. This determmation
is never to give advice ; because I am quite aware that it might do me much j
harm and would do her no good.
The Princess is always seeking amusement and unfortunately often at the
expense of prudence and propriety. She cannot endui-e a dull person ; she
has often said to me " I can forgive any fault but that " ; and the anathema
she frequently pronounces on such persons is " Mine Gott ! dat is the dullest
person Gott Almighty ever did born ! "
All the time I staid and walked with her Royal Highness she cried and spoke
with a desolation of heart that really made me sorry for her ; and yet at the
end of our conversation, poor soul, she smiled and an expression of resi^ation
even of content irradiated her countenance as she said " I wiU go on hopmg
for happier days. Do you think I may ? " . . . This Princess is a most
peculiar person— she alternately makes me disUke and hke her.
I dined at Kensington. There was no one besides the Princess except
Lady We dined off mutton and onions and I thought Lady
would have degobbiled with the coarseness of the food and the horror of seemg
the Princess eat to satiety.
When we arrived at the Opera to the Princess's and all her attendmits'
infinite surprise we saw the Regent placed between the Emperor and the Kmg
of Prussia and all the minor Princes in a box to the right. God save the
King " was performing when the Princess entered and consequently she did
not sit down. ... As soon as the air was over the whole pit turned round
and applauded her. We who were in attendance on H.R.H. intreated her to
rise and make a curtsey but she sat immoveable and at last turmng round said
" My dear, Punch's wife is nobody when Punch is present." We all laughed
but still thought her wrong not to acknowledge the compliment paid her ;
but she was right as the sequel will prove. " We shall be hissed "said Su- W.
Gell " No, no " again replied the Princess with infimte good humour 1
' know my business b etter than to take the morsel out of my husband's mouth ;
I am not to seem to know that the applause is meant for me till they call my
name." The Prince seemed to verify her words for he got up and bowed to
the audience. ... The fact was the Prince took the applause to himself . . .
when the Opera was finished, the Prince and his supporters were applauded
but not enthusiastically ; and scarcely had he left the box when the people
caUed for the Princess and gave her a very warm applause. She then went
forward and made three curtseys and hastily withdrew. I beheve she acted
perfectly right throughout the evening ; but everybody tells a different story
and thinks differently.
After dinner her Royal Highness made a wax figui-e as usual and gave it an
y admirable addition of large horns ; then took three pins out of her garment
/ and stuck them through and through and put the figure to roast and melt at
the fire If it was not too melancholy to have to do with this I could have
died of laughing. Lady says the Princess indulges mtMs amusement
whenever there are no strangers at table and she thinks H.R.H. really has a
LADY CHARLOTTE BURY 341
superstitioiis belief that destroying this effigy of her husband will bring to
pass the destriiction of his royal person.
And later when she meets her in Genoa :
She (the Prmcess) had no rouge on, wore tidy shoes, was grown rather
thinner and looked altogether uncommonly well. The first person who
opened the door to me was the one whom it was impossible to mistake hearing
what is reported ; six feet high, a magnificent head of black hair, pale com-
plexion, mustachios which reach from here to London. Such is the stork
(Pergami). But of course I only appeared to take him for an upper servant.
The Princess immediately took me aside and told me all that was true and
a great deal that was not.
The same decoction of mingled falsehood and truth is in use as heretofore.
I cannot conceive why H.R.H. invites the latter little sneaking fellow who
is a decided enemy to her and a spy set over her by the Prince. I was very
glad that her dress, conversation and manners happened by some lucky chance
to be all perfectly proper so that imless Monsieur D told lies he could not say
anything was improper.
Of course we get all the details about the Princess's houses
and exploits, the political significance of the position and her
visits from Brougham and Whitbread and finally the trial ;
though the account of the latter is in a separate memorandum.
But whether with the Princess of Wales or her daughter Princess
Charlotte, Lady Charlotte is always on her guard. " There is no
believing," she says, " what these royal people say ; and I verily
believe they do not know what they believe themselves,"
Passing now to other parts of the diary, when Lady Charlotte
sentimentalizes about herself, we get passages like this :
The heart which acknowledges within it a hopeless vacuum, which has been
disappointed in all its expectations has burnt out its affections to the very
ashes and from nourishing every feeling to excess is forced to subside in the
fixed calmness of indifference and be content with common life, such a heart
must surely perish from inanition if it aspire not to the life to come.
When she misses seeing Thomas a Becket's tomb at Canterbury
she says :
I regretted not being able yesterday to visit the shrine of Thomas a Becket
at Canterbm-y where hypocrisy paid the price of its \ace by blood, and super-
stition trembled in its tiu-n for having dared to xisurp the power of Heaven to
punish.
We get many " melancholy reflexions " on her " unhappy
existence," although the richness of the style on these occasions
prevents us from fully understanding what the precise causes were.
Jii the diary she relates a number of anecdotes, generally second-
342 ENGLISH DIARIES
hand, and there are constant httle insinuations of scandal. One
or two sketches are given of people, amongst others one of Lady
Caroline Lamb, with whom she makes friends.
Many letters from various correspondents besides the Princess
of Wales are interspersed throughout the pages of the diary.
Sir Walter Scott was among the friends who wrote to her.
In 1814 Lady Charlotte was abroad. In France, Switzerland
and Italy her life seems to be occupied with sight-seeing, a certain
amount of reading and collecting from acquaintances, news and
gossip. " Early this morning I went about to gather up the news."
There is a great deal about Madame de This, La Marquise de That
and the Duchess of The Other, but it is almost impossible to
read about them. Our eye only wanders across the page to catch
references to the unfortunate CaroUne. She keeps up a corre-
spondence with the Princess and she meets her again in Italy.
The diary, though very full when she writes in it, has breaks.
She accounts for one of them thus :
This last week one of my overcoming periods of returning sadness stopped
my pen. Suspense, astonishment, dismay have all combined to make me
feel that common daily notes were trivial and insufficient to express my state
of mind.
But as usual we cannot gather the precise reason of this desper-
ate state of mind.
Lady Charlotte does not blossom out as a novelist till after the
date on which the diary is concluded. But in 1818 she says :
I am glad that people of ton have taken to writing novels ; it is an excellent
amusement for them and also for the public.
Lady Charlotte died at the age of 86, but not " lone and
neglected " as some of the biographical notices of her pretend.
Her daughters were with her.
Her diary and letters were re-edited by A. Francis Steuart in
1908 without Mr. Bury's original notes and with many of the
blanks, left for names, filled in.
LIEUTENANT SWABEY
THE diary kept by Lieutenant Swabey in the Peninsular
War (from 1811 to the battle of Vittoria in 1813, when
he was wounded) is a good example of a soldier's diary,
which in addition to technical miUtary details contains descrip-
LIEUTENANT SWABEY 343
tions of scenery and places and some rather humorous comments.
The cheerful disposition of the young diarist of 22 is quite apparent
in the full entries.
We are reminded of Teonge when he says on the journey out :
The first ceremony was that the whole dinner with the two servants and
myself went bodily to leeward on the floor. I kept fast hold of a chicken by
the leg and we fell to without knives and forks. I think I have not laughed
so much since I left Christchurch.
He enters the books he reads, which include Dryden, Otway,
a French book on Tacitus, and Gil Bias. He comments on the
weather and tells of his riding and coursing and other amusements.
But as with all soldiers on active service it is the periods of waiting
and inaction that are the most trying.
Rather troubled with a headache which was not deserved by idleness.
I am apt to be desponding when too quiet and unemployed.
There is such a complete vacancy and want of employTnent in our time that
I cannot congratulate myself of a night on having done anything either usefvd
or entertaining.
I feel myself so constantly engaged in the daily pursuits of infantry officers
in England viz : watching fishes swim under the bridge, throwing stones at
pigs, etc. I am ashamed of it but have nothing else to do.
He goes out to try and find books at the priest's house, but only
discovers " lives of saints, alias a compendium of ecclesiastical
impositions." His descriptions of discomforts are amusing, but
he always makes the best of them :
The beds had counterpanes of satin with lace borders and fringe ornaments
but oh comfort where are you gone ?
We get characteristic expressions of impatience at his superior
officers :
Confound aU dilatory and spiritless generals !
The military engagements are fully described, and in many
places there are additional notes inserted by him at a later date.
He is much more concerned in giving a full account of the victory
at Vittoria than in relating the incident of his being wounded in
the knee. Afterwards, however, he chafes a good deal at being
incapacitated, and finally he is invaUded home.
We find on one occasion the usual diarist's misgiving at going
on with his record :
844 ENGLISH DIARIES
I found this day as well as many of late so little worthy of being remembered
that I begin to think of curtailing my plan of journal altogether and am the
more tempted to do so from the liabits that necessity imposes on us.
There is an account very modestly told of his trying to help
a wounded French soldier : "I could not get the Frenchman
out of my head." The whole incident shows a kindly and humani-
tarian disposition. His comments on the Portuguese are not
complimentary ; he very much prefers the Spaniards.
Swabey returned afterwards to active service, fought in the
battle of Toulouse and also at Waterloo. But there is no further
diary from his pen. In 1840 he settled in Prince Edward Island
and died in 1872.
HENRY CRABB ROBINSON
IN Dr. Wilhams' Library in Gordon Square there are thirty-
five volumes of Crabb Robinson's diaries, extending from the
end of the eighteenth century to his death in 1867. He was a
diarist with a big D and gave up a great part of his time to record-
ing conversations and noting incidents in his intercourse with
the many celebrated people with whom he was on friendly terms.
In 1869 Thomas Sadler pubHshed three volumes giving extracts
from the diary, reminiscences, and part of the correspondence.
This selection has been condemned as meagre and inadequate.
But a careful perusal of these volumes makes one doubt whether
a further selection from the diaries would produce anything
of great importance or interest except a few actual facts and
dates. Crabb Robinson is described in his epitaph : " Friend
and associate of Goethe and Wordsworth, Wieland and Coleridge,
Flaxman and Blake, Clarkson and Charles Lamb ; he honoured
and loved the Great and noble in their thoughts and characters."
He was undoubtedly a very sympathetic friend and had a great
social gift ; he was a famous conversationalist, and his breakfast
parties rivalled those of Samuel Rogers.
After early experiences as a journalist he practised as a barrister
long enough to acquire a modest competence, and he then appears
to have devoted his life to social intercourse with men of note
and became a satellite of men of genius. He was therefore in a
very favourable position to observe and record ; and with pains-
taking industry he produced not only a voluminous diary but
reminiscences written subsequently amplifying and explaining
HENRY CRABB ROBINSON 345
many of the diary entries. The probably very unfair misgiving
seems to force itself on a reader from time to time — ^was Crabb
Robinson an awful bore ?
With all his gifts and opportunities we are anyhow inclined
to think that Crabb Robinson lacked the finer perceptions and
the talent of pen portraiture. There is hardly a passage in wliich
he brings the personality of the interesting characters such as
Flaxman, Lamb and Wordsworth before the reader with any
striking vividness. There is a mass of quite commonplace detail,
but no flash of hght, no telhng or discriminating character
sketch. His notes are immeasurably inferior to those of
Carohne Fox. The letters and reminiscences would carry us
further no doubt than the actual diary. But it is with the
diary that we are here concerned. In it there are a good
many hterary judgments of his own and of his friends. But
the immense collection of celebrities — ^for to those above men-
tioned must be added many others such as Hazlitt, de Quincey,
Carlyle, Landor, Madame de Stael, etc., etc. — remains a list of
names, not one of them really liv^es even though many of their
opinions are related, and he cannot help noting characteristic
features such as Lamb's puns. Daily contact even with the great
cannot of course constantly produce illuminating observations.
Character estimates of any value must be the result of collected
impressions and summaries. Conscientious daily diary notes are
not the best medium for giving the living impression of others
unless there is special skill and perception behind them. This
sort of entry, for instance, does not arrest a reader:
In the evening I stepped over to Lamb and sat with him from ten to eleven.
He was very chatty and pleasant. Pictures and poetry were the subjects of
our talk.
A delightful breakfast with Milnes — a party of eight among whom were
I Rogers, Carlyle, who made himself very pleasant indeed, Moore and Landor.
! The talk very good, equally divided. Talleyrand's recent death and the poet
Blake were the subjects.
Venice impresses me more agreeably than it did seven years ago. The
monuments of its faded glory are deeply affecting. We called on the Tickners
a ad Wordsworth accompanied them to hear Tasso chanted by gondoliers.
But although there is a great deal of this sort of style, it would
be unfair not to recognize merit in many parts of the diary. He
is not invariably in sympathetic agreement, drinking in words
of wisdom. With Godwin in 1815 he has a hot political discussion.
346 ENGLISH DIARIES
I spent the evening by appointment vpith Godwin. The Taylors were
there. We talked politics not very comfortably. Godwin and I all but
quarrelled ; both were a little angry and equally offensive to each other.
Godwin was quite impassioned in asserting his hope that Buonaparte may be
successful in the war. He declares his wish that all the allies that enter
France now may perish and affirmed that no man who did not abandon all
moral principles and love of liberty could wish otherwise. I admitted that in
general foreigners have no right to interfere in the government of a covintry
but in this case I consider foreign armies as coming to the relief of the people
against the oppressions of domestic soldiers ; and in this lies the justice of the
war.
With Wordsworth he walks and talks and travels. He discusses
his poetry and reports his opinions. In 1816 we find him on foot
and Wordsworth on horseback having a long walk in the rain.
In the close and interesting conversation we kept up Mr. Wordsworth was
not quite attentive to the road and we lost our way. ... He is an eloquent
speaker and he talked upon his own art and his owii works very feelingly and
very profoimdly but I camaot state more than a few intelligible results for
I own that much of that he said was above my comprehension [then follow
notes with regard to his poems].
They travelled together in Switzerland in 1820 and in Italy in
1837. Wordsworth dedicated Memorials of a Tour in Italy to him.
Here is a description of Shelley :
1817. I went to Godwin's. Mr. Shelley was there. I had never seen him
before. His youth and a resemblance to Southey particularly ui liis voice
raised a pleasing impression which was not altogether destroyed by his con-
versation though it is vehement, and arrogant and intolerant.
Crabb Robinson was one of the few who recognized the genius
of Keats. He notes ;
There is a force wUdness and originality in the works of this young poet
which, if his perilous jotirney to Italy does not destroy him, promise to place
him at the head of our next generation of poets.
Out of his gallery of portraits we should choose the picture of
Blake as being the best. It begins :
Shall I call Blake artist, genius, mystic or madman ? Probably he is all.
I foimd him in a small room which seems to be both a working room and a
bedroom. Nothing coiald exceed the squalid air both of the apartment and
his dress ; yet there is difiused over him an air of natural gentility.
And he gives the substance of several conversations. Of
Goethe there is a great deal when he revisits Weimar in 1829.
He writes about the lectures of Hazhtt and Coleridge which he
HENRY CRABB ROBINSON 847
attends, but as Sir Sidney Colvin says " he lacked the touch which
should have made his record live." It is impossible to go on picking
out passages about the host of celebrities. The diary and reminis-
cences may be a more or less fruitful hunting ground for their
biographers. Our object here is to find Crabb Robinson himself,
and this fortunately we can do.
We can pass over his legal experiences, his careful recording of
fees he receives ; we can pass over his travels, his adventures
with a tipsy man and with a thief in the Strand, and his first
journey in a train.
His meeting in the coach with Incledon, the singer, who " sang
in a sort of song whisper some melodies " to him, is entertaining, as
also his description of the wholesale christening of a large number
of babies in a Manchester church, when he " could not repress
the irreverent thought that being in the metropolis of manu-
factures the aid of steam and machinery might be brought in."
We need only mention his love of playgoing and his admiration
for Mrs. Siddons. Like a true diarist he notes little details such
as a visit to the dentist, " who put in a natural tooth in the place
of one I swallowed yesterday." In the thirty-five volumes there
is probably much more of the private particulars which editors
think it right to omit.
But there are two passages of self-analysis and introspection
which reveal the man, and probably many more of these would
be found in the full manuscript.
Surve3dng the year at the end of 1815 he says :
I do not now fear poverty. I am not nor ever was desirous of riches but
my wants do not perhaps increase in proportion to my means. My brother
Thomas makes it a reproach to me that I do not indulge myself more. This
I do not think a duty and shall probably not make a practice. 1 hope I
shall not contract habits of parsimony.
In 1816 he analyses his own disposition.
Sometimes I regret a want of sensibility in my nature but when such casea
of perverted intensity of feeling are brought to my observation, I rejoice at
my neutral apathetic character. . . . The older I grow the more I am satisfied
on prudential groiinds with the constitution of my sensitive nature. I am
persuaded that there are very few persons who suffer so little pain of all kinds
as I do ; and if the absence of vice be the beginning of virtue so the absence
of suffering is the beginning of enjoyment. I must confess, however, that I
think my own nature an object of felicitation rather than applause.
This passage, which is probably quite just, gives a clue to his
apparent failure to detect the finer shades of feeling and the
somewhat superficial character of his criticism of others.
348 ENGLISH DIARIES
But he has his moments of depression. In 1820 he writes:
It qmte affects me to remark the early decay of my faculties. I am so
lethargic that I shall soon be vmable to discharge the ordinary business of
life ; and as to all pretentions to literary taste this I must lay aside entirely.
How wretched is that state, at least how low is it when a man is content to
renounce all claim to respect and endeavours only to enjoy himself ! Yet
I am reduced to this. When my vivacity is checked by age and I have lost
my companionable qualities I shall then have nothing left but a little good
nature to make me tolerable even to my old acquaintances.
After writing this he lived, however, for forty-six years with
his faculties unimpaired. At the end of this year he notes
a deeper conviction than I ever had of the insignificance of my own character.
His last words at the end of 1823 are :
As to myself I have become more and more desirous to be religious but
seem to be further off than ever. Whenever I draw near, the negative side
of the magnet works and I am pushed back by an invisible power.
On New Year's Eve, 1836, he sits up late, and
when the year expired I was reading Dibdin's " Life " — a significant occupa-
tion for in idle amusement and faint pleasure was the greater part of the now
closing year spent. Such are my frivolous habits that I can hardly expect
to live for any profitable purpose either as respects myself or others.
But under this he notes in 1854 with some self-complacency :
I wrote this sincerely in my sixty first year. My life has been more actively
and usefully spent since I have been an elderly man.
On religion he writes in 1839 :
Oh how earnestly do I hope that I may one day be able to believe ! , But I
feel the faith must be give7i me ; I cannot gain it for myself. I will try, but
I doubt my power energetically to will anything so pure and elevated.
Crabb Robinson's old age must certainly have been the most
remarkable part of his life. He kept his diary fully and regularly
up to January 31, 1867, five days before his death at the age of 92,
so he is the oldest diarist of whom we have a record. At 86 we find
him climbing to the top of an omnibus (not by the spacious staircase
of the modern omnibus but by the narrow vertical ladder of sixty
years ago). At 90 he goes to the play and enjoys Twelfth Night,
and only at 91 when he goes for the last time does he confess he had
httle pleasure owing to " half deafness and dimness of sight."
At a dinner when he was 87 he notes :
MARY SHELLEY 349
I felt at my ease and from habit can repeat my old stories still with some
eSect. And I now perceive why old men repeat their stories in company.
It is absolutely necessary to their retaining their station in society. When,
they originate nothing they can profit their juniors by recollections of the past.
He is able to take quite a detached point of view, and notes
the httle lapses and failures of age, so to speak, from outside.
On his ninetieth birthday he writes :
My birthday. To-day I complete my ninetieth year. When people hear
of my age they affect to doubt my veracity and caU me a wonder. It is
unusual I beheve for persons of this age to retain possession of their faculties.
The Germans have an uncomplimentary saying " Weeds don't spoil."
Undismayed at 91 he begins " a new clean volume " of his
diary, although he adds :
The probability is that I shall never finish this volume. If alive, I shall not
be able to do so.
Nearing the end he has his occasional depressions, as when he
says :
I awoke early as is now usual with me ; and I was in a musing mood,
ruminating in an old-fashioned way. All my musings turned to self-reproach.
Were I a man of sensibility or acuteness I know not what would become of me,
I could not endure myself.
And later :
To-day I have felt really well and I hope that when the hour — the last hour —
comes I shall not disgrace it.
In the very last entry he begins writing about an essay " on the
qualifications of the present age for criticism," but he leaves off
in the middle of a sentence with the words : " But I feel incapable
to go on."
Crabb Robinson's diary has been quoted times without number
by biographers and essayist writers on the early nineteenth
century poets. Nevertheless our contention would still appear
to hold good that the diarist rather than the subjects on which
he writes is the study which attracts the most.
MARY SHELLEY
HOGG in his Life of Shelley tells us that Shelley " kept a
regular journal of his daily life recording day by day all
that he did read and wrote." Perhaps this diary was
little more than brief memoranda, anyhow it does not seem to be
350 ENGLISH DIARIES
in existence. Mary kept a journal of their travels, beginning
in 1814, in which Shelley made several entries at first, but the
latter part is entirely hers. This was published under the title of
Journal of a Six Weeks' Tour. But after this Mary continued
to keep a diary practically to the end of her life, and a large
number of extracts from it are published in her biography by
Mrs. Julian Marshall.
Had Mary been the wife of an obscure man it is improbable
that any extracts from her diary would have ever found their
way into print. There is nothing at ail remarkable about it.
Nevertheless, from the brief record of their wanderings and occupa-
tions, side light is cast on the poet's curious and uncomfortable
domestic circumstances.
Mary was a child of 17 when she started off on her adventures.
It is impossible to enter into the involved relationships of the
various women who figure in Shelley's life's story. Harriet is in
the background, Jane Clairmont accompanies them, and Mary's
parents the Godwins obtrude into the picture incessantly. One
or two of Shelley's entries at the beginning put a httle life and
spirit into the record, which disappear when Mary alone is respon-
sible for the diary.
(Shelley.) In the evening Capt. Davidson came and told us that a fat lady-
had arrived who said I had run away with her daughter ; it was Mrs. Godwin.
Jane spent the night with her mother.
It may be explained for those who are not closely conversant
with the story, that Jane was Mrs. Godwin's daughter and Mrs.
Godwin was Mary's step-mother.
(Shelley. ) Mary is not well and all are tired of wheeled machines. Shelley
is in a jocosely horrible mood.
Jane's strange vagaries are noted; Shelley calls on Harriet,
" who is certainly an odd creature " ; wanderings in Switzer-
land and Italy, discomforts, money troubles, and in almost every
entry the literature they consumed. The diary is written in
the present tense and when Mary takes up the pen we get all the
details about Shelley's day, such as :
Shelley very unwell — Shelley's odd dream — Shelley and Jane go out as
usual — Shelley goes out and sits in another room till 5 — Shelley goes to sleep ;
at 8 Shelley rises and goes out — Shelley reads Livy — In the evening Shelley,
Clara and Hogg sleep — [and so on].
And then casualty, as if of no more importance than what
MARY SHELLEY 351
Shelley was reading or doing, comes the birth of Mary's child,
and a week or so later the following entries concealing a tragedy
which she evidently has not time to enlarge on :
March 4. Read, talk, nm-se. Shelley reads the Life of Chaucer. Hogg
comes in the evening and sleeps.
March 5. Shelley and Cla.ra go to town. Hogg here all day. Read Corinne
and nvirse my baby. In the evening talk. Shelley finishes the Life of
Chaucer.
March 6. Find my baby dead. Send for Hogg. Talk. A miserable day.
In the evening read Fall of the Jesuits. Hogg sleeps here.
March 9. Read and talk. Still think about my little baby. 'Tis hard
indeed for a mother to lose a child . . . Hogg stays all night. Read Fontenelle
Plurality of Worlds.
March 13. Shelley and Clara go to town, stay at home and think of my
little dead baby.
March 19. Dream that my little baby came to life again.
This thread of tragedy under the high intellectual effort of
keeping up to the level of her adored but evidently callous idol,
by learning Greek and reading every book under the sun, is brought
out more vividly in these curt, bald entries than the later tragedy
of Shelley's death on which she writes pages and pages.
From the point of view of diary writing it is interesting to
note that Mary, while Shelley lived, absorbed herself in him and
only jotted down the day's events to remind her of every one of
his movements and doings. After he died she left off noting
daily events, and poured herself into her diary in immensely long
rapturous ejaculatory self-communings. In her melancholy
solitude she made her diary her companion. But it is almost
impossible to read much of this sort of thing :
Mine own Shelley ! the sun knows of none to be likened to you — brave wise
loble-hearted, full of learning tolerance and love.
My heart shakes with its suppressed emotions and I flag beneath the thoughts
;hat oppress me.
Oh Shelley dear lamented beloved ! help me, raise me support me, let me
lot feel ever thus fallen and degraded ! my imagination is dead, my genius
ost my energies sleep. Why am I not beneath that weed grown tower ?
My brow is sadly trenched, the blossom of youth faded. My mind gathers
vrinkles. What will become of me ?
These are only short sentences from the long pages, and the
ong pages that are printed are only extracts up to 1840 from the
352 ENGLISH DIARIES
whole diary. It is fair to say it was never intended for publi-
cation. It no doubt gave Mary great consolation, and it is there-
fore pathetic. But pathos hardly reaches a reader when a diarist
without any striking personahty, or real intellectual perception,
hfts all restraints to this extent. There are entries about her
friendship with Tom Moore, her quarrel with Jane, her writing,
and in 1838 she makes a lengthy self-examination which is not
very interesting. She died in 1851.
ADMIRAL COCKBURN
ON his return from service in the American war, Rear-
Admiral Sir George Cockbum was ordered early in 1815 i
to hold himself in readiness off Spithead, war ha\dng
broken out again with France. In August he received orders
to hoist his flag on H.M.S. NoHhumberland, and to convey General
Buonaparte to St. Helena.
On this voyage Cockbum kept a daily diary which is ex-
clusively concerned with his conversations with and the doings
of the fallen Emperor. It is an example of a diary in which the
special object for which it was kept entirely absorbs everything.
Cockbum probably was not naturally a diary \mter, but the
exceptional circumstances induced him to make notes durmg
this voyage, and these notes therefore contain none of the per-
sonal touches common to most private diaries. He writes clearly
and concisely, but his position in command prevents him from
extracting from his eminent prisoner such reflections and ex-
pressions of opinion as might have been ehcited by some one
in a position of less responsibihty, nor has he sufficient hterary,
abihty to rise fully to the height of his great opportunity.
In any detailed analysis of this brief journal we should soon
find ourselves discussing Napoleon and not Cockbum. The con-
versations are all reminiscent : the battle of Waterloo, the pre-
parations for the invasion of England, the marriage with Marie
Louise, the characters of the mlers of Europe, the murder of the
Due d'Enghien and many other episodes in the past— all qmte
matter of fact, no personal or pliilosophic rumination over thei
ex-Emperor's dramatic change of fate. j
Buonaparte is occasionally sulky and morose, but this generally
seems to be when the weather is bad. Otherwise he talks away,
plays chess and cards at night, and appears to be quite cheerful.
ADMIRAL COCKBURN 353
We will give an entry describing a typical day :
On Aug. 19. Ovir weather was moderate with a pleasant breeze from the
N.W. General Buonaparte since on board the Northumberland has kept
nearly the same hours : he gets up late (between ten and eleven) : he then has
his breakfast (of meat and wine) in his bedroom, and continues there in his
deshabille imtil he dresses for dinner, generally between three and four in the
afternoon : he then comes out of his bed cabin and either takes a short walk
on deck or plays a game of chess with one of his Generals Lintil the dinner hour
which is five o'clock. At dinner he generally eats and di'inks a great deal and
talks but little ; he prefers meats of all kinds highly dressed and never touches
vegetables. After dinner he generally walks for about an hour or ho\ir and
a half and it is during these walks that I usually have the most free and pleasant
conversations with him. About eight he quits the deck and we then make up
a game of cards for him in which he seems to engage with considerable pleasure
and interest until about ten when he retires to his bedroom and I believe almost
immediately goes to bed. Such a life of inactivity with the quantity and
description of his food makes me fear he will not retain his health through
the voyage ; he however as yet does not appear to suffer any inconvenience
from it.
We get a little of Cockburn himself in the following entries,
which show his determination not to stand any nonsense from
his distinguished passenger.
Aug. 10. It is clear he is still inclined to act the Sovereign occasionally but
I cannot allow it, and the sooner therefore he becomes convinced it is not to be
admitted the better.
Aug. 13. I did not see much of General Buonaparte throughout this day
as owing to his appearing inclined to try to assume again improper consequence
I was purposely more than usual distant with him and therefore though we
exchanged common salutations and high looks nothing passed between us
worth noticing.
Aug. 14. The General and myself were again distant and high with each
other, though perfectly civil — at least he has been as much so as his nature
(which is not very polished) eeems capable of.
The next day is Buonaparte's birthday. The Admiral drinks
his health and the civility is appreciated and relations become
easier again. The last entry is dated October 22, from St. Helena,
where the Admiral leaves us with a picture of the Conqueror of
half Europe playing at whist with the ladies " for sugar plums."
The Admiral's secretary kept a copy of the journal. The MS.
was found and printed in 1888.
23
354 ENGLISH DIARIES
S
LADY MALCOLM
TR PULTENEY MALCOLM succeeded Admiral Cockburn
in the naval command at St. Helena in June, 1816. He wa^
W> there for a year. A Diary of St. Helena contams entnes
tog t^t period made by his wife. The diary .s w„ ten with
S restraint in the third person in almost an official tone, and
contins hardly any feminine touches. Moreover, mtcrviews
TZ.tTl wWch she herself was not P-ent -d wh^eh
therefore were taken down from her h^^^d^d^*^^ °^- JJ^^
acrimonious disputes between Buonaparte and Sir Hud^o^.Y'r'
the Governor, are recorded, and in one instance the whole dialogue
is given L fuU. The writer's bias does not appear to be on the
Lvemor" side, and this can be accounted for by the fact that
SrSon Lowe did not manage to be on particularly good terms
even Sher husband, the Admiral. There are many of the same
slrt oTrem^niscent remarks from Buonaparte as m the previous
dlarv H™s very friendly in his intercourse with Lady Malcohn,
and'on S departure gives her a valuable P'- of ctoa -ma^^k-
ing that "Ladies had more compassionate hearts than men
for an obiect of misfortune."
L^y Malcolm's graphic description of Buonaparte's appear-
ance may be quoted in full :
His hair of a brown black thin on the forehead, cropped but not thin in the
high nos^-short upper lip , gooaw full— pale complexion—
but had become too fat a thick short na f threadbare
nails and a well shaped leg and foot. He was dre^^^? ^ ^ ^^^
oval gold buckles. She was struck with ^^e ™iess ^^ P
the least graceful.
The diary, edited by Sir A. Wilson, was pubUshed in 1899.
HENRY MATTHEWS 355
HENRY MATTHEWS
THE Diary of an Invalid, published in 1819, had a con-
siderable success and went into several editions. Byron
and many other people of the time expressed their appre-
ciation of it. Henry Matthews was a Fellow of King's College,
Cambridge. He left England in 1817 on account of his health,
and kept a journal of two years' travel in Portugal, Italy, Switzer-
and, and France — a journal, he says, " written to amuse the
hours of indisposition without any idea of publication." How-
ever, on his return he was persuaded by his friends to pubhsh it ;
and though tempted at first to work it up " in a more serious
and sustained style of composition," he eventually kept the
journal just as he had written it with very httle alteration.
In the days before Ruskin and Hare, when guide-books were
tio doubt dry and imperfect, one can imagine that such a book
as this was welcome. It is written without method or any
didactic learning and gives the daily impressions of a cultivated
mind on art and nature without any sort of affectation or pose.
A few little personal touches and health notes which occur natur-
ally in diary writing add considerably to the charm of the author's
simple style, and his oAvn opinions, often very decided, never jar.
Travelling in those days was still really travelhng and not whirling
blindly from one populous centre to another. He describes his
method in Italy :
Left Rome at sunrise — My carriage is a sort of buggy on four wheels drawn
by a single horse. My bargain with my voiturier is to be taken to Florence
n six days and to be fed and lodged on the road ; for which I am to give him
wenty dollars. The pace is tiresome enough at first ; for the horse seldom
juits his walk even for an equivocal amble ; but if you have no particular
object in getting on you soon become reconciled to this. Besides it afiords
imple leisure for surveying the country and gratifying your curiosity at any
aarticular point where you wish to deviate from the road ; for you may easily
)vertake your carriage.
On travelling alone he says :
I doubt, aU things considered, whether it be not better to travel by yourself
han with a companion. It is true you may not always please yoiu'self, but
Ton may at least bear with your own ill humour. If you could select the very
!ompanion you would wish, it might alter the case ; though it seems fated that
tU travelling companions should fall out ; and history is fuU of instances
rom Paul and Barnabas down to Walpole and Gray — So I jog on, contented
it least if not happy, to be alone.
356 ENGLISH DIARIES
His illness occasionaUy interferes with his enjo\Tnent :
My health grows worse and worse ! Constant irritation-Day without
rest^nisht wifhout sleep ;-at least sleep without repose and rest without
vZ^TiL n hie with health and wealth and aU " apphances and mean, to
Ct be nothing but vanity and vexation of spirit what as it alas ! when
deprived of all these embelUshments ?
And he sometimes faUs into a philosophic vein :
Those are the wisest and happiest who can pass through 1^« ff ^ P^^ J
^ho-without making a farce of it and turning everythmg mto richciJe-or
^^^t'the opposite extreme of tragedy-consider the -^^ole penod from
Z^Ue to the coffin as a well bred comedy ; and mamtam a cheertul We
to the very last scene. For what is happiness but a WiU o' the ^\ isp, a delu-
don a tSa incognita-in pursuit of which thousands are tempted out of the
harbour of tranqxXy to b^ tossed about, the sport of tb^ -n^^ ^P-^^
and the waves of disappointment, to be wrecked, perhaps, at la.t on the rocks
o? d^pair ;-uBless th^" be pro^-ided with the sheet anchor of rehgion-the
only anchor that will hold in all weathers.
In Rome he sees the Pope from afar only :
Ash Wednesday. Ceremony in the Pope's Chapel-sprinkhng of ash^on
thfSaiTthe cLdinals-Mass as usual-I have dechned bemg pre«ent^ to
ffis iXi thinking with the Duke of Hamilton that when the kxssmg of the
toe is left out the ceremony is deprived of all amusement.
The opera at Naples :
Visited the opera for the first time. Of all the stupid things in the world
a seriou? opera is perhaps the most stupid and the opera to-mght formed no
Lcept'ntrt^ oServa?ion. The theatre is. I beUeve, the l-g-t m Europ^
^atl certainly too large for the singers whose voices sound hke penny
trumpets on Salisbury Plain.
The many descriptions of scener>', buildings, pictures, etc. of
which the dian- of course is chiefly composed, are never affw^ted
or laboured. He brings them in naturaUy as he P^^f^' f d^^'
admirations are expressed ^"ith comincmg restraint. We vnil
just give one instance of a scene from Fiesole :
There is something deUghtfully pleasant in the voluptuous 1^^°^/^^^
the soft air of anlSian landscape occasions ; and then t^^^f f ^°^jf.^^
ItaUan sunset ! I shaU never forget the impression ^f^f^'^'^^^J^^^
lar evening. The sun had just gone down leavmg the sky dyed with the nch^
^ts oT^nson-while the virgin sno.^ on the distant -o"-^-- ^^^^^^
with blushes of •' celestial rosy red " ; when from an opposite q^^«^ f ^^
SaverL^here seemed to rise another sun as large as bright as glowing as tha^
wMch^djSt departed. It was the moon at the full ^— f ^he ^^J^^^^J^
rS>mpleti, that iTrequired some minutee to convmce me that I was not u
Fairy Land.
HENRY FYNES CLINTON 357
He breaks off occasionally into literary criticisms and appre-
ciations. For instance, he visits Femey, which naturally causes
him to write a good deal about Voltaire. He does not Uke him,
and concludes his remarks as follows :
His physiognomy, which is said to have been a combination of the eagle
and the monkey was illustrative of the character of his mind. If the soaring
wing and piercing eye of the eagle opened to him all the regions of knowledge
it was only to collect materials for the gratification of that apish disposition
which seems to have delighted in grinning with a malicious spirit of mockery
at the detected weaknesses and infirmities of human nature. Though a man
may often rise the wiser yet I believe none ever rose the better from the perusal
of Voltaire.
His wanderings last from September 6, 1817, to June 10, 1819.
He passes with his seeing eye from one place to another, a little
weary sometimes of the constant moving and packing.
Packing up ; this is a melancholy part of a travellers life ; to arrive and
hear no welcome — to depart and hear no farewell — or if he remain stationary
for a time to be called away just as he is beginning to form new connexions.
Matthews was no egotist, on the contrary he travelled to forget
himself and his ailments. But a refined and charming nature
can be felt behind the record. He was afterwards given a judicial
appointment in Ceylon, where he died in 1828, at the age of thirty-
eight.
Another nineteenth-century diary of travel may just be men-
tioned here by way of contrast. Edwin Rickman published The
Diary of a Solitaire in 1835 with a long preface and copious notes.
It is an account of travel in Switzerland, but his observations
are very trite and commonplace. The only interest lies in the
notes, which contain biographical reminiscences and an account
of the Society of Friends, of which he was a member.
HENRY FYNES CLINTON
IN 1854, the Rev. Charles Fynes Clinton published a volume
entitled The Literary Remains of Henry Fynes Clinton, which
consists of part of an autobiography and of a journal kept
from 1819 to 1852. In his desire to do justice to his brother's
great scholarship and piety, he has eliminated so far as he could
matters of a personal nature because, he says, " they would be
uninteresting to the reader." He made, of course, a very great
358 ENGLISH DIARIES
mistake. It is a glaring instance of a diary being spoilt by
editorship. However much we may be amazed at the range
and profundity of Henry Fynes Clinton's literary and classical
studies, and however much we may admire the high moral tone
of his reUgious views, he is removed from us and presented as
somebody of an abnormal type by the unfortunate cutting of
all the little humdrum and perhaps trifling incidents which are
the human links which make readers conscious of the hving
man in a diarist. Luckily there are cliinks in the shutters, and
we do catch glimpses now and again of the more domestic and
hghter side of the austere scholar.
His father, Dr. Fjmes Clinton, rector of Cromwell, was a direct
descendant of the Earl of Lincoln, ^ who died in 1616. Henry was
bom in 1781, and was educated at Westminster and Christ Church,
Oxford. There was an idea of his taking orders, but this was
abandoned, and he entered ParHament at the age of 26. He never
took to political life, he was never interested in it, and he never
spoke. His talents and ambitions were gradually turned into
another channel, and although he remained in Parliament for
nineteen years and kept up a more or less regular attendance, his
absorbing interest was centred in his scholastic and hterary
studies. The only parliamentary references in the diary are the
bare record of divisions. A few quotations may be given to show
his views on this subject.
1819. My love of letters begins to revive wliich has been dormant or
extinct for some time past and an inward alacrity and cheerfulness conse-
quently succeeds to that spirit of despondency and dissatisfaction which I
have lately felt. I perceive that I can never be a public speaker ; but I
observe that those whose lives have been passed as eminent public speakers
have not in general the faculty of being good writers. ... I %vill not because
Nature has denied me the gifts of an orator \mwisely overlook or neglect the
advantages and the usef illness of that literature of which I may yet be capable.
In the same year his cousin the Duke of Newcastle encourages
him to endeavour to get an official post in the Treasury. But he
assures the Duke that he feels himself " destitute of the gift of
public speaking and of the requisites for succeeding in debate."
He entirely abandons the idea.
^ Sir Henry Fynes, Lord Lincoln's son, took the name of Clinton. There
is a most entertaining autobiographical fragment from his pen, which unfor-
tunately caimot be included as a diary. In it he describes his second wife as
having proved " so jealous so malincholy, so angry, pevish and capsius, so <
proud and conseated and so full of devilish and mireformable humours "
{Qeniietnan's Magazine, 1772).
HENRY FYNES CLINTON 859
As to the higher official stations I am convinced that I am not fit for them :
and as to the lower offices they are not fit for me.
And when in 1826 he leaves Parliament and surveys the past,
he concludes :
AH these causes concvirring have contributed to render me as far as public
speaking is concerned an inefficient Member of Parliament.
But he finds ample compensation in his studies, which indeed
were of so profound a nature as to occupy his time and thoughts
almost exclusively, so that he looked on Parliament while he was
in it merely as an interruption to his work. In fact, every interval
that was not filled with reading and WTiting he came to regard
not only with regret but with dread. Here are some of his
reflections on the subject :
1820. While I am without literary object my mind preys on itself. When
shall I be able to return to those studies and literary occupations which are
so necessary to the health of my faculties ?
1822. As I advance in the experience of life the more am I convinced of
the importance of these literary pursuits. They are in my case a duty.
1824. Now that my researches are brought to a kind of period I fear a
recurrence of desponding thoughts. I dread a cessation of employment.
When unemployed my mind recoils upon itself. Any uncomfortable cir-
cumstances press upon my attention and fill me with painful apprehensions.
These are forgotten while my mind is exercised with some literary object.
1830. A literary object is necessary to me for my mind's health and for my
moral safety.
And in 1834, after the completion of a bit of work, he holds
a long discourse with liimself in which this passage occurs :
You devoted yourself to that kind of literary labour for which you were most
fitted. You have found in those labours a refuge from cares and disquietudes
of life and a salutary discipline for your own mind ; a security against the
dangers of an vmoccupied life. You are to give God thanks for His mercies
not only in calling you to this course of literary labo\ir and service but in
supporting you under it during so many years. . . . What rettu-n are you to
make to God for all His mercies who has brought you to your fifty fourth year
in the possession of health and leisure and of your intellectual faculties ? Are
you now to cast away all diligence and rest in inaction ? Assuredly not.
And consequently he bucldes to again.
And of what did his studies consist ? His diary he calls a
literary journal, and it consists mainly in a minute register of the
books he read and the books he was writing. The works which
occupy him are entirely classical and theological. He had a
360 ENGLISH DIARIES
perfect knowledge of Latin and Greek, as well as French. In
fact, many entries in the diary are in Greek or Latin or a mixture
of both. The constant lists of the books he is reading show an
amazing power of mastering not only well-known classics but
obscure and recondite authors. Every book is mentioned, some
analysed ; the time occupied over each one noted and the actual
number of pages digested carefully entered. Page after page
of this sort of thing may well make most readers feel ignorant
and many readers rather dizzy. The hst of books he is engaged
in reading in 1819 is as follows :
Plato Repub : . . . pp 403
Aristot. Hist. Anim : 319
Lsocratis 78
Joseph! Bell. Jud. 439)
— Vita 8l| 520
Hippocratis 1482
Eusebii Praep. Ev: 1100)
-Hist. E: 580J ^*^^"
Theonis Progymn : 88
Callimachus 47
DionysivLS Perieget : 40
Eustachii Schol : 326
Libanii : 217
Ciceronis Orat : 913
Curtius 452
Taciti Hist : 307
6872
And there are many daily entries mentiom'ng one or two par-
ticular books. Here is another example of a period :
1824. May 14. Since March 4 these studies : Marbre de Choiseul, in
Mem. Acad, torn XL VIII : Scholia in EuripidLs. Phoeniss. ed. Matthias =
pp 400 : Zenobius, pp 112 : Diogenianus pp 56 : Boeckh. de Tragicis Graecis :
Theordoreti Sermones XII = pp 327 the first 254 folio pages of Scholia in
Hermogenem ed. Aid. besides collecting materials from Sjnicellus, Sulpicius
Severus and Scaligeri Eusebius for enlarging and correcting Fast. Hell.
Appendix c. 18.
Whatever may be our feehngs of amazement we have no feelings
of en^y. However, his Fasti Hellenici and his Fasti Bomani,
published between 1824 and 1850, had a considerable success
and went into several editions. He was also engaged on a Scrip-
ture Chronology which began :
years B.C.
From Adam to the Flood 2256 3157
To the birth of Abraham 1002 2155
HENRY FYNES CLINTON 361
There seems to be very little in the way of Uterary appreciation
in the journal. He is a sort of Hterary statistician. He is actually
engaged at one time in calculating how many letters in each page
are contained in Latin and Greek authors. However arid his
studies were, nevertheless his industry was astonishing.
It was a bitter disappointment to Fynes Clinton when he was
passed over for the apijointment of Chief Librarian at the British
Museum in 1827. His great desire for the post is apparent in the
diary, but he does not indulge in one word of complaint when he
fails. In fact, he strove successfully throughout his life against
" the indulgence of vain regrets and an unsatisfied mind " which
forms the subject of his prayers. These prayers, which need not
be quoted, occur in many entries, sometimes in Latin. (" His
diebus graviter vexatus curis : Deo me commendo in quo spes omnis.")
In 1809 he married Harriott Wylde, who died in the following
year. In 1812 he married Katherine Majendie, daughter of the
Bishop of Bangor, who helps liim with the education of his
children, to which he naturally attaches great importance. He
gives a full account of her lessons with them, ending : " It is just
that I should give this testimony to her maternal diUgence."
He refers frequently to his children, and there are several entries
when he is surveying his hfe, in which there is a good deal of
humanity and atmosphere.
For instance, when he leaves his house at Welwyn he writes :
My wife and children left Welwyn for London at twelve. I remained till
four. After they were gone, I passed an hour in the walk in the field occupied
with many sorrowful thoughts at the remembrance of the many satisfactions
which God had granted me in that place, in past years. I offered up a separate
prayer for each of the children. I returned to my own room, the scene of
my literary labours ; I there again prayed earnestly for my dear son, whose
instruction had now for four years and a half formed a part of my daily occupa-
tion in that apartment. When I seated myself for the last time in my own
chair in the place which I had been used to occupy every day at eleven o'clock,
I was for a little space completely overcome.
He made an entry in liis diary on October 23, 1852, the day
before he died, noting that he had received the Holy Sacrament.
Although the journal is preceded by autobiographical notes,
it would not appear that Fynes Chnton contemplated its pub-
Ucation. Some interesting observations of his on diary writing
are quoted in the Introduction.
362 ENGLISH DIARIES
MARY BROWNE
A S a girl of 14, Mary, the daughter of William Browne, of
/\ Tallentire Hall, in Cumberland, kept a diary for one year,
I V in 1821, in order to record the visit she paid with her
family to France. It is a child's diary of an entirely natural and
unsensational character, and it would be hardly worthy of any
special attention were it not for the fact that it is copiously iUus-
trated. As a writer Mary was advanced for her age ; she makes
no grammatical errors and hardly uses any childish expressions.
As an artist she was not so advanced, but she was far more
original, and the drawings of the various types she saw, afeowwe, a
fisherwoman, a priest, soldiers, market women, etc., etc., show
not only a childish faithful accuracy, but an enterprising spon-
taneity wliich is quite indi\ddual.
The amusing part of the actual diary is her hatred of France
and the French, and her frantic desire to come home.
The French people do not seem to think it wrong to cheat or lie or the least
disgraceful to be told they do so.
The French women have not good figures ; the old women are very fat and
the others are as flat as two boards ... the French children are old fashioned,
dull, grave and ugly ; like little old women in their appearance.
They say that the French like dancing better than anything and we heard
it very much admired. For my part I think it is neither graceful nor pretty
nor merry.
Although one hears so much of French politeness I do not think that the
French are near so pohte as the Enghsh. The men make better bows etc.
but in other things there is a kind of forwardness in the manners of the people
that I cannot admire.
I cannot tell what made me dislike France so very much ; one reason I
think was that I raised my expectations too high. I had heard so much of the
^ne climate, the excellent fruit and the lively people, that I was quite disap-
pointed at the cold weather, the bad fruit and the duU people.
Uncomfortable lodgings, processions, fairs, fountains and
various other sights and experiences are all simply and carefully
related and illustrated.
The school is well described and various masters and mistresses
who taught there, including the writing master, who
used to sit down at one end of the table and never move ; he had a curious
squeaking voice. I could never find out what he did except mendmg pens
and those were so bad that we were obliged to get Madame Crosnier to mend
them afterwards.
RICHARD HURRELL FROUDE 363
Great was her joy on returning home. The special flavour of
this child's impressions of France in the early nineteenth century
is lost without her amusing pictures.
The diary was published in 1905. The authoress, who became
a keen naturalist, used her artistic talent in making pictures of
flowers and butterflies. She died at the early age of 26.
RICHARD HURRELL FROUDE
THERE is only a short diary of two years kept by Froude,
brother of the historian, friend of Newman, and one of
the leaders of the Oxford Movement. He has been
described as a Catholic without Popery, and a member of the
Church of England without Protestantism. The diary begins
in 1826, when he was 23 and a tutor at Oriel. This was before
he was ordained and some time before the Tracts for the Times
were issued, to which he contributed. There is nothing, there-
fore, in the diary of any public interest, but it is a revelation of
character, as it is entirely introspective. It is one long chapter
of self-condemnation and attempts at self-discipline with occa-
sional prayers, and there is a certain pettiness about it which makes
one almost prefer Thomas Turner's unsuccessful efforts to cure
his hopeless drunkenness.
Froude was encouraged to keep a journal by reading his
mother's. He thought it would help, " as I find I want keeping
in order," and he appears to have enjoyed pulling himself up in
very trivial lapses. It would almost seem as if people who have
to combat great temptations prefer not to speak or write about
them, while those who want to correct small failings make a great
deal of them. He enjoyed self-condemnation and speaks of his
" enthusiastic misery."
We need only give a series of instances of the morbid self-
disciplinary outpourings which fill the diary :
I am in a most conceited way besides being very ill tempered and irritable.
Not a very profitable day but in some respects better, my odd feeling, I
hope, is passing away as what I wrote yesterday seems nonsense and almost
affectation.
To-day I have eaten beyond the bounds of moderation. I must make a
vigorous stand or I shall be carried away altogether.
864 ENGLISH DIARIES
Looked with greediness to see if there was a goose on the table for dinner ;
and though what I ate was of the plainest sort and I took no variety yet even
this was partly the effect of accident and I certaioly rather exceeded in quan-
tity as I was muzzy and sleepy after dinner.
As far as I have observed yet the strongholds of the evil spirit within me
are inertness, disingenuousness, bullying and levity.
Was ashamed to have it known that I had no gloves. Talked about matters
of morality in a way that might leave the impression that I thought myself
free from some vices I censured. This was imintentional but silly.
I have a sort of vanity which aims at my own good opinion.
Pleased myself with fancying I was not common place.
Ate very little though I was very himgry but because I thought the charge
unreasonable I tried to shirk the waiter — sneaking.
Disgustingly self complacent thoughts have kept continually obtruding
themselves upon me on the score of my little paltry abstinences. What I
give up costs me no great effort.
Was disgiistingly ostentatious at dinner in asking for a china plate directly
as I had finished my meat.
I am obliged to confess that in my intercourse with the Supreme Being I
am become more and more sluggish.
Read aSectedly in evening chapel.
I must be energetic about abstinence or I shall quickly drop back into lazy
fatness.
Yet he does not think his journal gives an accurate picture of
himself :
Have read my journal. I can hardly identify myself with the person it
describes.
This diary was certainly never intended for publication, but
his friends thought fit to include it in his " Remains." He died
at the age of 33 in 1836.
W. E. GLADSTONE ^
IN his Life of Gladstone, Lord Morley tells us that amongst
the vast mass of material he had at his disposal were forty-four
volumes of diaries, " little books in double columns intended
to do httle more than record persons seen or books read or letters
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from The Life of William Ewart Gladstone,
by John Morley, with the kind permission of Mr. Gladstone's trustees and
Messrs. Macmillan & Co.
W. E. GLADSTONE 365
written as the days passed by." Gladstone himself advised one
of his sons at Oxford " to keep a short journal of principal em-
ployments in each day : most valuable as an account book of the
all precious gift of Time." But, as his biographer says in speak-
ing of his social activities, " he seems to have thought that little
of what passed was worth transcribing nor in truth had Mr. Glad-
stone ever much or any of the rare talent of the born diarist."
Throughout the Life a number of quotations are given from
the diaries, many of them just one hne or a couple of sentences.
Some of these brief jottings become pregnant with meaning when
they are placed side by side with other and fuller accounts of
the events they record. But there is an entire absence of any-
thing intimate or domestic — such entries, if they exist, are omitted.
That they are omitted we gather from Lord Morley saying that,
in using the diary, he must " beware of the sin of violating the
sanctuary." There are a few reflections on life, but for the most
part books, speeches, political and parliamentary activities form
the subjects of his notes. And it is all strenuous, lofty and pro-
found to an extreme degree. In fact, Gladstone's diary, or as
much of it as we are allowed to see, by no means brings him
down from his pedestal to the level of an ordinary mortal ; and
for that reason, wliile our admiration may be great, our sympathy
is hardly ever reached.
He began his diary when he was at Eton, and kept up the
habit for practically seventy years. The school entries are
brief notes chiefly of his studies. Here is one on the Eton speech
day:
Feb. 27. 1827. Holiday. Dressed (knee breeches etc.) and went into
school with Selwyn. Foimd myself not at all in a funk and went through my
performance with tolerable comfort. Dumford followed me, then Selwyn
who spoke well. Horrors of speaking chiefly in the name.
At Oxford records of his studies continue. We catch a refer-
ence to card playing in the following :
1830. Sep. 4. Same as yesterday. Paradise Lost. Dined with the Bishop.
Cards at night. I like them not for they excite and keep me awake. Constru-
ing Sophocles.
In the following year his speech at the Union was so powerful
and briUiant that one of his contemporaries wrote that when
Gladstone sat down "we all of us felt that an epoch in our lives
had occurred." But this is aU, we get in the diary :
Cogitations on Reform etc. Difficult to select for a speech, not to gather it.
366 ENGLISH DIARIES
Spoke at the adjourned debate for three quarters of an hour immediately
after Gaskell who was preceded by Lincobi. Bow afterwards and adjourn-
ment. Tea with Wordsworth.
The fact of reflecting rather than the nature of his reflections
is generally what he notes.
1833. Thought for some hours on my own future destiny and took a
solitary walk to and about Kensington Gardens.
. . . not too unwell to reflect.
That he should have kept a diary at all regularly during his
long and arduous parliamentary career is in itself a notable
fact. The brief entries show with what tremendous seriousness
he undertook his public duties. Prayer, and one might almost
say fasting, seemed to accompany the formation of his projects
and his private deliberations, and of course an immense amount
of reading.
As Gladstone's oratory was his greatest accompUshment,
we may select a few references to show how he notes in his diary
his performances on some of the most celebrated occasions.
His maiden speech in 1833 :
Dined early. Re-arranged my notes for the debate. Rode. House 5 to 1.
Spoke my first time for 50 minutes. My leading desire was to benefit the
cause of those who are now so sorely beset. The House heard me very kindly
and my friends were satisfied.
It may be noted in many of the entries, only a few of which
can be given here, that his impressions with regard to his powers
of speaking are extraordinarily modest, not to say humble, and
form a great contrast to the unlimited conceit displayed by his
great rival, Disraeli, on the same subject.
In 1835, on speaking in the House of Commons, he writes :
I cannot help here recording that this matter of speaking is really my
strongest religious exercise. On all occasions and to-day especially was
forced upon me the humiliating sense of my inability to exercise my reason in
the face of the House of Conunons and of the necessity of my utterly failing
unless God gave me the strength and language. It was after aU a poor
performance but would have been poorer had He never been in my thoughts
as a present and powerful aid.
1836:
Spoke 50 minutes kindly heard and I should thank God for being made able
to speak even thus indifierently.
His Budget speech of 1860 was regarded as one of the most
W. E. GLADSTONE 867
extraordinary triumphs ever witnessed in the House of Commons,
yet he was not well at the time.
Spoke 5-9 without great exhaustion ; aided by a great stock of egg and
wine. Thank God ! Home at 11. This was the most arduous operation I
have ever had in parUanient.
1871. His famous speech at Blackheath in the open air to
several thousand people.
My expedition to Greenwich or rather Blackheath I spoke 1 h. 50 m. ; too
long, yet really not long enough for a full development of my points.
Physically rather an excess of effort. AU went well thank God !
1877. His speech on the Eastern question was described thus by
Mr. A. J. Balfour : " As a feat of parliamentary courage, parha-
mentary skill, parhamentary endurance and parliamentary
eloquence I beheve it will be unequalled."
His diary record is as follows :
House at i^. For over two hours I was assaulted from every quarter
except the opposition bench which was virtually silent. Such a sense of
solitary struggle I never remember. At last I rose on the main question
nearly in despair as to the result ; but resolved at least not to fail through want
of eSort. I spoke 2J hours voice lasting well. House gradually came round
and at last was more than good. It was over at 9-30. Never did I feel
weaker and more wormlike.
On the introduction of the Home Rule Bill in 1886 :
The message came to me this morning " Hold thou up my goings in thy
path that my footsteps slip not." Settled finally my figures with Welby and
Hamilton ; other points with Spencer and Morley. Reflected much. Took a
short drive. H. of C. 4^ to SJ. Extraordinary scenes outside the House and
in. My speech which I have sometimes thought could never end lasted nearly
3| hours. Voice and strength and freedom were granted to me in a degree
beyond what I could have hoped. But many a prayer had gone up for me
and not I believe in vain.
Cabinet meetings are noted with brief entries such as :
Cabinet 2-4J. Again stiS. But I must not lose heart.
His interviews with the Queen are also devoid of any detail
or colour.
Went to Windsor to take my leave. H.M. short but kind.
Gave H.M. my paper with explanation which appeared to be well taken.
She was altogether at ease.
On the Ughter side there is very little. Occasional references
to play going, such as :
868 ENGLISH DIARIES
Went to Drury Lane to see in Antony and Cleopatra how low our stage has
fallen. Miss K. V. [Kate Vaughan] in the ballet dressed in black and gold,
danced marvellously.
At 9-30 to the Gaiety, saw a miserable burlesque of which I had heard a
most inviting but false account.
And of course there are references to his favourite exercise,
wood cutting :
Forenoon with Bright who departed having charmed everybody by his
gentleness. Began the cutting of a large beech.
Revised and sent off long letter to Lord Granville on the political situation.
Axe work. . . . Tree cutting with Herbert.
-'o
Like many diarists, Gladstone takes a survey either on his
birthday or at the end of the year, and these entries are rather
longer.
His closing entry in 1856 begins :
It appears to me that there are few persons who are so much as I am en-
closed in the invisible net of pendent steel. I have never known what
tedium was, have always found time full of calls and duties, life charged with
every kind of interest. But now when I look calmly around me, I see that
these interests are for ever growing and grown too many and powerful and
that were it to please God to call me I might answer with reluctance.
In 1861 on his birthday he writes :
Begun my fifty second year. I cannot believe it. I feel within me the
rebellious unspoken word. I will not be old.
In 1864 :
I am weU past half a century. My life has not been inactive. But of what
kind has been its activity ? Inwardly I feel it to be open to this general
observation ; it seems to have been and to be a series of efiorts to be and to
do what is beyond my natural forces.
1873:
Sixty fotir years completed to-day — what have they brought me ? A
we aker heart, stiffened muscles, thin hairs ; other strength still remains in
my frame.
In 1886 there is a long entry, out of which the following passage
may be quoted :
O for a birthday of recollection. It is long since I have had one. There
is so much to say on the sovl's history but bracing is necessary to say it, as it
is for reading Dante. It has been a year of shock and strain. I think a year
of some progress ; but of greater absorption in interests which though pro-
THOMAS RAIKES 869
foundly human, are quite off the line of an old man's direct preparation for
passing the River of Death."
In his retirement at the age of 85, he resolves to break off
" the commonly dry daily journal or ledger," and to note only
principal events and occupations. The entries arc longer. He
deals with his faiUng eyesight, his health, and his contentment
at having at last retired. " I cast no longing lingering look be-
hind," but " I must, God knows how reluctantly, lay burdens
upon others." The last entry is on his birthday in 1896, and
begins :
My long and tangled life this day concludes its 87th year.
And he makes the pregnant remark already quoted in the
Introduction with regard to the practical impossibility of writing
honestly on " interior matters."
The last words are :
Lady Grosvenor gave me to-day a delightful present of a small crucifix.
I am rather too independent of symbols.
Throughout the diary there are a good many health notes, and
references to sleep, which he valued very highly.
Perhaps it is as well that we find no frivolous comments, no
trivial jottings, no indiscreet lapses in Gladstone's diary. Some
giants may remain giants, and seldom can a strenuous life have
been filled with more deeply conscientious motive and more sus-
tained rehgious discipline. But it was certainly not out of his
diary that his biographer was able to build up the great and
dramatic story of Gladstone's career.
Mrs. Gladstone kept a diary, too, a few quotations from which
occur in Mrs. Drew's memoir of her. We may allow ourselves
to relax into a smile for once at this entry :
Engaged a cook after a long c onversation on religious matters chiefly
between her and William.
THOMAS RAIKES
A S social and semi-political diaries go, the one kept by
/ \ Thomas Raikes between 1831 and 1847 is very readable.
Ji jJL If one were more interested in the author, one would
be more interested in the diary. We are told that he was " a
24
370 ENGLISH DIARIES
member of fashionable clubs and mixed largely in the best
society " He was, therefore, in a position to collect a great deal
of tittle-tattle both in London and in Paris, where he subsequently
resided. His strong pohtical bias gives some colour to his
writing. He does not disguise his mistrust of reformers : What
monsters the Radicals really are," he exclaims, and declares that
"political hberty should be restrained withm narrow hmits.
He makes disparaging remarks about Lord Grey, and dismisses ^
Cobbett as "a bone-grabber." He is a friend of the Duke of
Wellington, with whom he has several conversations. When
the day gives him no material for his diary he falls back on recol-
lections. In this way he gives pages of gossipy remniiscences
of the Duke of York, Beau Brummel, and others. In France he
writes very fully about the pohtical situation and court news,
and of course TaUeyrand's pecuharities, including his toilet
come in for elaborate descriptions. He quotes newspaper and
magazine articles— one of several pages by George Sand on
Talleyrand-and gives extracts of letters from GreviUe and
others. When he travels he puts a good deal of colour into his
descriptions, and some of his many anecdotes are of the most
sensational character. In his weather remarks one feels he re-
gards the sun as a celebrity whose vagaries must be noted.
This sort of diary must be a godsend to newspaper snippet
writers. As fashions revolve in cycles this comment on young
ladies' clothes would be quite up to date to-day :
Les robes ressemblent a un mauvais jour d'hiver qui commence trop tard et
finit trop t6t.
He hardly ever moraUzes. But we find this at the end of an
entry describing how one of his friends has gone mad :
Perfect happiness seems impossible ; but a system of compensation appears
throughout to kindly and wisely equalise our lots. No prosperity without
Bome aUoy; no adversity without some paUiation. Our only course is
gratitude and submission.
Once on his birthday he reflects, and it is with some surprise
that we find a note of deep depression in the mood of the club man
and purveyor of gossip :
1836. Oct. 3. My birthday : formerly a day of congratulation with my
family and friends but now only remembered in private by myself as a point
in the year which marks a continuation of misfortune and an advance to th^
grave. I have likewise remarked that of late years some bad news is received
or some disappointment or cross event occurs upon that day, as a sort ot
prelude to the coming year.
FANNY KEMBLE 371
But he tells us nothing whatever of his private occupations,
his wife or his domestic life. Raikes published Letters from St.
Petersburg and Paris since 1830. His diary was published in
1856, or rather portions of it. The whole manuscript is probably
much longer and fuller.
FANNY KEMBLE (Mrs. Butler)
WE are told that Fanny Kemble had an attractive per-
sonality, and we can well believe it when we read her
journal. While the Httle volumes which record her
tour in America with her father in 1832 and 1833 of course cannot
be compared to the lifelong diary of the greater Fanny, never-
theless there is a happiness of expression and freshness of pre-
sentation in her spontaneous daily entries which give her a
claim to rank high among diarists.
Born in 1809, she made her first appearance on the stage at
the age of 20 and became at once a popular favourite. Charles
Kemble, her father, a brother of Mrs. Siddons, was an actor of
some distinction, and evidently took pains with the education
of his daughter, for she shows a very cultivated literary and
artistic appreciation. She is always turning to her Dante,
analysing her Shakespeare, and discussing poetry and hterature
with her friends. In later life she wrote poems, plays and reminis-
cences. After parting from Butler, a Southern planter, whom
she married in 1834, she returned to the stage for a while, and
then had a great success as a Shakespearean reader. She died
in 1873.
There is in the diary a good deal of sentimental moralizing,
ecstasy, tears, rather highly-coloured scenic descriptions, and
rapturous apostrophizing of her native land. It is the amusing
and striking Httle notes of her acting experiences and her adven-
tures that form the best part of the diary.
She is never tired of laughing at the American idea of equahty
and American manners.
Here they were talking of their aristocracy and democracy ; and I'm siire
if nothing else bore testimony to the inherent love of higher things which I
elieve exists in every human creature, the way in which the lawyer dwelt
pon the Duke of Montrose to whom he is allied at the distance of some niiles
nd Lady Loughborough whom heaven knows how he got hold of, would
ave satisfied me that a rp.y Lord or my Lady are just as precious in the eyes
)f these levellers as in those of Lord and Lady Loving Jolin Bull himself.
372 ENGLISH DIARIES
Father and daughter go the round of New York, Boston,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, etc., etc., having to put up with con-
siderable discomfort very often and finding on certam occasions
very inadequate companies of actors to support them. There
is a Mr. Keppel who is a high trial.
At eleven went to rehearsal. Mr. Keppel is just as ,^«^°^,^^ ^Pf J'*
as ever what on earth will he or shall I do to-night ! . . . Mr. Keppel was
frightened to death and in the very second speech was quite o^^ ; ^t was in
vaL that I prompted him he was too nervous to take the word and made a
complete mess of it.
Poor Mr. Keppel is fairly laid on the sheU : I'm sorry for him ! What a
funny passion he had by the by for going down on his knees. ^ Fazio^t
the end of the judgment scene when I was upon mme down he went upon has
mak'g the most Ibsurd devout looking vis-^-vis 1 ever beheld^ "J .^^^^J^^^
Sene too when he ought to have been going ofi to execution down he went
agZ upon his knees, and no power on earth could get him up agam for Lord
loiows how long.
She describes "the fine and delicate work" in her father's
acting, and tells how " there is not one sentence, me or word
of his part which he has not sifted grain by gram, but she re-
cognizes that such refinement of acting is largely lost on their
audiences. But on the whole she and her father get a splendid
reception wherever they go. On one occasion she is disturbed
and annoyed by people talking in the audience.
At one time their impertinent racket so bewildered me that I was all but
ouf and this without th^e audience once interfering to/^^/^^-,^ j:;^
however that would have been an unwarrantable mterference with the sacred
hblrtles of the people. I indulged them with a very significant glance, and at
one moment wa^ most strongly tempted to request them to hold their tongues.
She is not always satisfied with their performances.
I played like a very clever girl as I am ; but it was about as much like Lady^
Macbeth as the Great Mogul. My father laboured his part too much.
And more than once she describes her acting as " so-soish.''
At Baltimore she has a very clumsy Romeo. Here is her account
of the final scene :
In the midst of " cruel, cursed fate " his dagger fell out of hi^/^^ffj J'
exnSracing him tenderly, crammed it back again because I knew I should want
it at the end.
Borneo Tear not our heart-strings thus ! , ... .
They crack ! they break ! Juliet, Juliet ! (dies).
JuUet {to corpse) Am I smothering you ? , . , , „„„ xy,:„i, ^ to
Corpse\to Juliet) Not at all ; could you be so kmd do you think as to
put my wig on again for me ? it has fallen ofi.
(
FANNY KEMBLE 373
Juliet {to corpse) Where's your dagger ?
Corpse {to Juliet) 'Pon my soul I don't know.
She sometimes breaks into strong language with regard to the
profession.
An actor sha 11 be self convicted in five hundred. There is a ceaseless striv-
ing for effect, a straining after points in talking and a lamp and orange-peel
twist in every action. How odious it is to me !
What a mass of wretched mumming mimicry acting is ! Paste-board and
paint for the thick breatliing orange groves of the south ; green silk and oiled
parchment for the solemn splendour of her noon of night ; . . . rouge for
the startled life-blood in the cheek of tliat young passionate woman ; an
actress, a mimicker, a sham creature, me, in fact, or any other one, for that
loveliest and most wonderful conception in which all that is true in nature and
all that is exquisite m fancy are moulded into a living form. To act this ! to
act Romeo and Juliet ! horror ! horror ! how I do loathe my most impotent
and unpoetical craft.
The discomforts were sometimes very trying.
Oh bugs, fleas, flies, ants and mosquitoes great is the misery you inflict
upon me. I sit slapping my own face all day and lie thumping my pillow all
night ; 'tis a perfect nuisance to be devoured of creatures before one's in the
ground ; it isn't fair.
To bed — to sleep.
To sleep ! perchance to be bitten ay — there's the scratch. And in the sleep
of ours what bugs may come. Must give us pause.
There are occasional notes on her health. But only tiredness
and once or twice her voice troubles her. " Now I'll to bed : my
cough's enough to kill a horse," is the end of one entry.
During the day, when not rehearsing, she went for rides, she
read, she sang, she embroidered, she sketched, and she learned
German. In fact, she lived a very full life. " I want to do
everything in the world that can be done," she says, and again :
" I wish somebody would explain to me everything in the world
I can't make out."
Came home at nine, tea'd and sat embroidering tiU twelve o'clock, industrious
little me.
Finished journal, wrote to Mrs. — to my mother, read a canto of Dante and
began to write a novel. Dined at five. After dinner, put out things for this
evening played on the piano, mended habit skirt, dressed myself and at
quarter to ten went to theatre for my father.
The diary contains a good many religious reflections, and she
is a regular churchgoer, but she is not always edified, as this
account of a sermon shows ;
374 ENGLISH DIARIES
I heard about as thorough a cock and bull sermon as ever I hope to be
edified withal. What shameful nonsense the man talked ! and all the time
pretending to tell vis what God had done, what He was doing, and what He
intended to do next, as if he went up into heaven and saw what was going on
there every five minutes.
The successful young actress of 1922 will read with surprise
and amusement the following resolution of her predecessor
ninety years ago :
I promised him never to waltz again except with a woman or my brother.
After all fis not fitting that a man should put his arm roimd one's waist
whether one belongs to anyone but one's self or not. 'Tis much against what
I have always thought most sacred— the dignity of a woman in her own eyes
and those of others.
By and by dancing was proposed and I was much entreated to change my
determination about waltzing ; but I was inexorable and waltzed only with
the ladies.
There are many descriptions of minor episodes and adventures
of travel which are exceedingly good. An example of her rather
rich style in depicting scenery may be given.
The lightning played without intermission of a second in wide sheets of
piirple glaring flame that trembled over the earth for nearly two or three
seconds at a time ; making the whole world, river, sky, trees and buildings
look like a ghostly universe cut out in chalk. The light over the water which
absolutely illumined the shore on the other side with the broad glare of full
day was of a magnificent pvirple colour. The night was pitchy dark too ; so
that between each of these ghastly smiles of the devil the various pale steeples
and buildings which seemed at every moment to leap from nothing into exist-
ence, after standing out in fearful relief against a back ground of fire were
hidden Uke so many dreams in deep and total darkness.
A few poems are inserted here and there, and explanatory notes
added by the diarist, when she pubhshed the volumes in 1835.
She used to read her diary out to her father, and probably the
idea of pubHshing it was never wholly absent from her mind.
In 1863 she pubhshed another volume deahng with hfe on the
Georgia plantation.
HENRY GREVILLE
LIKE his brother Charles, Henry Greville was practically ■
a lifelong diarist. But in the four volumes issued by his
Jl niece (the first two in 1883, the others in 1904-5) there
is nothing of special interest or importance. It is merely a social
HENRY GREVILLE 375
diary, pleasantly written by a diplomatist, courtier, and man
about town who came in contact with many interesting people.
If he wrote anything personal beyond notes about his health,
that part of the diary has been cut out, so we see very little of the
man himself, and beyond the fact that he was socially popular
and had a marked appreciation of music and acting, he only
appears like any other collector of social gossip. This sort of
diary may be of passing interest to those who recollect the people
mentioned in it, and the author was certainly placed in a favour-
able position as an observer, but the bare mention of great events
and great names cannot attract any reader, and no real picture of
nineteenth-century society is reflected in its pages.
Between 1835 and 1844 Henry Greville was in the diplomatic
service, attached to the Embassy in Paris ; after he retired he
became a gentleman usher to the Queen. He wrote his diary
from 1832 till shortly before his death in 1872.
He sings duets with the Duchess of Kent ; he dines with the
King of the Belgians ; he rides with the Duke of Orleans ; he
goes frequently to Holland House ; he is present at debates in
the French Chamber and in the British Houses of ParUament ;
he attends courts, balls, operas, plays, concerts, drawing rooms,
royal weddings and christenings, and he stays at innumerable
country houses. He does not revel in it all ; for after a heavy
day of court functions he writes, " How I detest all this sort of
thing ! " But it is very seldom that he expresses any personal
opinion. In addition to his great quantity of friends, such as the
Granvilles, Abercorns, Hollands, Sydneys, etc., and the series
of celebrities he comes across, he is closely acquainted with Fanny
Kemble and her sister, and knows Ristori, Mario, Grisi and many
other singers, who often perform at his own house. References
to the young Lord Acton and Frederick Leigh ton, of whom so much
was expected, would not be without interest were they not so
meagre. The following reference to Gladstone is amusing :
He has a melodioiis voice in speaking, but I was not prepared to hear a
Chancellor of the Exchequer warble a sentimental ballad, accompanied by his
wife.
There are many references to politics, and he gives long accounts
of murders, crimes and trials. He notes with considerable
feeling the death of his friends. He comments on the weather
and occasionally on food, " a maigre dinner, quite excellent."
When he allows himself to record an opinion it is very much
to the point. He writes after a Lord Mayor's dinner in 1855 :
376 ENGLISH DIARIES
What a joke and what a farce it all is to hear Palmerston bespattering the
Emperor of the French with praises for his noble disinterestedness in fighting
for liberty against barbarism and despotism ! he being the greatest living
despot in whose nostrils all liberty and especially that of the Press, absolutely
stinks.
On what he calls " the toggery of spirit rapping " he writes in
1862:
It would be well if anytliing could put a stop to this subject of conversation
which has become a great bore and which seems to have taken strong hold
of the minds, not only of foolish women but even of men whom one shovild
not have supposed capable of being occupied with and deluded by such
palpable humbug.
If Henry Greville had only lived in some obscure village and
written equally fully, his volumes would have been of peculiar
interest. But this would have required a different sort of talent.
EDWARD PEASE 1
NO more typical Quaker diary could be found than that
kept by Edward Pease. Born in 1767, he hved to the
age of 91, but his early diaries were destroyed and we
only have the volumes which cover the last twenty years. Edward
Pease's claim to fame rests on the fact that he was instrumental
in projecting the first railway line, and was a friend of George
Stephenson, who persuaded him to employ steam traction.
Diary keeping was one of the self-disciplinary exercises of
Quakers, and Edward Pease was a very prominent member of the
Society of Friends. The introspection is not the outcome of any
natural morbidity. On the contrary, we find a self-confident
and even self-complacent optimism punctuated by sincere at-
tempts at self-correction. In this diary we get a close view of a
commanding personahty, pompous, prosy and rather self-satis-
fied, strict and simple, yet opulent ; intensely domestic and
religious in the sense that prayer and self-examination occupy a
considerable part of many of the entries. As he kept his diary
regularly, the ups and downs of his moods are very distinctly
reflected.
Pease may not have contemplated publication, but he evi-
dently thought that some day some one would read his diaries.
^ The Diary extracts are quoted from The Diaries of Edward Pease, by
kind permission of Sir Alfred E. Pease, Barjti.
EDWARD PEASE 377
Their contents may never be of any value or interest to anyone but let this
reader be informed that having drawn me into self examination and having
been an incentive to more watchfulness so far they have not been entirely
without value to me in my Christian course.
On the fly-leaf of one of the diaries is written :
Often and much alone, this book may be called my communing Companion.
One becomes rather puzzled with regard to the exact standard
of self-denial of this eminent Quaker, and one is driven to the
conclusion that it is a little arbitrary.
The reading of novels and travels makes him " dry empty
and poor " ; the reading of a newspaper is " waste of time." He
regrets in his own family " a departure from simplicity in speech,
furniture and attire," and declares the Society of Friends " will
wear out Quakerism " if they continue to depart from sim-
plicity " in language, furniture, pictures and decorations." He
condemns and reproaches himself for buying " some decoration
to place on my lawn," and he disapproves of a flower show as
" tending to increase luxury and tending to gratify the lust of the
eye." The use of silver forks is a deviation from simphcity, but
it appears there was not so much vanity in silver spoons. Many
other instances might be given of his strait-laced and censorious
attitude to objects and customs he considered vain and frivolous.
On the other hand, the rare and rich fruits from his own garden
were famed, and he kept a most excellent table loaded with every
luxury. The silver wine labels that hung round the necks of his
heavy cut-glass decanters were handed down in the family and
are engraved " Port," " Lisbon," " Madeira," " British," " Bucel-
las," "Sherry," "Whiskey," "Rum," "Gin," "Brandy," etc.
Nor does the amassment of riches appear to have caused him
any great alarm :
The prospects of the family are bright and prosperous as regards colliery
matters, the monthly income being very large and my own appears as if it
might exceed my former year.
It is true, however, that on this point he appears to have some
misgiving when he writes :
Accumulation of wealth in every family known to me in our Society carries
away from the purity of our principles, adds toU and care to life, and greatly
endangers the possession of heaven at last.
His religious reflections are more or less conventional. Some-
times he finds the " heavens as brass," but he often receives
878 ENGLISH DIARIES
" drops of rich consolation." He describes his varying moods
at meeting which alternate between being " lamentably heavy "
and receiving " a pecuharly sohd sweet feehng of peace." Here
are two short descriptions of meeting :
A drive through the Old and New Testaments without feeling or end seemed
only to cover us with dust.
My feelings much spoiled by J. Jones saying it was time to separate when
we had been about one hour twenty minutes assembled and when I think
religious exercise was rising.
He was of an optimistic and cheerful disposition, but even this
he thought wrong. At the age of 81 he writes :
How often in the few past days have I been in danger of my naturally
cheerful spirits and been apt to be carried beyond the bounds of a pious
Christian cheerfulness.
And at 84 again :
Glad and thankful for the various checks to the natural liveliness of my
disposition, and that over cheerfulness which so often causes me much Regret.
On his eighty-seventh birthday he writes :
Surely a life so prolonged ought to have yielded more fruit.
In a patriarchal way he became the head of a large family, the
members of which he constantly entertained, and he never fails
to take a close interest in all their doings. His children's deaths
affect him deeply, and he Hved to survive many other members of
his family, so records of illness and death occur very frequently.
His wife died in 1833. With unfaihng and devoted regularity
he visits her grave every year of the twenty-five he survived her,
and enters in his diary expressions of his sacred and undying grief.
When his old friend George Stephenson died, he had some
misgivings about going to the funeral, as Stephenson was " an
unbeUever." But he finally resolved to go :
In the church I sat a spectacle with my hat on and not comforted by the
funeral service.
He makes the following reflection on his association with
Stephenson :
When I reflect on my first acquaintance with him and the resulting conse-
quences my mind seems almost lost in doubt as to the beneficial results— that
humanity has been benefited in the diminished use of horses and by lessened
cruelty to them, that much ease, safety, speed and lessened expense m travel-
WILLIAM GOODALL 379
ling is obtained, but as to the results and effects of all that Railways have led
my dear family into being in any sense beneficial, is uncertain.
There are many comments in the diaries on the weather, on
nature, on birds, and gardens. Public ajffairs occupy his attention
more than he hkes, and the Crimean War calls forth many an
outburst of horror and sadness.
While from time to time he feels called upon to admonish a
friend for " backsliding," he never relaxes his vigilance over
himself. At the age of 89 he writes :
Stiffness of limbs, limited powers of action and walking, more completely
confirm my old age than any other senses. Sight is important, taste, touch,
feeling and hearing ujiimpaired. Great is the longing of my soul to return
to my gracious Creator, thanks and praises due.
He makes a long entry on December 31, when he is 90, dealing
with nature and noting early primroses ; he touches on public
affairs and ends with affectionate references to his family. He
lived to the end of July in the following year, 1858.
The journal, edited by Sir Alfred Pease, was published in 1907.
WILLIAM GOODALL
DIARISTS often refer incidentally to hunting and other
sport. But one example must be given of a diary which
is exclusively devoted to hunting. The one written by
William Goodall, head huntsman of the Bel voir Hunt from 1843
to 1859, is typical, and seems the best one to choose. Goodall
began life in the stables. His first master was a Member of Parlia-
ment, and Goodall had to spend many weary hours outside the
House of Commons while the great debates on the Reform Bill
of 1832 were going on. His heart was in the kennel rather than
the stable, and in 1837 he went to Bel voir, where after serving
as whipper-in he was given charge of the pack by the Duke of
Rutland when the vacancy occurred. He was a remarkable
character and personally popular, as well as being a great hunts-
man.
In his diary he not only gives vivid descriptions of the sport
itself, but he makes many little comments on man, horse, and
hound — especially hound. " Lucy made a famous hit at Wilsford
and won her fox " ; " Bell showed great superiority of nose and
380 ENGLISH DIARIES
caught the fox " ; " WiUing behaved very ill, running hare most
obstinately in Easton Wood"; " Knipton gave me a terrible
fall jumping into a blind grip (no fault of his)."
He always gives a full account of the line of country over
which they run, and then goes on in one entry :
He crept into a rabbit hole after a tremendous run of two hours and forty five
minutes, one hour and twenty minutes to change ; the first forty five minutes
without more than a momentary check, the latter the same. We dug him
out and killed him. A tremendous large old dog fox. A real out and out
good day's sport. ... A most beautiful hunting morning, west south west
and a rising glass. I rode my good old horse Catch-me-who-can first and
Prince second. Those who rode well to the hounds at the finish were [a list
follows] . I never saw hounds work more beautifully and struggle through the
ploughs which were for them knee deep all day ; every hound struggled
through very stout indeed.
All the entries are very much the same and there is no need to
quote any more. He writes for the last time on April 6, 1859,
and gives as usual a description of the run, which ended in the fox
being killed
most handsomely in the open after being engaged from first finding in the
morning for four hours— thus ending one of the worst seasons on record.
After giving a list of the hounds out that day, he adds :
I rode a horse of Markwell's on trial but did not like him.
From this horse he had a severe fall and on returning home,
when his wife greeted him with " Thank God, Will, I have you
safe from another season," he rephed, " Yes, but, mind you, I've
had a rum un to-day."
He died shortly afterwards.
The original manuscript of the diary is in the possession of
the Duke of Rutland. The above extracts are taken from
The History of the Belvoir Hunt.
CARDINAL MANNING
THE pubhcation of a large number of extracts from private
diaries in Purcell's biography of Manning, which appeared
in 1896, was the occasion of some controversy on the
ethics of biography. Purcell states that Manning had himself
handed over his diary to him, having cut out from it pages which
CARDINAL MANNING 381
" he did not consider fit or expedient to be laid before the pubhc
eye."
In Henry Edward Manning, Mr. Shane Leslie tells the true
story of how Purcell came into possession of the diaries, though
by no means all of them ; and it becomes clear that Manning
never entrusted them to him for publication. Purcell was also
guilty of many inaccuracies which Mr. Leslie exposes. But the
fact remains that a large portion of Manning's genuine diary has
been made pubhc.
Quite apart from the question as to whether the diary adds
to the estimate made of him in his lifetime, or whether it reveals
traits in his charcter which detract from his public reputation,
we find in Manning a genuine diarist who confided at the very
moment to the private pages of his journal his passing thoughts
and impressions and his changing views and who did not hesitate
to expose himself to charges of inconsistency and to accuse himself
of faults and faihngs which could not be to his credit, all with
an apparent disregard for the verdict of posterity. Here was a
man seemingly bent on the attainment of power and position,
who appeared to lay great store on pubhc regard and fame. He
might have written himself up in his diary, or at any rate he might
have destroyed any papers that would expose him in an un-
favourable hght. He did not do either, although he contem-
plated that his life would be written not by Purcell but by Mr.
J. E. C. Bodley, whom Purcell forestalled by taking possession
of the papers on the death of Cardinal Manning, while Mr. Bodley
was abroad. Manning may have suffered from the curious
indecision, or rather constantly deferred decision, which seems
to have made so many diarists just leave their record without
injunctions and without any note of their wishes. Nevertheless,
Manning was not always perfectly frank even to his diary. Sud-
denly, on supremely important occasions, not the torn-out page,
but the written page discloses an almost mysterious reticence.
For instance, although he cut out many pages written at the time
of Newman's conversion, when he meets Newman in Rome shortly
before his own conversion he notes the fact without a single word
of comment or any account of what they said to one another.
Still stranger is the brief entry, " Audience to-day at Vatican "
about the same time. This momentous interview with the Pope
must have made a deep impression on him, yet he writes not a
word of it in his diary at the time, although we get full and
elaborate accounts of his doings in Italy and his talks and dis-
cussions with Father Luigi at Assissi. After his conversion also
382 ENGLISH DIARIES
he makes no sort of record of his frequent interviews with the
Pope, nor of the honours bestowed on him.
We gain some idea of his motive in keeping a diary when he
writes in 1851, after having lost one of the volumes of his journal :
Since I lost my journals I have no heart to begin again. Also keeping a
joximal (1) Led to self contemplation and tenderness (2) Kept alive the
susceptibilities of human sorrow. Yet it was of use to me in remembering
and comparing seasons and in recording marked events.
And again after another break :
I feel my journal keeping is broken off. I am in doubt whether it is a good
or bad habit. But certainly it kept alive many thoughts and convictions.
He used his diary, in fact, for careful self-examination and for
searching out the inmost thoughts of his heart, though he used
it also as a memorandum of his doings and often noted the wind
and the weather.
The pages before 1844, when he was Vicar of Lavington and
Archdeacon of Chichester, he cut out. He was at that time 37
years old, and we see at once his love of introspection and self-
disparagement. And as time passes the conflict between worldly
ambition and mystical idealism becomes very apparent.
I do feel pleasui-e in honom*, precedence, elevation, the society of great
people and all this is very shameful and mean.
The offer of the post of Sub- Almoner to the Queen, which had
been vacated by the Archbishop of York and was a stepping-stone
to a Bishopric, produces an orgj'^ of self-dissection and the weigh-
ing of pros and cons. He finally refuses the offer.
To learn to say no, to disappoint myself, to choose the harder side, to deny
my inclinations, to prefer to be less thought of and to have few gifts of the
world ; this is no mistake and is most like the cross. Only with humility.
He keeps up the argument with himself for days because from
the worldly point of view he is bitterly disappointed. But he
writes :
Certainly I would rather choose to be stayed on God than to be in the
thrones of the world and the Chtu-ch.
He seems most anxious to note down anything discreditable :
I came home from London last night after three weelis very illspent. My
life there was irregular, indiscreet, self indulgent.
After an illness his mind turns to self-analysis with morbid
intensity :
CARDINAL MANNING 383
If I knew that I were now to die what would I feel ?
Detailed confessions, self-denunciation, prayer and resolutions
follow. The resolutions are set out in lists and marked kept and
ke'pl in a measure.
In the course of the week I have begun again with the reckoning.
Petulance twice.
Want of love of my neighbours.
Complacent visions.
But in all these except once iinder the first there has been no conscious, at
least morosCf consent of the wiU.
Twice over he writes out a list of " God's special mercies to
me," which include " the preservation of my life six times to my
knowledge." In the second list each heading is introduced with
one of the following words : Created ; Redeemed ; Regenerated ;
Blessed ; Spared ; Restrained ; Prevented ; Converted ; Con-
vinced ; Enhghtened ; Reclaimed ; Quickened ; Chastised ; Awak-
ened ; Bruised ; Kindled ; Softened ; Humbled.
He indulges fiercely in self-condemnation :
For I am capable of all evil. Nothing but the hand of God has kept me from
being the vilest creature and nothing can. I feel now that if I were within
the sphere of temptation I should sin by a perpetual backsliding.
In his journeys abroad in Belgium and later in Rome he makes
little pencil sketches of architectural features, and gives a daily
account of conversations and visits as well as notes on political
events. His growing appreciation of Roman Catholic services
and ritual is demonstrated on every page, and ceremonies and
processions are described in detail.
As a result of the Oxford Movement and Newman's conversion
many converts were going over to Rome. Although he himself
was on the same road, he makes very unsympathetic references
to relations and friends who were taking this course. On the
back of the actual page on which he comments unfavourably on
the conversion of a lady acquaintance he writes ;
The Church of England after 300 years has failed (1) in the xmity of doctrine
(2) in the enforcement of discipline (3) in the training of the higher life.
" Strange thoughts visit " him, amongst others :
I am conscious that I am further from the Church of England and nearer
Rome than ever I was.
384 ENGLISH DIARIES
How do I know where I may be two years hence ?
Where was Newman five years ago ?
May I not be in an analogous place ?
And on his birthday :
To-day is my birthday, 38. This last year has opened a strange chapter in
my life. I never thought to feel as I feel now and with my foot on the step
of what I once desired.
The diary relates the momentous event very briefly.
1851. March 25. Executed resignation of archdeaconry and benefice.
April 5, Went to Father Brownhill with Hope. St. George's. Cardinal.
April 6. Passion Sunday. 9^ A.M. was received at High Mass.
After this there are a lot of pages cut, but we can gather that
he has no misgivings or remorse.
After general confession in Retreat I could hardly sleep for joy.
The entries become more irregular, but worldly ambition has
still to be fought.
I am conscious of a desire to be m such a position (1) as I had in time past
(2) as my present circumstances by the act of others (3) as my friends think me
fit for (4) as I feel my own faculties tend to.
But God being my helper I will not seek it by the lifting of a finger or the
speaking of a word. If it is ever to be it shall be (1) either by the invitation
of superiors or (2) by the choice of others.
When he is 80 and feels the end approaching he writes :
I have ceased all outdoor work and have not been out of the house. It is
a tempus clausum, a slowing down into the terminus and I feel very passive
and content. ... I hope I may die on the field and ia harness. But aU this
will settle itself or rather Our Lord will settle it for me.
The last entry is on November 9, 1890 :
If I had not become Catholic I could never have worked for the people of
England as in the last year they think I have worked for them. Anglicanism
would have fettered me. The liberty of Truth and the Church has lifted me
above aU dependence or limitation. This seems Uke the latter end of Job
greater than the beguming. I hope it is not the condemnation where aU men
speak well of me.
The publication in the biography of the diary extracts as well
as autobiographical memoranda created some sensation because
they revealed certain facts which were not generally known.
Manning, while pubhcly an AngUcan and dissuading others from
joining the Roman Catholic Church, was found to have practically
BISHOP WILBERFORCE 385
decided to take that step himself. His intrigues at the Vatican,
his unfriendly relations with Newman, his intercourse with men
of diverse religious or of no theological beliefs at all, while to his
own clergy he exhibited a very frigid and strict demeanour —
these revelations came as something of a shock to some of his
warmest admirers. Nevertheless, although so few extracts can
be given here from the diary itself, it affords a very good example
of self-revelation. The dignified, stern, ascetic, almost saintly
Cardinal is shown to be an ordinary human being, struggling
sometimes successfully and sometimes unsuccessfully with the
temptations and weaknesses which all flesh is heir to.
BISHOP WILBERFORCE
THE diary kept by Samuel Wilberforce covered the
greater part of his life. Many extracts from it are given
in the three volumes of his biography, beginning in 1830
and continuing with breaks to the end of his life in 1873. The
diary is of interest because without it the inner side, which was
undoubtedly the finer side, of Wilberforce's character would
never have been fully known. In the public eye he was a great
ecclesiastic, an eloquent preacher, a statesman and a courtier,
occupied largely with questions of Church administration, dis-
cipline and ritual. He was known as the " Bishop of Society " ;
and the versatile facility and persuasive expediency which marked
his successful career earned him the sobriquet of " Soapy Sam."
Without the diary revelations the estimate of his life and char-
acter, judged only by letters and speeches, would have been very
incomplete.
He writes fairly regularly, although there is a break of eight
years after he was made Bishop of Oxford in 1845. In early
days at Brightstone he gives brief details about his parishioners,
his difficulties with them, the books he is reading, the course of
preparation for each sermon and memoranda of its efficiency
when delivered. He continues regularly to note his movements
and sermons, with occasional comments on his health. Later
on there are references to the ecclesiastical disputes, the Hampden
case. Bishop Colenso's attitude, adverse criticism on Essays and
Reviews, and his political activities. He sees a great number of
people and records conversations with many statesmen, notably
Peel and Gladstone, for the latter of whom he has a great admira
tion : " Great, earnest and honest ; as unlike the tricky Disraeli
as possible."
25
886 ENGLISH DIARIES
The following remarks of Gladstone, in view of subsequent
events, are interesting :
Gladstone much talking how little real work any Premier had done after
60. ... ,
Gladstone again talking of 60 as full age of Premier.
Dinners at GrilUons, visits, court functions are all noted, but
it is a diary of a very busy man and the entries are generally
perfunctory and brief. He has an enormous correspondence.
He notes that he has written fifty letters in the day and his
incessant rounds as a Bishop take it out of him, so that he writes
of his tiredness on one occasion " very much fagged," and his
occasional ailments such as " a fierce toothache." Not often
does he indulge in criticism of the people he meets, and of his con-
versations with the Queen we get nothing more than that she was
" very affable." But there are one or two more critical httle
passages about people which may be quoted. This of Carlyle :
Then rode with Carlyle and Lowe ; on horse full of spirit round by Popham
lane WeU shaken. Carlyle full of unconnected and inconsistent utterances.
Full'of condemnation of the present day, of its honesty etc etc praising George
I II and III for honesty and ability. A heap of discordant ideas. Yet a
good deal of manhood and of looking to some better state of being. Poor
man, a strange enigma ! If he did but see the True Man as his hope aM
deliverer how were all his sighs answered !
Napoleon III, when on a visit to Windsor :
The Emperor rather mean looking, smaU and a tendency to embonpoint ;
a remarkable way as it were of swimming up a room with an uncertam gait ;
a smaU grey eye, looking cunning but with an aspect of softness about it too.
His love of birds is shown by frequent notes hke the following :
Walked half way to Petworth saw first swallows near the Coultershaw Mill,
heard first cuckoo in woods at Burton Park.
But so far as his activities and work is concerned the diary is
in no way remarkable, as the memoranda are bald and hurned.
Wilberforce, however, also treated his diary as a confidant. We
find passages containing prayer, self-examination and resolutions,
more especially in the earUer years. He deplores his " unbridled
indolence " ; he prays to be kept humble and " free from the fear
of man which bringeth a snare," and he writes after talking to a
lawyer :
BISHOP WILBERFORCE 387
How very injui'ioiis it must be to the mind to have no cooling days. To be
always hot and rusting with worldly cares ; no pauses ; no self examination.
I ought to thank God for my lot. If as it is I find it hard to make head against
sin what would it have been if I had been a successful lawyer ?
And he tabulates resolutions quite in the style of his seventeenth-
and eighteenth-century predecessors. In the middle period there
are fewer entries of this description, but this occurs :
Many searchings of heart. Why so troubled ? doubtless to teach me more
simplicity in serving God — less eye to success — more to His glory ; resolved
and prayed.
In later years the resolutions and self-examination occur again.
He surveys his life and the " wonderful advantages " he has had,
and ends :
How has God dealt and what have I really done — for HIM. Miserere
Domine is all my cry.
And he resolves :
I. to take periodic times for renewing this meditation ;
II. to strive to live more in the sight of Death ;
III. to commend myself more entirely a dying creature into the Hand of
the only Lord of Life.
But undoubtedly the most human and touching parts of the
diary are the references to his wife. The domestic side of his
nature is shown by affectionate mention of his children, but
the remarks about them are with one or two exceptions quite
brief. Indeed, the diary as a whole, except for the self-examina-
tion above mentioned, does not enter into the more private and
intimate matters. Many diarists, too, who write far more freely
about their feelings than Wilberforce does, find themselves unable
to write when confronted with great sorrow. But Wilberforce
confides in his diary on the very day his wife dies, and on the
subsequent days and on the day of the funeral. We feel a re-
luctance to detach these heartrending and painful reflections
from their context. But the genuineness and sincerity of his
affliction which he may have attempted to conceal outwardly
becomes the more apparent when to the very last year of his
life he continues to refer to the subject ; and he survived his
wife thirty-two years. Of their married happiness there is no
account. In his diary before 1841, the date of her death, he only
refers to his wife casually in his short memoranda. But we find
by his subsequent diary this sacred memory threading itself
388 ENGLISH DIARIES
through his life and noted only by him to himself alone in the
pages of his journal. Without quoting the passages written at
the very moment, we may give a few instances of this ceaseless
devotion to the memory.
1853. Woke early with all the events of this day 12 years as fresh as yester-
day before me.
1855 [after a very btisy day of Confirmations]. Full aU day of thoughts of
1841. Oh, that I had profited more by that life-sorrow.
1 857. On the tower a view of Hind Head. I always look from these distances
at Lavington as if my Emily were there and I could find her if I went.
1860. Stood on the shore for hours watching the surf as I did when I was
a boy, and thought I should meet Emily round every comer. My own, my
lost one, my soul ! Dearest one. I could have wept tears of blood. I could
not help calling out aloud to her to come to me.
1861. Oh, if I had her but to show her how much happier I could make her
than with all my love I did.
1872. They think me hurried with business. They do not know that my
heart is inLavington Church— in the house when we came back. Oh, but it
is almost madness to think of it.
It is pretty certain that none of his contemporaries guessed the
constant presence in the back of his mind, and some may have
misjudged him.
Another sorrow in his life was the secession to Rome of
his only daughter and her husband. He records the news on
August 29, 1868, and it almost stuns him. He writes :
For years I have prayed incessantly against this last act of his and now it
seems denied me. It seems as if my heart would break at this insult out of
my own bosom to God's truth in England's Church, and preference for the
vile harlotry of the Papacy. God forgive them. I have struggled on my
knees against feelings of wrath against him in a long long weeping cry to God.
And he reverts to the calamity on many subsequent days.
This kind of entry stands in strong contrast to the general
entries in the diary, which mostly resemble the following :
Confirmation at WeUington CoUege. Cold very bad ; but D.G. managed
to be heard. After luncheon writing and seeing, with Fosebery to Old Wmd-
sor. Dear Blunt affectionate as always. A very nice confirmation.
Back to Windsor Castle and prepared sermon. Dined with the Queen, A
great deal of talk with Princess Louise : clever and very agreeable. The
Queen very affable. ' So sorry Mr. Gladstone started this about the Irish
Church, and he is a great friend of yours, etc'
The two widely differing kinds of entries seem to illustrate
MACAULAY 389
Wilberforce's character. In the one can be seen the ecclesiastic,
the courtier and the statesman, in the others the human being
as few if any knew him. He was evidently one of those people
who go in for cultivating a pubhc manner which, while it becomes
a habit, gives as a matter of fact a false impression of the real
person. A diary alone can reveal the other side.
Bishop Wilberforce wrote an entry in his diary on July 18,
1873, in which he expressed sorrow at parting from his son,
Ernest, who was bound for Lapland, and he enters as usual the
doings of the day. On July 19 he was killed by a fall from his
horse while riding with Lord Granville near Leatherhead.
MACAULAY
t(
N
O kind of reading is so delightful and so fascinating
as this minute history of a man's self," wrote Macaulay,
after he had been reading over his old journals. " What-
ever was in Macaulay's mind may be found in his diary," Sir
George Trevelyan tells us. " That diary was written throughout
with the unconscious candour of a man who freely and frankly
notes down remarks which he expects to be read by himself
alone." Macaulay was not, however, a regular writer. In
1848 he notes a lapse of more than nine years. The earlier por-
tions of the diary, quoted in the Life and Letters, deal with his
travels in Italy in 1838-9, and his biographer notes that Macaulay
viewed the works of man and of nature with the eye of an his-
torian, not that of an artist. " His stock of epithets applicable
to mountains, seas and clouds was singularly scanty . . . when
he had recorded the fact that the leaves were green, the sky blue,
the plain rich and the hills clothed with wood he had said all he
had to say and there was an end of it." This is not surprising
when we find in his diary his own account of a walk from Malvern
into the most beautiful parts of Herefordshire :
I walked far into Herefordshire and read while walking the last five books
iDf the Iliad with deep interest and many tears.
Reading, indeed, was his chief interest and occupation
throughout his life. His diary abounds with literary judgments
and the record of the enormous amount of literature he con-
sumed. With a book or in a library he was always happy, and
even in his last illness he notes :
390 ENGLISH DIARIES
I read and foiind as I have always found that an interesting book acted as
an anodyne.
Of the extraordinary rapidity with which he could devour
the contents of a book many anecdotes have been related. In
his diary there are several references to his astonishing memory.
Crossing over to Ireland, he writes :
I put on my great coat and sat on deck during the whole voyage. As I
could not read, I used an excellent substitute for reading. I went through
Paradise Lost in my head. I could still repeat half of it and that the best
half. I really never enjoyed it so much.
I walked in the portico and learned by heart the noble fourth act of the
Merchant of Venice. There are four hundred lines of which I knew a hundred
and fifty. I made myself perfect master of the whole the prose letter included
in two hours.
People with abnormally good memories are like people with
too much luggage. Socially Macaulay was greatly addicted to
opening the contents of the many boxes of his vast store and over-
whelming his auditors with the abundance of his learning. But
in his writing, and this is particularly true of his diary, he exer-
cised a restraint and wrote without any trace of pedantry or over-
weighted erudition. His hterary opinions are very trenchantly
written, often amusing and unrestrained in their violence. They
occur in so many entries that it is difficult to give extracts,
but his wholehearted admiration for Jane Austen's novels may
perhaps be quoted :
There are in the world no compositions which approach nearer to perfection.
After reading Dickens and Pliny :
Read Northanger Abbey worth all Dickens and Pliny together. Yet it
was the work of a girl. She was certainly not more than twenty-six. Won-
derful creature !
Although most of his reading is of the classics, he occasionally
indulges in a modern novel.
I dined by myself and read an execrably stupid novel called Tylney Hall.
Why do I read such stuff ?
Of Bulwer Ljrtton's scheme for some association of literary
men he writes :
I detest all such associations. I hate the notion of gregarious authors.
The less we have to do with each other the better.
MACAULAY 891
Macaulay's writing, of course, occupied as prominent a place
in his own record of his Hfe as his reading. The conception, the
preparation, the composition, the pubHcation of the History are
all recorded. The hours of arduous labour, the misgivings and
the eventual striking success of his work are described in daily
notes of doubt and hope. A diary alone can give us the true
picture of the gradual stages of a great achievement from the
point of view of its author. Some of the historian's diary jottings
may be given, taken from the years he was engaged on this work :
I have thought a good deal during the last few days about my History.
The great difficulty of a work of this kind is the beginning. How is it to be
joined on to the preceding events ? Where am I to commence it ? I
cannot plunge slap dash into the middle of events and characters.
I looked at some books about Glencoe. Then to the Athenasum and
examined Scotch Acts of Parliament on the same subject. Walked a good
way meditating. I see my line. Home and wrote a little but thought and
prepared more.
I read a portion of my History to Hannah and Trevelyan with great efiect.
Hannah cried and Trevelj^an kept awake.
I read my book and Thucydides's which I am sorry to say I foimd much
better than mine.
To-morrow I shall begin to transcribe again and to polish. What trouble
these few pages will have cost me ! The great object is that after all this
trouble they may read as if they had been spoken off and may seem to flow as
easily as table talk. We shall see.
I looked over and sent off the last twenty pages . My work is done, thank
God ; and now for the result. On the whole I think that it cannot be very
unfavourable.
The Duke of Wellington was enthusiastic in admiration of my book. Though
I am almost callous to praise now, this praise made me happy for two minutes.
Longman called. It is necessary to reprint. This is wonderful. Twenty-
six thousand, five hundred copies sold in ten weeks ! I should not wonder
if I made twenty thousand pounds clear this year by literature. Pretty well,
considering that 22 years ago I had just nothing when my debts were paid ;
and all that I have with the exception of a small part left me by my imcle the
General, has been made by myself and made easily and honestly by pursuits
which were a pleasure to me and without one insinuation from any slanderer
that I was not even liberal in all my pecuniary dealings.
A self-complacent tone is noticeable in several of the entries
where he writes down general reflections on his birthhday :
My birthday. Forty-nine years old. I have no cause of complaint.
Tolerable health ; competence ; liberty ; leisure ; very dear relations and
friends ; a great, I may say a very great literary reputation.
My birthday. I am fifty. WeU, I have had a happy life. I do not know
892 ENGLISH DIARIES
that anybody whom I have seen close has had a happier. Some things I
regret, but on the whole who is better off ?
My birthday. Fifty seven. I have had a not tinpleasant year. My health
is not good but my head is clear and my heart is warm. I receive numerous
marks of the good opinion of the public ... I have been made a peer with I
think as general an approbation as I remember in the case of any man that in
my time has been made a peer.
He has warnings of heart trouble which make him write in a
more depressed vein from time to time.
I should like to finish William before I go. But this is like the old excuses
that were made to Charon.
My strength is failing. My life will not I think be long. But I have clear
faculties, warm affections, abundant sources of pleasure.
I am perfectly ready and shall never be readier. A month more of such
days as I have been passing of late woiild make me impatient to get to my little
narrow crib like a weary factory child.
Politics, of com-se, occupy many entries, but far less than
literature. There are accounts of visits to Windsor when the
Queen " insisted on my telhng her some of my stories " ; and on
one occasion he tactfully corrects the Queen when she refers to
James II as her " ancestor.'
55
' Not your Majesty's ancestor,' said I. ' Your Majesty's predecessor.' I
hope this was not an uncourtly correction. I meant it as a compliment and
she seemed to take it so.
His election for Edinburgh and other political events are de-
scribed ; but it is quite apparent that politics are not his main
interest. We can quote him once on food :
Ellis came to dinner at seven. I gave him lobster ctury, woodcock and
macaroni. I think that I will note dinners as honest Pepys did.
The historian rides.
I was pleased to find I had a good seat ; and my guide whom I had apprised
of my unskilfulness professed himself quite an admirer of the way in which I
trotted and cantered. His flattery pleased me more than many fine compli-
ments which have been paid to my History.
Macaulay was a playgoer, but he had no ear for music. His
recognition of " The Campbells are Coming," played at Windsor
by the band which " covered the talk with a succession of sonorous
tunes " as he notes in his diary, is said to be the only authentic
instance on record of his having known one tune from another.
The extent of Macaulay's private generosity would never
GEORGE HOWARD 393
have been known except for his diary. He gave Uterally hundreds
away to needy authors and people in distress. His diary received
his confidences to within a few days of his death in 1859. His
biographer says of it : " Those who have special reason to cherish
his memory may be allowed to say that proud as they are of his
brilliant and elaborate compositions . . . they set a still higher
value upon the careless pages of that diary which testifies how
through seven years of trying and constant illness he maintained
his industry, his courage, his patience, and his benevolence un-
impaired and unbroken to the last."
A few extracts are given in the biography from the diary of
Margaret Macaulay, his sister. They give a faithful picture of
their domestic life in the earher days. She writes of "his beam-
ing countenance, happy affectionate smile and joyous laugh " ;
and one of her entries ends with the following prophecy :
The name which passes through this little room in the quiet gentle tones of
sisterly affection is a name which will be repeated through distant generations
and go down to posterity linked with eventful times and great deeds.
Among minor diaries Macaulay's must rank very high. Al-
though he was not a regular writer, and was by no means morbidly
introspective, his spontaneity is so natural and genuine that in
spite of his facile pen there is never a suggestion that he was
elaborating a special record for the further enhancement of his
reputation.
GEORGE HOWARD (7th Earl of Carlisle)
IORD CARLISLE was born in 1802. He was a Member
of Parliament, Chief Secretary for Ireland under Lord
^ Melbourne, a member of Lord John Russell's cabinet, and,
with a short break, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland from 1855 till
within a few months of his death in 1864. He was a scholar
and writer of verse and a speaker of some merit. He never
married. The extracts from his diary, which extend from 1843
to 1864, were printed for private circulation. They show that he
was a very regular diarist, but confined his record almost exclu-
sively to his social activities. If ever he noted more domestic
and personal matters they have been omitted.
A large number of diaries of this description are no doubt in
394 ENGLISH DIARIES
existence, many of them locked up in cupboards in country
houses. Not even the passage of centuries can very much en-
hance their value. Dinners, functions, country-house parties
are duly registered, with a Ust of the people present. Here we
have a man of cultivation in close touch with all the prominent
people of the day and himself participating in the function of
government, noting with regularity so many of the more trivial
but impersonal events of his life with very little colour and ^vith
only occasional brief expressions of opinion. Lord Carhsle un-
doubtedly never intended his diary to be published, nor has it
been pubhshed. His purpose evidently was not to dig down
deep, but just to make superficial memoranda. Curiously enough,
he comments favourably on the diary— a very different one—
of another scholar politician.
Read the manuscript volume of Windham's diary. I should be for publish-
ing, as a cvirious piece of psychology, the morbid nerves of a very manly and
gifted mind. '
Lord Carhsle reminds us of some of the earher diarists in the
unfaihng way in which he notes sermons with a brief comment
on the preacher. He is a great admirer of Samuel Wilberforce.
He shows his interest in art and pictures and he is a great reader.
He devours at once all the books of the day as they come out-
Dickens, Thackeray, Kingsley, Carlyle, Macaulay, Grote, Victor
Hugo, etc., but his comments are hardly worth quoting; they
are mostly appreciative except in the case of Carlyle, whose
" faults of style are all but intolerable ; yet he does entertain
and puts the scene before one."
He gives a long account of a dinner to Dickens, at which there
were speeches.
Dickens replied in very good taste ; he said he always fotmd the people
who were most like his characters objected to them as improbable and out of
nature ; a Mrs. Nickleby had talked to him in so exactly the same strain that
he was thinking " Good heavens, she is going to charge me with putting her
name into my book " when she began observing upon the character as utterly
unnatural ; so with several Pecksniffs.
Macaulay he meets very often, and occasionally records part
of his conversation.
But generally it is only the bare list of names that he notes ;
which is tantalizing, when, as on one occasion, the following
amongst others dined with him : Lady Palmerston, Sheridan,
Macaulay, Prescott, and Thackeray.
Of Emerson, whom he hears lecture, he writes :
GEORGE HOWARD 395
I think as I have always done there is so much of heaven in his appearance,
manners, voice, mind and fancy and in all but his teaching.
On the death of Sir Robert Peel he enlarges a little more than
usual on his character.
I can hardly say how immensely I think his merits preponderated over his
defects ; there was considerable egotism and a general want of charm ; nothing
very ethereal. But I believe him to have been eminently pure, truth loving,
with a high ambition for his country as well as for himself, unweariedly devoted
to her interests ; — the prominent type of an age whose great characteristic is
the love of the useful in politics.
His position as a Cabinet minister necessitated frequent visits
to Windsor and Balmoral, but the only occasion on which we get
anything beyond a formal report of the proceedings is an accident
during the spearing of salmon at Balmoral which proceeded while
the Queen was sketching on the river bank.
There was a little incident ; two Highlanders went into a deep pool and
could not swim out in their clothes ; the Prince darted off to look after them,
the Queen fancied he might go in after them and as I was standing by her
pinched me very much.
He gives an account of the disturbances in London in 1848,
but he abstains from touching on politics, only chronicling
Cabinet dinners and making a bare mention of Parliamentary
debates.
During his Lord-Lieutenancy there is only one entry which
goes behind formal official and social matters.
18G0. Dec. 5. They have taken to talk treason and repeal again in the
country but as yet not formidably.
Railways had only just been introduced. He describes the
opening of one in Yorkshire, and he always uses the expression
" railed " for travelling by train. Although he describes so many
functions and ceremonies he is too much accustomed to them
to be very much impressed by them. An example may be given
of his investiture with the Garter.
1855. Feb. 7. I railed to Windsor with Knights of the Garter actual and
elect and the Ellesmere ladies. The Investiture took place in the Throne
room. There was a great attendance of knights in succession — I, Lord
Ellesmere and Lord Aberdeen were duly invested. The ceremony produces
different effects upon minds of different mould. The Duchess of Sutherland
thinks it very thrilling and very elevating. Lady Ellesmere could hardly
conquer her propensity to laugh ; the delivery of the old chivalroiis charge
by the Bishop of Oxford (Wilberforce) in his earnest pregnant accents is on
896 ENGLISH DIARIES
Harriet's side ; Lord Fitzwilliam, walking backwards in very long robes is
on Lady Ellesmere's. The dinner was in the Waterloo chamber about fifty ;
very handsome.
He likes going to the play almost as much as listening to ser-
mons. He seldom comments on his own health, but the weather
is frequently noted.
Nothing could be less morbid, egotistical or introspective than
Lord Carlisle's diary. For this reason perhaps we do not get
in the regular formal entries much insight into his personahty.
The last entry is dated June 6, 1864 :
To-day concludes the eight years of my vice-reign. I ought to think grate-
fully that when called upon to close it, it will not at all events be premature.
He died six months later. His Diary in Turkish and Greek
Waters (1854) was published.
NASSAU SENIOR
THE journals pubhshed by Nassau Senior comprise jour-
nals of ^asits to Ireland in 1852, 1858 and 1862, journals
kept in France and Italy from 1848 to 1852, and journals
kept in Turkey and Greece in 1857 and 1858. None of them can
be described as private diaries. Senior was a prominent econo-
mist in the early nineteenth century. He was the first to hold
the chair of Political Economy at Oxford, he was a member of the
Poor Law Inquiry Commission of 1832, and drew up the report
of the Hand-loom Weavers Commission of 1838. On his travels
his object was to make a study of political, economic and social
conditions, and he presented the result of his investigations in
diary form from the daily notes he made on the spot. The
journals, therefore, contain serious examinations of pubhc pro-
blems and events, reheved here and there by descriptions of
scenery. To analyse them adequately would involve a com-
prehensive discussion of the pohtical situation both at home and
abroad and of the economic problems vsdth wliich statesmen were
confronted in the 'fifties. This would carry us very far beyond
our present purpose.
By confining himself to a recital and consideration of purely
public events Senior gave a weight and value to his books which
places them in a very different category from the social diaries
COLONEL A. PONSONBY 397
in which passing references to political events are found buried
in social gossip. It is doubtful whether his descriptions of
scenery do not interrupt rather than assist his discourse, and we
are inchned to think that the diary form is not very suitable
for a work of this character. But Senior has a characteristic
in his writing shared only by one other diarist. Like Fanny
Burney he reports conversations at length. He had so retentive
a memory that he was able with the assistance of a few notes to
commit to the pages of his journal with remarkable accuracy
long and elaborate conversations. His object being to acquire
information and having no desire to shine himself, we get very
little of his own opinions ; and this absence of self-assertion
further accentuates the entirely impersonal character of his
writing. In the journals in France and Italy more especially
there are a number of these conversations, as he was in a position
to come in contact with many of the leading public men of the
day. The volumes on Ireland also contain a number of conver-
sations with all sorts and conditions of people he meets, some
on abstract as well as economic matters and some giving pictu-
resque illustration of Irish characters and customs. At the time
they were pubhshed these books, which dealt with subjects and
situations which were matters of considerable importance at the
moment, received a good deal of attention. To-day their interest
is very much diminished, although they remain examples of the
comprehensive and painstaking methods of investigation of their
author.
COLONEL A. PONSONBY
IN all probability the larger number of diaries in existence
are those which are in manuscript written by people who
never reached sufficient eminence to have their biographies
compiled and who were not specially prominent in any sphere.
It does not follow, of course, that these are bad diaries, but no
doubt a large number of them do not appear to the families who
possess them to be worthy of publication. Colonel Arthur
Ponsonby's diary is included here as an example, being more or
less typical of this class of diary. Nevertheless, it has distinctive
features which would not be commonly found in all such diaries.
To begin with, he wrote with the most scrupulous daily regu-
larity. Hardly a break occurs throughout his life from the age of
22 in 1849, when he began, to within two days of his death in
398 ENGLISH DIARIES
1868. The diary fills fourteen volumes with an extra volume
of early reminiscences. It was for himself that he kept a diary,
" having found it a useful book of reference and also to myself
an interesting one." Several of the volumes are fully indexed,
which shows that he must have re-read them very carefully. It is
seldom that he begins an entry without noting the weather, and
in some volumes there are temperature and weather charts. His
scores at cricket matches are entered in lists, his dinner parties,
the letters he writes and his weight. On several occasions he
enters his accounts, card debts, etc. The first time he does this in
1850, after a page or so of items of expenditure he leaves off and
writes : " Left off here, it was such a bore and not much use."
Another distinctive feature of the diary is that it is illustrated
with little drawings of people, sketches of places, and caricatures,
including several of himself.
Colonel Ponsonby had a by no means uneventful career. He
was the second son of General Sir Frederick Ponsonby, who at the j
time of his son's birth was Governor of Malta. The Duke of Wel-
lington was his godfather. He first obtained a commission in the
43rd line regiment, and was quartered in Ireland ; he served
in the Kaffir war in South Africa, received a commission in the
Grenadier Guards and went out to the Crimea, served on the
staff in Corfu, and finally was sent to India as Lieutenant-Colonel
of the 12th Regiment in 1864, where he remained till his death.
Between each of these periods there were intervals in London,
Ireland and other parts of the country.
As to the general character of the diary, it is a typical soldier's
diary, merely recording the daily incidents of regimental life
or military fife on active service, with many notes about games,
sport, racing, entertainments, theatricals, dinner parties, etc.,
etc., and very little else — a full record of doings, in fact, without
any thoughts or reflections. The doings, too, are related very
baldly, although sometimes he enlarges on questions of policy
and strategy in war time and shows an interest in the political
gossip of the day. In fact, in 1857 he unsuccessfully contested a
seat in Ireland and gives an account of his canvassing and meet-
ings. Recording his first meeting, he says :
It is not as disagreeable as I expected. But one man questioned me and
one Quaker female talked bosh. All very civil — the tories also.
When he is in London he notes dinners and plays and a good
deal about the opera, Avith criticism of the performers and great
enthusiasm about the music. His accounts of dances give one a
COLONEL A. PONSONBY 399
slight indication from time to time of his preference for certain
of his partners. But Colonel Ponsonby had no inclination, even
if he had the capacity, to note his inner feelings. In fact, one
finds him deliberately avoiding it, as, for instance, when his
greatest friend with whom he had been in constant companion-
ship leaves South Africa, he writes :
The fatal steamer had arrived which is to carry A. oft. All confusion, as she
only waited an hour — walked down to see him off.
And then he scores three or four blank lines with his pen as an
expression of his feelings.
His elder brother, to whom he is specially devoted, he does
refer to on more than one occasion with some warmth : " There
cannot be a kinder brother on earth than he is," " the best brother
in the world."
It is inevitable in the most matter-of-fact and coldly impersonal
journal that when a man writes practically every day throughout
his life he cannot avoid some comment on his deeper experiences,
however much he may want to conceal his feelings even from
himself. So in this diary, where there is no attempt at intro-
spective analysis of emotions, little sentences and expressions
emerge which betray his sentiments. For instance, he naturally
as a daily diarist makes notes about his health. On one occasion
in 1862, in India, he is more seriously ill ; he fears it is Bright's
disease and writes : " Fatal ! ! ! ! well, I shan't be sorry." Those
half-dozen words in a reticent writer are more eloquent than pages
of groaning. So one is inclined to pass somewhat rapidly over
the daily entries and the long descriptions of travel, of experi-
ences on active service, of hunting and cricket matches, in order
to try and discover more of the man. But he says practically
nothing about himself except that he is shy.
Nevertheless, in the later years of the journal the story of the
romance and at the same time the trouble of his life threads
itself through the colourless record of his doings. One would
not be justified in detaching the little sentences of affection, of
hope and of despair which he cannot help jotting in his diary.
The Greek young lady with whom he falls in love when in Corfu
is always referred to by him with affection and pity. But from
her actions which are recorded — her caprices, her fhghts and her
childishness — something can be gathered of the trials he en-
dured. Once there is a note of desperation, but never a syllable
of complaint or regret. He never fails her, and finally marries
her the day before he leaves for India. There is a brief entry :
400 ENGLISH DIARIES
An event of my life, went with ... to the registry office, did the busi-
ness.
The diarv' ends in June. 1868 ; cholera is raging, the entries
tell of its ravages. On June 14 he records a death and adds,
" But no new cases since the 11th." He himself died two days
later on June 16. His wife survived him for thirteen years,
He had no children.
Colonel Ponsonby was known to his friends as a very amusing
and unconventional man. But there is nothing in the diary
which would give a reader this impression. One gathers he has
a sense of humour by some of the drawings and by some witty
anecdotes he writes down. But his powers of narrative and
description were limited, and he makes very httle out of his quite
interesting experiences.
LIEUT.-GEXER.\L SIR CHARLES \^1XDHAM
IN the Crimean War, between September 1S54 and September
1855. General ^Yindham kept a diary which is httle more than
a military record of events.
Originally an officer in the Coldstream Guards, Windham accom-
panied Sir George Cathcart to the Crimea as Assistant Quarter-
master-General. After his arrival he notes down the daily events
of the prolonged siege of Sebastopol, his object no doubt being
to keep a record for his fanuly. He seldom refers to his own
feehngs except when an engagement is pending. Before the
battle of the x\lma he writes :
It was my first fight and I was quit« astounded at my cookiess. I did not
feel a bit more nervous than I should have done in Hyde Park.
And before the battle of Inkerman, in which he distinguished
himself :
This week will bring a change to many and on this comer of a small peninsula
wiU take place events that will shake States and make families in countries
iar away shed many a bitter tear. May mine not be one of them is my most
earnest prayer to God-
He is extremely critical, and comments frequently on the mis-
management of affairs. He says in one place that perhaps he
indulges too much in " grumble and complaint." But in aU
probabihty his strictures were only too well founded, as the mis-
LEEUT.-GEN. SIR CHARLES WINDHAM 401
management of both organization and military tactics in the
Crimean War is now a matter of common knowledge. The
entries, written with few breaks almost daily, give the fresh
impressions of the moment, and although they deal with the
details of the campaign, he shows the penetration and judgment
of one who can grasp the whole situation.
We vriW give some of the critical passages :
Oct. IS. This long range firing is all nonsense ; moreover the Russians are
better at it than we are and from all I can see our present attackis an absurdity.
Dec. 12. li England and France strain every nerve and send every man I
do not say but folly may ultimately be made triumphant ; without this I
doubt it. How creditable to have to say that all our sick are carried to
Balaclava by the French mules, our own ambulance corps being fovmd per-
fectly useless, the pensioners sick or drunk, the mules used up or dead.
Feb. 8. But I must control myseK even in this journal although it is
unquestionably disgusting to be put tinder such a system and to see men
rewarded as those at Headquarters have been, for casting ruin and havoc to
the right and left through their ignorance or rather want of forethought and
business habits.
March 23. But I will not go on growling. For my part I think everjrthing
on the part of the allies so slackly performed that I am perfectly disgusted.
April 7. I have received this night an order to prepare for an attack to-
morrow and even,"thing is ordered to be in readiness. For aught I know it may
please God to prevent my seeing wife or children again in this world ; and
therefore I am writing with serious feelings and with no lenity. Yet I wish
to record my feelings ; and I do say that the imbecility of the conduct of the
allies arising from I know not what beyond pure stupidity surpasses human
comprehension.
April 26. y^Tiat a pity it is that we should have no real leader in either
Army. The French are, I think, worse off than we are. They have as much
prejxidice and more conceit.
He has a great admiration for Sir George Cathcart, who fell at
Inkerman, and wishes he had been appointed Commander-in-
Chief. At first he has doubts about Lord Raglan.
I hope that with his ' ' baton ' ' he will flog matters on a little faster than he
has done hitherto, but I doubt it. He has not sufficient energy and is far too
old for his post.
However, at a later dat€ he revises this judgment, and says :
He is an amiable man, the oldest soldier, and I believe, ii left to himsdf,
the best.
His comment on the charge of the Light Brigade at Balaclava
is :
26
402 ENGLISH DIARIES
Captain Nolan, who took the orders to Lord Cardigan, was kiUed charging
at the head of the Light Cavalry. Although a good f eUow from all I can learn,
his conduct was inexcusable. His whole object appears to have been to have
a charge at the Russians at any cost, but he could not have chosen a worse
time,
Windham's great exploit was the assault he led on the Redan,
one of the strongest salients in the Russian fortification of Sebas-
topol. Although he has misgivings about the attack, he welcomes
the exploit, as he is a lover of action and hates the waiting and
delay in the trenches.
The day before (September 7) he writes :
If my brigade is ordered to lead the assault against the Redan it is a hundred
to one that I am killed ; but better far die so than get ignominiously hit in
the trenches.
After sleeping well he makes some jottings in his diary on the
morning of September 8, in which this passage occurs :
And now my dear Pem [his wife] this journal I have ordered to be sent to
you provided I am never to write in it again. It is written hurriedly and in
some places violently but always honestly.
We have a short account of the assault, written on the actual
evening, which is worth giving in full :
The assault took place alone and I went over the Parallel at the head of the
41st. The Grenadiers followed me pretty well but not in the best order. I
went straight at the ditch and did all that man could do to get them into the
centre of the battery but it was no go. I ran out into the middle of the
battery with my sword over my head, but it was useless. They would stick
to their gabions and to firing and not come to the bayonet ; so after holding
on to it for near an hour and having sent back Swire twice, a young officer Lieut.
Young of the 19th and Colonel Eman to tell Codrington that he must send me
the supports in some formation I went back myself and asked leave to have a
fresh battalion.
This was granted and I put myself at the head of the Royals. Whilst
Codrington was considering whether he would let me go on or not, the whole
attacking force fell back leaving behind numbers of kiUed and wounded.
If I could have got the men of the storming party to make a rush I should
have carried it ; but I never could. They were all in disorder and each looking
out for himself. The officers behaved well and so did the men as mdividuals
but not coUectively. Came back very hoarse. Poor Roger Swire is badly
wounded.
Windham's waving sword was great. But his pen cannot do
justice to the incident. The assault failed, but Windham's repu-
tation was made. He was known afterwards as " Redan Wind-
ham." He was appointed Governor of the surrendered part of
GEORGE ELIOT 408
Sebastopol, during which time he only made a few more entries
in his diary. On his return to England he was received with
great honour, specially in his native county of Norfolk. He was
afterwards knighted. After being an M.P, for a few months he
was sent out to India during the Mutiny. In 1867 he was ap-
pointed to command the forces in Canada, and he died in 1870.
Like many other soldiers, he was not a diary writer and only
kept a record in time of war. The entries, though they are
exclusively concerned with the military events of the moment,
show us a masterful, self-confident man with a keen sense of duty
and with little or no sense of humour. He sums himself up in
the following paragraph :
In fact I worked hard ; feel convinced that I did my duty like a good
soldier, feeling no funk. I am siu-e T showed none and therefore whether I
am mentioned or not in despatches is a matter of indifference.
His son, Captain Windham, published the diary in 1897,
together with a number of his father's letters, which fill more
colour and detail into the picture.
GEORGE ELIOT
CROSS'S Life of George Eliot is composed of extracts from
her letters and her journal. While the whole diary is not
given, and in all probability the more intimate and personal
entries are omitted, we gather from George Eliot's references
;o her journal that she was not a regular daily writer, although
it times the entries are frequent. But she acknowledges some-
;imes that weeks and months have elapsed without any entry
Deing made. The first extract given is in 1855 ; but she mentions
laving begun the diary in 1849, and that book she finishes in
.861. She starts another book which lasts her till 1877, when
;he writes :
I To-day I say a final farewell to tliis little book wliich is the only record I
ave made of my personal life for sixteen years and more. I have often been
lelped in looking back on it to compare former with actual states of despond-
ncy from bad health or other apparent causes. In this way a past despond-
ncy has turned to present hopefulness. ... I shall record no more in this
ook because I am going to keep a more business-like diary.
And from that date she only makes one-line occasional memo-
anda of engagements, etc.
404 ENGLISH DIARIES
George Eliot wrote for herself. The diary contains chiefly
records with regard to her writing and reading, travels, and
health, and several notes about concerts and her love of music.
Its dryness and severity is relieved by more expansive passages
in which she refers to her great devotion to George Lewes, with
whom she lived from 1854 till he died, and more especially to the
deep depression she passes through on account of her health.
At the end of the year she often makes a sort of review of the
past twelve months.
One might suppose that a learned woman of a deeply philoso-
phic temperament would, when at the age of 38 she began pub-
lishing novels, have regarded their reception with calm, if not
indifference. It comes, therefore, as a surprise, but at the same
time as a pleasing testimony of the human side of her nature, to
find by her diary that her excitement and elation at her success
is hardly surpassed by Fanny Burney on the publication of
Evelina when she was 25 ; and, like Fanny, in her first pride of
secret authorship she collects and records every word of praise
and commendation she receives or hears of. Entries of this
description are not confined to her first book, but her subsequent
successes are duly registered.
Amos Barton, the first of the " Scenes of Clerical Life," appeared
in 1857, and was an immediate success. There was a good deal
of mystification about the authorship. Mr. GilfiVs Love Story
and Janet's Repentance followed soon after.
Mr. John Blackwood already expressed himself with much greater warmth
of admiration ; and when the first part had appeared he sent me a charming
letter with a cheque for fifty guineas. . . . Albert Smith sent him a letter
saying he had never read anything that affected him more.
Received letter from Blackwood expressing his approbation of Mr. Gilfil's
Love Story. He writes very pleasantly, says the series is attributed by many
to Bulwer and that Thackeray thinks highly of it. This was a pleasant fillip
to me who am just now ready to be dispirited on the slightest pretext.
The other day we had a pleasant letter from Herbert Spencer saying he
had heard Mr. Gilfil's Love Story discussed ... all expressing warm approval
and curiosity as to the author.
Of the many letters she received, perhaps the best and the most
really comphmentary and gratifying was from Dickens, who was
never taken in by supposing the author was a man. Dickens
became a friend later on, and she notes in her diary his coming
to dinner. A few extracts may be given with regard to her other
books.
i
GEORGE ELIOT 405
Adam Bede :
Blackwood told me the first ab extra opinion of the book which happened to
be precisely what I most desired. A cabinet maker had read the sheets and
declared the writer must have been brought up to the business or at least had
listened to the workmen in their workshop.
Blackwood writes to say I am " a popular author as well as a great author."
They printed 2090 of Adam Bede and have disposed of more than 1800 so they
were thinking about a second edition. A very feeling letter from Froude this
morning.
I have left off recording the history of Adam Bede and the pleasant letters
and words that came to me — the success has been so triumphantly beyond
anything I had dreamed of that it would be tiresome to put down particulars.
To such a height had her reputation risen that she records an
offer from a pubhsher who was ready to pay £10,000 for Romola,
but according to an entry later on the final arrangement was to
I^ublish Romola in the Cornhill Magazine for £7,000. For Felix
Holt she received £5,000, and of Middlemarch she says :
No former book of mme has been received with more enthusiasm — ^not even
Adam Bede.
And of David Deronda :
The success of the work at present is greater than that of Middlemareh up
to the corresponding point of publication.
So far as the reception of her novels was concerned she had
nothing to complain of. To George Lewes she refers constantly
in terms of great affection. She reads her manuscripts to him,
and he encourages her. She is interested in his literary work,
and they enjoy together travel, study, music and intellectual
discussion. A couple of brief entries in 1858 show this :
Jan. 24. G. came in the evening at 10 o'clock — after I had suffered a great
deal in thinking of the possibilities that might prevent him from coming.
Jan. 25. This morning I have read to G. all I have written during his
absence and he approves it more than I expected.
The intellectual level was fearfully high, judging by the enormous
quantity of books she notes as having been read. For Romola,
for instance, the list of Italian works she devoured occupies a
printed page. But in reading George Eliot's diary the question
that presses on one is not that which has often been discussed
as to whether her excessive erudition was not on the whole damag-
ing to her genius as a writer of fiction, but the opposite one, how
406 ENGLISH DIARIES
this abnormally learned metaphysically-minded woman could
have created Mrs. Poyser, Hetty, Amos Barton, Gwendolen,
This sort of entry occurs frequently :
Began Part IV of Spinoza's Ethics. Began also to read Gumming for
article in the " Westminster." We are reading in the evenings now Sydney-
Smith's letters, Boswell, Whewell's ' History of Inductive Sciences,' the
Odyssey and occasionally Heine's Reisebilder. I began the second book of the
Iliad in Greek this morning.
Walked with George over Primrose Hill. We talked of Plato and Aristotle.
As time goes on, in spite of success and domestic happiness,
in spite of the big cheques and all the favourable opportunities
for travel and intellectual pursuits, the most notable feature
of the diary is the constant record of overwhelming depressions,
which were caused largely by ill health. A few quotations will
show that she confided to the diary, and perhaps to the diary
alone, the recurrence of these moods of deep despondency.
1860. My want of health and strength has prevented me from working
much — stiU worse has made me despair of ever working well again.
1861. Struggling constantly with depression. Got into a state of so much
wretchedness in attempting to concentrate my thoughts on the construction
of my story that I became desperate and suddenly burst my bonds, saying, I
will not think of writing.
1862. Have been reading some entries in my note book of past times in
which I recorded my malaise and despair. But it is impossible that I have
ever been in so unpromising and despairing a state as I now feel.
I am extremely spiritless, dead, and hopeless about my writing. The long
state of headache has left me in depression and incapacity.
1864. Horrible scepticism about aU things paralysing my naind. Shall I
ever be good for anything again ? Ever do anything again ?
In the retrospect at the end of this year she only refers to bad
health and repeats a tribute to George Lewes for " his perfect
love."
1866. HI ever since I came home so that the days seem to have made a
muddy flood sweeping away all iaboiir and all growth.
In 1868 her review of the year is more cheerful. She ends up :
We have had no real trouble. I wish we were not in a minority of our
fellow men ! I desire no added blessing for the coming year but this — that
I may do some good lasting work and make both my outward and inward
habits less imperfect — that is more directly tending to the best uses of life.
JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS 407
After this the entries in the diary are fewer. There is only one
more review of the year, written on January 1, 1874. It is cheer-
ful in tone, although at the end she says ;
I have been for a month rendered almost helpless for intellectual work by
constant headaches but am getting a little more freedom. Nothing is wanting
to my blessings but the uninterrupted power of work. For as to all my
unchangeable imperfections I have resigned myself.
She notes in her diary, " a great gap since I last made a record,"
and indeed there are few other entries before she concludes the
notebook in 1879 with the remark above quoted. It would seem
as if she outgrew the habit of noting her moods and decided
to keep only very brief memoranda of her doings. Even her
marriage to Mr. Cross in 1880 is simply noted in the baldest
possible way.
George Eliot's diary is definitely restricted to the progress
and business connected with her writing, the books she read,
notes with regard to her movements and visits abroad, and the
people she meets and rather fuller confessions as to her health
and spirits. But she never says one word of praise, criticism or
description of the people she meets. Nor does she write in her
journal any reflections on life in general. Needless to say, George
Ehot makes no remarks in her diary about her food or about
her domestic servants, not that she could not have been very
entertaining on both these subjects. Editing has probably de-
prived us of much that would give us a closer knowledge of this
remarkable woman.
JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS ^
MR. HORATIO BROWNE, Symonds' biographer, had,
he tells us, an abundance of material at his disposal in
compiling his book. In addition to thirty published
volumes, notebooks, letters and memoranda, he found an auto-
biography and diaries. In his intention, which he carries out
very skilfully and scrupulously, to make Symonds himself tell
the story of his life, he quotes largely from the diaries and auto-
biography. But the extracts from the diaries are necessarily
brief compared to the diaries themselves, though they are sufl&-
1 ________^___w
^ The Diary extracts are quoted from John Addington Symonds, by Horatio
Browne, with the kind permission of Mr. John Murray.
408 ENGLISH DIARIES
cient to show us the purposes for which he kept his diary and
his manner and method of writing in it. Symonds, apart from
his wonderful capacity for expression, had an almost morbid
love of self-analysis and self-dissection, and the outpourings of
his soul would no doubt include passages of such an intimate
character that a biographer would hesitate to publish them.
Symonds was born in 1840, and he first kept a diary when he
was 18. It concerns his travels, and so rapidly does he acquire
the diary habit that the book, covering 233 pages, is carefully
indexed at the end. In 1860, when at Balliol, he begins again,
and practically never left off till the day before he died. The
diary opens thus :
It is rather adventurous to begin keeping a journal after so many faUurea
and without the unity of subject which I thought so necessary to make the
trouble endurable. Yet as I consider a diary useful as a raechanical memory
and interesting personally for the future, I shall attempt to keep one. The
custom of writing while abroad will miake it easier to do so here and my
unity of subject must be exoteric. The journey was decidedly historical and
exoteric. This I will try to make more a record of what passes in myself and
my more private concerns.
Later on he makes the following remark on diary writing :
Diary good for thoughts, not for things. Ordinary log book a poor affair.
Useless to eliminate what others ought not to see. Danger of overdoing
emotion.
Nevertheless, his own highly-strung artistic temperament was
certainly emotional, and his bad health contributed to his internal
despondency. These moods of depression, however, he confided
to his diary. His friends could hardly guess the presence of this
inward turmoil. As Mr. Browne says, " It is possible that many
who met Symonds did not surmise behind the brilliant audacious
exterior, underlying the witty conversation and the keen enjoy-
ment of life and movement about him, this central core of spiritual
pain " ; and again, " all through the diary underlying his studies,
underlying his affection for his friends, runs the perpetual strain
of self-analysis, comparison, criticism, reproach." For Symonds
a diary was a real secret confidant, nor did he shrink from its
falling into the hands of his friend after he had gone.
We need hardly dwell on his constant illness, except to say
that such expressions as these occur again and again : " bad
depressed headache," " painful reveries," " weary dreams,"
" weak and melancholy," " three bad nights in succession have
made me weak and nervous." " my depression is extreme."
JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS 409
His self-analysis is acute and merciless. A few instances
may be given in the earlier years.
A man may have susceptibilities of genius without any of its creative power ;
but if he has any atom of talent he cannot be without practical energy.
I may rave but I shall never rend the heavens : I may sit and sing but I
shall never make earth listen.
And I am not strong enough to be good — what is left ? I do not feel strong
enough to be bad.
The sum of intellectual progress I hoped for has been obtained, but how much
below my hopes. My character has developed but in what puny proportions,
below my meanest anticipations. I do not feel a man. This book is an
evidence of the yearnings without power and the brooding self-analysis
without creation that afflict me. I am not a man.
His artistic appreciations are very deep and penetrating,
whether for painting, architecture, music, poetry, or nature.
And from a quite early age he is able to give descriptions of what
he sees and hears which show, not only an exceptional power of
expression, but a still more exceptional power of observation of
eye and of memory. In the accounts he gives in his diary of his
travels in the Alps and in Italy, there is a beauty of language which
places them on a very different level from the usual descriptions
which one is very apt to skip. They are, however, too long to
quote, and there is a richness and exuberance about them which
may not suit all tastes. We may give one of his reflections after
a description of Castellamare :
The world is ^^ide, wide, wide and what we struggle for, ten thousand happy
souls in one fair bay have never dreamed of. I would give much to live and
love and pass my life within the sound of these unvarying waves and in the
gorgeous interchange of light and gloom which dwells for ever on the furrowed
hills.
Symonds had many close friends ; it is, therefore, interesting
to hear him on friendship:
It is a bad thing to base any friendship on imcommon and merely emotional
sympathies. They may wear out. Friendship ought to be a matter of day-
light not of gas, red lights or sky rockets.
Jowett, of Balliol, stood very high in his estimation and exer-
cised a very sympathetic yet at the same time bracing influence
over him. Jowett's laconic style and absence of emotionalism
acted as some check on the unrestrained artistic luxuriance of
his friend. We get many characteristic glimpses of the future
Master of Balliol in the diary.
410 ENGLISH DIARIES
Breakfast with Jowett. I met a stupid man called S. S. who spoiled every
effort at conversation by insisting on talking about Miss Eagle and ventrilo-
quists.
We breakfast at nine. I was glad of this for it is hard to entertain Jowett.
His forte is aurext taciturnitas and he has a habit of shutting up a subject by a
single sentence. The conversation is one conducted by question and answer.
I start a subject and ask a question. He makes an answer and stifles the
subject.
Jowett and I went to Seed's where he had his portrait taken. It was very
good of him to let it be done, for he hated it. He stood so funnily — like a doll
straight and stiff. The man tried to drill him into a position : he was meek
but awkward. I told him to stand naturally. The man wanted him to set
his necktie straight — trying to destroy personality ; but I would not let him.
It took a long time and Jowett looked cross and uncomfortable.
One of the reasons why he makes me shy beyond his own silent shyness is
that he is so uncommunicative of himself. I feel that he is self wrapped and
that he wUl not lift the cm-tain. He lives within a veil and is aU in all to his
own thoughts. Egotistical people are easier to get on with partly because
you despise their egotism.
After taking a first in his degree at Oxford, Symonds writes :
Certainly Oxford honours are a poor thing. The glory of them soon departs,
the pleasure fleets away and we have another struggle rising up at once.
Yet I can never be too thankful for having been able to give papa so great
satisfaction. All the trouble I had was well compensated by his pleasure and
the thought of that is my most solid gain.
The diary, as time goes on, gets filled with his artistic studies.
His almost over-developed aesthetic appreciations make him pour
out the most elaborate and profound analysis of what he sees
and hears. So extreme is it that references to " a strained feeling
in my head " come as no surprise.
He uses his diary as a sort of practice ground for his writing.
After an immense entry on the EHzabethan spirit in literature,
he ends :
This diatribe, being very ill this morning, I wrote to distract my mind from
its troubles, to rouse me from a clinging lethargy in which will, memory,
physical force and power of thought seemed all exhausted.
In the biography we only get extracts from the diary in the
earlier years. There is a great deal of other material which is
drawn on for his later life up to his death.
In this period Mr. Browne tells us that speculation and analysis
of abstractions become less prominent and " his artistic sensuous
temperament found satisfaction in actual life."
The diary has no doubt been invaluable to his biographer,
LIEUT.-GEN. SIR GERALD GRAHAM 411
and we can quite well gather what kind of diary Symonds kept.
But we are not allowed to see sufficient of it to analyse it closely.
A man who keeps a regular diary and writes also an autobio-
graphy may be condemned as an egotist. But egotism of this
sort does not by any means necessarily imply conceit. If it is a
fault it is a fault of temperament, not of intellect.
LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR GERALD GRAHAM
THIS distinguished soldier, who was born in 1830, saw a
good deal of active service in the Crimea, where he won
the Victoria Cross, and subsequently in China and in
Egypt. He kept a regular business-like military diary, which,
though practically exclusively concerned with his military ex-
periences, shows in its breezy, laconic style that its author had a
cheerful disposition and a sense of humour. There are no per-
sonal or subjective references in it, but curiously enough he often
makes notes of the books he is reading.
I am reading daily a little of Frederick the Great.
What a wonderful knowledge of character is shown by the author of Adam
Bede.
Reading Adam Bede again. This is a charming book ; one seems to live in
it while reading. How intensely English — rural English — in its character.
Now Miss Bronte's novels are somewhat tinged with French melodrama.
I am deeply interested in the life of Charlotte Bronte. It is a wonderful
tale. She is a heroine for every Englishman to be proud of.
In the China campaign he describes being wounded :
I got shot in my leg the ball burying itself in the flesh without cutting the
thick serge trousers ;
but he is much more concerned about his horse being wounded,
and continues to direct his men.
Graham was a friend of Gordon's, having been his contem-
porary at the Military Academy. They come together during
the China campaign in 1860.
Charlie Gordon arrived. . . . He is still brimful of energy but has sobered
down into a more reflective character. He is really a remarkably fine fellow.
And in 1884, in Egypt, he has many talks with him and accom-
panies him as far as Assouan on his way to Khartoum, His
412 ENGLISH DIARIES
conversations, together with a graphic description of his parting
from Gordon, were eventually published in a book entitled Last
Words with Gordon.
The diary extracts only cover comparatively brief periods in
China and Egypt. Once or twice he gives rather a longer account
of the events he witnesses, as, for instance, the signing of the
treaty at the end of the China campaign.
But for the most part the entries are in brief sentences obviously
"written at the moment and on the spot.
Quaint old town — bad smells — ^went up to the top of the tower.
Beastly place Masameh. A lot of dead bodies about. Ordered to occupy
Kassassin so I moved out at 5 p.m.
And here is a description of an engagement :
Beginning to arrange my kit as on the 28th when the Philistines are on us !
Are they mad ? In five minutes my dispositions are made and in twenty
minutes the troops are out in line of battle. Heavy artillery fire from enemy
as before but our guns advance with the Infantry and before 9 a.m. the enemy j
are in full retreat. . . . Posting pickets in evening. Sent telegram to dear J. '
[his wife] 'AU right.'
The diary is quoted in the biography written by Colonel Vetch
and published in 1901.
WILLIAM CORY
BIOGRAPHERS are very apt to discard all material which
does not enhance the reputation of their subject, more
especially if they are writing about some one whose friends
and relations are still alive. It is very doubtful whether they
succeed by this means in attracting the human sympathy for
and appreciation of their hero or heroine in the same way as if
they put in the shadows and darker parts of the picture and
desisted from pedestal making. It is the man on our level we
like reading about and we are likely to love the best. Abnor-
mality and excessive righteousness fill us with awe but not
with affection.
There is no biography of William Cory, the author of loniac.
But in the volume published by his friends in 1897, containing his
letters and extracts from his journal, he is presented as a cultivated
scholar-poet with refined and correct tastes, writing, thinking, say-
ing all the right things in the right way, and indiscretions, lapses,
faults, triviahties have been carefully eliminated. There may
WILLIAM CORY 413
have been good reason for doing this. But we only get part of
the man, and if the diary extracts convey a rather self-complacent
person expressing in well-turned phrases unexceptionable thoughts
and careful judgments, and if there seems to be a noticeable
absence of any rash and clumsy jottings or any of the little stupidi-
ties which rampage through the pages of many diaries, we must
not misjudge Cory, but we must remember that only part of his
journal is given.
William Johnson was born in 1823. He was educated at Eton
and King's College, Cambridge, and served as assistant master
at Eton from 1845 to 1872. During this period a number of boys
who afterwards became well-known figures in public life came
under his influence, and among them he made many close and
devoted friends. He had the reputation of being the most brilhant
Eton tutor of his day. In 1872, having inherited an estate at
Halsdon, he resigned his mastership and assumed the name of
Cory.
Judging by the extracts, we should say that Cory was a pretty
regular diary writer. But it is only between 1863 and 1873 that
sections from the journal are given. In a letter to his brother
(who took the name of Furse and was afterwards archdeacon
of Westminster) he says something about his motive in keeping
a diary, and mentions a drawer full of them at Eton.
I often TVTite at considerable length leaving out all sordid and vexatious
things. I ■wish I had ■written more at school ; as it is there are records of a
whole fortnight and a month (last May) ■which may some day be valued as
data for an account of Eton life. In another ■way I sometimes think my
Journals •will be valuable ; they ■will contain some careful studies of people
whose biographies will be ■written, if not published.
We see, therefore, that he was writing for posterity, and if he
consistently avoided recording " sordid and vexatious things "
we might find, were the whole of his diary available, that it
contained no intimate personal reflections. Again, he says that
he writes journals " for one or two friends — ^very garrulous some-
times." So what he wrote was to be read either immediately
or later on. His diary was not a private affair, and indeed this
is apparent in the polish of the writing, the self-conscious expres-
sions of opinion and elaborate descriptions of scenery.
Staying with Lord Halifax at Hickleton (two of the sons were
his pupils), he writes :
Though ill a bit, I am revived by being here ; it makes me fancy once more
that I am near the heart of my country and in some sense ennobled. I think
if I 'write a letter from here it will be in purer English and more courteous.
414 ENGLISH DIARIES
This indeed seems to have been the ideal which he successfully
pursued — ^to write in pure English and to be courteous. Nothing
ever jars or is harsh. Even when he goes to the Athengeum he
reads "softly."
His many descriptions of scenery, though pretty and often
poetical, have a want of bite, and their delicacy sometimes becomes
a little flowery, as, for instance :
We walked on through the Abbey Grounds where nothing grows but a few
sprays of tamarisk, a Kttle grass, and samphire ; we sat close to a fallen
signal post and a battered figurehead doiag duty for ghost and watched the
blossoms of sea weed fluttering and alighting on the little patch of turf.
Then we walked on the steep slope of down to the little water-fall which
ended in a little rill's life in a cleft between two promontories and was blown
back like ' the wasted purpose ' in ' Lotos Eaters ' by a mighty wind from the
Atlantic.
There are many accounts of travel in Scotland and the
Lakes as well as abroad in Austria, Egypt, and Turkey.
But by far the most natural and spontaneous entries are about
his school work:
1864. I looked over Dalmeny's verses ; to alter them was a long delicate
job as they were not commonplace pro formd things but an honest attempt at
turning (of his own accord) some rhymes of mine which he had read in manu-
script.
I had a peculiar pleasure — a letter from the father of a boy who had been in
my division thanking me for making his boy's work pleasant to him : the
most gratifying letter I ever had on professional matters.
A splendid bit of Virgil — Evander's lament for his son — full of grammar,
idiom and sentiment. I tried the patience of the boys with wanton digressions
till we were getting late for school.
My young boys gathered roimd the fire ; I read them bits of Cowper, a
good passage about the wickedness of ambitiotis kings. . . . Told them about
Cowper and Huskisson ; they filled in the dropped rhymes and were intelligent.
They read to me some chapters of Nehemiah — the bit about Ezra telling the
people not to weep ; and then St. Paul's parting with the elders of Ephesus.
... I was sorry when they went, being chilly and duU ; fell asleep.
Themes or rather versions — ^lukewarm Latin anyhow. Miscellaneous
business with some brats. Shute set down to verses by himself.
1867. It seems a pity tutors generally let Sunday Private Business be a
thorough bore to themselves as well as the boys ; they shirk it the first Sunday
and whenever they can. The boys actually hate doing Greek Testament on
Sundays ; how can it make them religious ?
1868. Expounding Tacitus and Roman history to three dozen beery,
sleepy, ignorant lads. . . . forty minutes of Pharaoh in the sands, drag,
drag. . . .
To-day I had three stout loud emphatic fierce lectures using my voice as a
horee drench or syringe.
WILLIAM CORY 415
1869. There was no time for singing before Cliapel. I was with the Fourth
Form an hour.
Athanasius was more horrible than usual and Church militant and Com-
mandments more odious. At 11-20 we were off to the Beeches in a break.
Ainger and Marindin were the ushers in charge, I a rover only. We sang a
little on the way, iirst driving, then walking through the woodland. We raced
about the deUs and had to shout shrilly to get together. They cut sticks,
climbed trees, picked ferns, combined in groups and broke up freely. We went
through Dropmore with unusual vagabondary, with a dull gardener. We
dined at 2-30 and enjoyed the fire, then walked up the bank to the locks,
explored a brewery, looked in at a flour mill, ran races. We drove back in the
dusk. At 5-30 we all came to the Mouse Trap [his house] and hanselled my
German tea things finishing the Greek honey which Elliott gave me. We had
songs too. This perfect party broke up at 8-30.
This may not be such pure English, but it is much more real,
than the poetic prose. In fact, all the school entries when he
was busy and probably wrote in a hurry are terse and vivid.
There are some good political anecdotes, and he himself makes
a si^eech in the Windsor theatre at an election. Many literary
judgments and criticisms of books are set down, and accounts
of interesting conversations.
In 1878 he writes an amusing description of an imaginary
wife :
If I had married as other people do, by this time my wife would be pursy,
short of breath, addicted to sal volatile, unable to sing, begrimed with fru-
gality, bent on making me write letters to people whose sons have been my
pupils, to make intei'est for her nephews, cousins or pet clergy : fretting at
tny want of progress and my patient submission to all the defeats inflicted on
tne by younger men, feeling with cruel pain all that I feel with a mild senti-
mental twinge and worse than all drenching me with aphorisms about the
Will of God of which she would be sure to think she knew as much as if she
lad been admitted to His counsels.
As a matter of fact, Cory did marry late in life, at the age of
55. He died in 1892.
As already said it would be unfair to judge the diarist by the
selected and abridged sections that are published from his journal.
We get very little impression of the charming man he is known
;o have been. In his letters, contained in the same volume, the
ictual personal touch with his correspondents brings out more
iilly and naturally some of his rare qualities.
416 ENGLISH DIARIES
JAMES HANNINGTON
\
THE last diary of an ecclesiastic in this collection differs
from any of its predecessors. Hannington was a Bishop,
but a very different type from Cartwright or Wilberforce.
He was a missionary, but in no way does he resemble the ascetic
scholar Martyn. Like the others, however, he kept a regular
diary which shows him to have been a man of action, straightfor-
ward, energetic, addicted to no morbid inclinations or profound
religious meditations. There is indeed a matter-of-fact conven-
tionality in his career which l^^ only broken by the tragic adven-
tures which terminated it. In the early entries, which begin
about 1863, his love of action, sport and travel are far more
noticeable than any call to enter holy orders. At 16 he joins the
volunteers, and this is noted as a red-letter day in his diary.
" My first day in uniform," and later in the same year :
My father gave me a single barrel breech loader gun ; 17 guineas. My
delight is great.
My seventeenth birthday. Shot eighteen brace of birds, four hares, one
land rail, 5 feet 10 inches high, weight 11 stone 6 lbs.
The circumstances which led to his going into the Church were
exterior, not interior. A chapel at Hurstpierpoint belonging to
his father, in which Nonconformist services were held, was trans-
ferred by him to the Church of England and licensed for public
worship by the Bishop of Chichester. James Hannington notes
therefore :
Through the change from dissent to the Church I got to know the clergy of
the parish church and college. I yearned for ordination.
Up at Oxford at St. Mary's Hall he has difficulty with his
examinations. He was more interested in rowing than learning,
and was full of boyish spirits:
For a bet I wheeled Captain Way up the High Street in a wheelbarrow and
turned him out opposite the Angel Hotel.
Bumped Keble — Should have caught Exeter but No. 3 caught a crab instead.
Of all atrocious horrors this is the most disgusting. We have been re-bumped
by Keble.
When he is in Devonshire as a curate the entries show how he was
always to the fore in helping and doctoring people, and whenever
there was trouble, danger, or adventure to be undertaken that
JAMES HANNINGTON 417
was what he hked best. " I enjoy the uphill struggle path most
of all." He writes very simply, without the smallest symptom
of self-righteousness or pose. A very characteristic entry is the
one he makes the day before his ordination at Chichester as priest
in 1876.
A day of rest. I nested in the Bishop's garden and round the belfry Tower
for swifts' eggs.
In 1877 he marries. There is certainly no sentimentality about
the following ;
Proposed to Blanche Hawkin-Turvin and was accepted.
But on New Year's Day, a week later, he indulges in a little
reflection, which is quite exceptional with him.
The New Year breaks in upon me. How ? How ? Under a new epoch.
I am engaged to be married, I, who have always been supposed, and have
supposed myself to be a confirmed bachelor, cross, crabbed, ill conditioned !
What a change in the appearance of everything does this make ! It, however,
seems to fill me with the things of this world and to make me cold and dead.
Lord Jesus grant that we may love Thee each succeeding hour more abun-
dantly. Amen. Amen.
Mission work begins to interest him, and finally he writes :
H. G. came to see me and to my surprise told me that he longed to become
a missionary. I told him that I longed to be one too.
His ambition is gratified. He is appointed by the Church
Missionary Societj^, and after farewells he undertakes his first
journey to Africa in 1882. From this time onward his diary,
which is kept with great regularity, is that of a traveller and
explorer full of the detail of his adventures and illustrated with
drawings and sketches. Owing to ill health he was obliged to
return in 1883. But he was so obviously the man for the work
that on his return he was consecrated as first Bishop of Eastern
Equatorial Africa, and started out again in 1884. After estab-
lishing himself at Frere Town he sets out on a journey to Uganda.
No obstacle or hardship daunts him. His own health he is deter-
mined shall stand the strain. " Fever threatening but I won't
give way." He determines, after weighing the pros and cons, all
of which considerations are noted in his diary, to go in advance
of the main caravan by a new route into Uganda, and has to
pass through the dangerous territory of the Masai. He and his
followers are captured and imprisoned. After eight days, during
which he was confin ed, racked by fever, in the most loathsome dirt
27
418 ENGLISH DIARIES
and discomfort, he was led out to an open space, where he and
the rest of his small party were speared and shot to death.
The remarkable thing, so far as his diary is concerned, is that
he wrote it, though often sentence by sentence and with the
greatest difficulty, right up to the very last day of his imprison-
ment. A few extracts must be given from these last entries :
Up to one o'clock I have received no news whatever and I fear at least a
week in this black hole in which I can barely see to write. Floor covered with
rotting banana peel and leaves and lice. Men relieving nattire at night on
the floor ; a smoking fire at which my guards cook and drink pombe ; in a
feverish district ; fearfvilly shaken, scarce power to hold up a small Bible.
Shall I live through it ? My. God I am Thine.
Going outside I fell to the ground exhausted and was helped back in a gone
condition to my bed ; I don't see how I can stand all this and yet I don't
want to give in. . . .
(Seventh day's prison.) A terrible night, first with noisy dnmken guard
and secondly with vermin which have found out my tent and swarm. I
don't think I got one sovmd hom-'s sleep and woke with fever fast developing.
O Lord, do have mercy on me and release me. I am quite broken down and
brought low. Comforted by reading Psalm XXVII.
In an hour or two fever developed very rapidly. My tent was so stuffy
that I was obliged to go inside the filthy hut and soon was delirious. . . .
(Eighth day's prison.) I can hear no news but was held up by Psalm XXX
which came with great power.
A hyena howled near me last night smelling a sick man but I hope it is not
to have me yet.
These entries are written in a tiny handwriting in one of Letts'
monthly pocket diaries. Difficult as it must have been to write
at all, we can imagine that he must have derived some little solace
from writing down his terrible experiences.
CAPTAIN EYRE LLOYD
FROM November 12, 1899, to October 29, 1901— that is to
say, in the thick of the Boer War — Captain Lloyd kept a
regular daily diary. This in itself is something of a feat,
as an officer on active service has httle or no leisure, and it requires
a well-discipHned mind to make a daily memorandum.
The overshadowing and constant danger of warfare may encour-
age a man who is not naturally a diarist to note the events of
each day. But as has already been pointed out, events in these
conditions loom too large and the mere record of them is apt to
obUterate the personality of the writer. The bare recital of
CAPTAIN EYRE LLOYD 419
movements of troops, skirmishes, casualties, battles, and intervals
of waiting without the relief of personal reflections is dull reading.
Captain Lloyd is a typical British officer, accepting discomfort
and danger without complaint and even without comment, and
noting as carefully the results of a football match, a cricket
match, or a game of polo, as a brush with the enemy or even a big
engagement.
Here is an instance of his laconic description of a battle :
Nov. 28. Battle of Modder River. Called up early paraded 4 a.m. to
6-30 p.m. Personal experience in note book. Another frontal attack.
Boer trenches very well made. 2nd Battalion losses 12 killed 59 wounded.
When we retired the bullets came like a hailstorm and I cannot understand
how any of us escaped. Acheson was hit in the foot. A. and S. Highlanders
lost heavily through their kilts being so conspicuous. Lost 1 killed and 17
wounded in my company including Acheson and section commanders. A man
was shot on each side of me. There were a lot of verj^ narrow escapes. Tow-
ney Butler had a bullet through his trousers between his legs, two cut his
water bottle and another his helmet. Colour Sergeant Pitt had his havereack
cut ofi. To-day's frontal attack was very nearly a defeat. The next prob-
ably will be. We have won these battles in spite of it.
The next day he is delighted at having a bathe and his entry
ends :
There is a hotel here so I have been able to buy a tooth brush at last ! I
lost mine a week ago.
Quite unperturbed in the face of danger, he notes at a later date :
In the last hour of dayhght I got badly sniped by a Boer ; why I was not hit
I caiuiot imagine, he nearly hit me every time.
We get just a glimpse in the following entry of the kindness
and generosity of his disposition :
Sergeant was read out on parade at 10 a.m. Went to see him
after parade and told him to write to me after he had done his sentence and
promised to get him started in life again if I could.
There are just traces of his impatience when he says, " Seems
now as if the war will last for ever ! " and in the brief entry on
October 27, 1900, " Sick of Pretoria." Ceremonial fooling in
the midst of the serious business of war calls forth from him the
following amusing comment:
We are to have a ceremonial parade on the 28tli in honour of the King of
Portugal's birthday. I don't know who cares about the King of Portugal or
who was the ass who discovered his birthday.
Once or twice he notes the beauty of scenery and sees the birds,
amongst them " the lovely light blue jay." But for the most
part his entries are almost officially dry and colourless, and even
420 ENGLISH DIARIES
the disagreeable duties which fell to him are executed almost
callously without any sort of expression of feeUng. He allows
himself more than once to be critical. " I suppose this accounts
for this wretched farce," is his remark at some bungling on the
part of his superior officers." And again : " After fighting for
nearly two years such stupidity is almost incredible " is his note
on a proclamation being issued in English, which the Boers could
not understand.
On October 80, 1901, Captain Lloyd was sent to lay out the
camp previous to the attack of the Boers, but hearing that his
Colonel was wounded and in a tight place he felt it to be his duty
to leave a comparatively unimportant task and to put himself
at the disposal of his chief. One account says : " He sauntered
defiantly and quite upright across the open space shot at by half
a thousand rifles at not more than 30 or 40 yards range." He
fell before he reached his chief.
The diary is in no way remarkable, but it is thoroughly typical.
It was privately printed, together with some of his letters, in 1905.
The following Diaries in this century may also he briefly noted : —
Miss Berry
Mention may be made of the diary kept by Miss Mary Berry
between 1783 and 1848. She wrote at first a diary of her travels
of the ordinary guide book description. In 1807, after seeing some
one else's journal, she decides to keep a regular diary of her own :
I have hitherto avoided it because I felt ashamed of the use or rather the
no use I made of my time. . . . But now no future reraains to me [she was
44 and lived to 89] perhaps I may be encouraged to make the most of the
present by marking its rapid passage and setting before my eyes the folly
of letting a day escape without endeavouring at least to make the best I
can of it and above all without making impossible attempts to mend or alter
anybody but myself.
Miss Berry had been in her youth a friend of Horace Walpole's,
whose works she afterwards edited. She lived with her sister Agnes
at Little Strawberry Hill, which had been left to them by Walpole.
The diary is nothing but a social record containing all the usual
elements. Royalty of course comes in. We have the Regent who
" looked wretchedly, swollen up with a muddled complexion and was
besides extremely tipsy — gravely and cautiously so." In 1802 she
gives a very full and not iminteresting description of Buonaparte as
First Consul. Her reflections she reserves for another book, but
occasionally she indulges in meditations which become more melan-
choly in her old age. Once or twice she manages to get away from
the social visits and entertainments and write about her garden.
JOSEPH HUNTER— MARQUIS OF HASTINGS 421
But like so many diarists, she did not think the quiet days were
worth recording.
In 1845, at the age of 82, at the end of a sad entry beginning " Life
begins to be very fatiguing to me," she ends up :
My poor sister so near my own age will I feel convinced either precede
or follow me in a very few months.
This Hterally happened seven years later in 1852, when the lifelong
companionship of the sisters was only broken for a few months.
Agnes died in January ; and Mary in November.
Joseph Hunter
We have here an instance of a man who in his youth intended to
keep a diary, but evidently found that the increasing range of his
studies made him regard diary writing as waste of time.
Joseph Hunter, born in 1783, was an eminent antiquary and
voluminous writer on history and archaeology. In 1806, at the age
of 23, he begins on January 2 to keep a diary. He notes the lectures
he attends, the people with whom he has conversations and to whom
he writes letters, sermons he hears, the establishment of " a society
of literary conversation " where they have a debate on a universal
language ; an attack of a severe cold (" believe t'is epedemic and
what is called influenza "), a tea-party where the conversation is
" merest chit chat and scandal," etc. It would almost seem as if
he were settling down to be a diarist when he begins describing
people ; for instance, George Dyer, " a strange quizz, such a rough
head of hair never was seen, but an entertaining fellow, takes snuff to
wean himself from smoking." But after recording the immense lists
of books he is reading he breaks into a sort of shorthand just to give
the division of the day, every horn* of which is occupied in the study
of Greek, Hebrew, mathematics, etc., and on September 20 he leaves
off for good.
The MS. of the diary is among the large collection of his papers in
the British Museum.
The Marquis of Hastings
Lord Hastings was Governor- General and Commander-in-Chief in
India. He kept a regular diary from September, 1813, to December,
1818. His term of office continued to January, 1823, but his official
duties became too heavy for him to find time to keep up diary writing.
The diary is occupied only with descriptions of travel, hunting expedi-
tions and incidents connected with his official life in India. It is
included because, unlike most diarists, Lord Hastings discloses very
clearly in the dedication his motive in writing. He says :
This Journal is undertaken for the sake of the Dear Little Companions
of my Expedition. It will be both gratifying and useful to them in a future
day to have their recollection of circumstances revived and to have many
matters explained which they will be likely to have comprehended but imper-
422 ENGLISH DIARIES
f ectly. At any rate it will convince them of the solicitude felt for them by a
fond Father.
The diary was published in 1858, edited by Lady Bute, one of his
daughters.
Thomas Grey
In a little leather-bound, gilt-edged book, called Marshall's Com-
mercial Pocket Book for 1826, with a print of Liverpool Town Hall
as a frontispiece, Thomas Grey began to keep a diary : January 1 :
" Very rainy and cold day did not go out at all." January 2 :
" Staid in the house all day, went to the play in the evening which
was very stupid," and so it goes on " went to Church," " went a
shooting," " went to a lecture," etc., up to January 22. On March 22
he makes another attempt : " went a hunting," " went a fishing,"
" had a headache," etc. But this lasted only eleven days. There
is one entry in May recording his sister's marriage ; and then no
more. In this very incomplete record we might gather from the
handwriting and language that Thomas Grey was young, that
brothers and sisters were with him, and that he sometimes had
headaches. Had his parents been obscure people we should know
nothing more and suspect that he belonged to the large class of
diarists who begin but cannot keep up the habit. Thomas, how-
ever, was one of the younger sons of Lord Grey, the Prime Minister,
and died at the age of sixteen in the very year of the diary ; hence
the blank pages. The sister whose marriage he records treasured the
little book, which has been handed down in her family. It is only
a small broken fragment, preserved out of sentiment. The memory
of the boy has vanished, but as a budding diarist his attempt survives.
Sir Mountstuart Grant-Duff
With the exception of the first two volumes, which concern travels
in India and Palestine, the fourteen volumes of diary (1851 to 1901)
issued by Sir Mountstuart Grant Duff (who was a Member of Parlia-
ment and sometime Governor of Madras) hardly come under the
category of a personal diary any more than Miss Wynn's Diaries of a
Lady of Quality. Indeed, he says himself that his object is to make
it " the hghtest of light reading," to dwell on the less serious side of
life and to avoid writing of his chief interests, which were politics
and administration. The volumes consist for the most part of a vast
collection of anecdotes, good stories and memorable sayings, many of
which have appeared elsewhere. That he succeeded in making the
books " light reading " we may venture to doubt. To flutter a page
or two occasionally may help to pass the time, but to read consecu-
tively anecdote after anecdote, epigram after epigram, joke after
joke, however good some of them may be, is practically impossible.
There are dinner party lists and occasional references to books, a few
appreciations of scenery and gardens, but he strictly adheres to his
JOHN EVELYN DENISON 423
intention of introducing nothing in the way of personal opinions,
private reflections or serious matter.
Quotation, therefore, is unnecessary. Apart from anecdotes it is
hardly worth while making extracts from the other passages — as, for
instance, a discussion as to whether you should write Marquis or
Marquess — or the literary judgment that Anatole France " contains
a great deal of interesting matter but little that fixes itself in the
memory." No doubt there is a considerable public for collections of
anecdotes, but such books are hardly subjects for analysis as personal
diaries.
John Evelyn Denison (Viscount Ossington)
From 1857 to 1872 Denison was Speaker of the House of Commons.
Dmring this period he kept a sort of official diary, noting carefully his
rulings and the questions and points of order that came u^ for his
decision. As a record of House of Commons procedure and a guide
to the difficult problems by which a Speaker may at any moment be
confronted it is a valuable book, and shows the scrupulous punctilious-
ness of its author. It is not, however, a personal diary. Except for
a reference to an accident which prevents him from attending to his
duties, and an accoimt of a rapid excxirsion he took to WoUaton Park
near Nottingham, there is practically no personal matter in it at all.
On taking up his office, he asked his predecessor, Lord Eversley,
on whom he might rely for advice, and he was told he must rely
entirely on himself. He adds :
And I found this to be very true. Sometimes a friend would hasten to
the Chair and offer advice. I must say it was for the most part lucky that
I did not follow the advice.
He does not describe or criticize members, or ministers except Lord
Palmerston, for whom he had evidently a great admiration.
Lord Palmerston has spoken admirably well this session. It is not that
the House respects a public servant who has done great service ; that they
are indulgent to advanced years. It is that he can still make a better and
more effective speech than any other man.
Denison seems to have taken pains to exercise judicial fairness,
but he knows how to snub members, as when he tells one of them that
his speech
was in every way unbecoming: that nothing could be more vmdignified
than for a member to come to the House whining and complaining that he
had not had a ticket given him for the review.
The careful way in which these notes were kept makes one suspect
that Denison also kept a private diary. When he retired from the
Speakership he refused any pension. He died in 1873.
The diary was first printed for private circulation, but afterward
published in 1900,
TWENTIETH CENTURY
LORD BERNARD GORDON-LENNOX
EXCEPT for Barbellion's diary, there would have been
no diaries to refer to in the early twentieth century, had
it not been for the war. A fairly large percentage of
officers kept some sort of record, and many of the diaries of
fallen officers no doubt exist, treasured by their families. Not
many of them, perhaps, will ever appear in print. For the most
part they are probably very brief single-line notes in a pocket
diary, of no particular value even to the mihtary historian.
The circumstances of modern warfare are not conducive to elabor-
ate diary writing, and warfare and army life are hostile to origin-
ality or even the emergence of individuality. Moreover, we must
repeat once more that when the subject of a diary reaches
such tremendous and sensational dimensions the soldier diarists'
notes appear meagre and inadequate to those who can only
observe the large lines and general trend of events after the
conclusion of the whole business.
No doubt a careful scrutiny of even the briefest notes would
disclose characteristic features — sometimes a freedom of language
or a violence of expression, but rarely anjrthing personal. If an
officer wants to record something beyond the actual military
movements, he may mention where he had a bath. But the events
are too overwhelmingly important at the moment, the great
dangers, though seldom referred to as dangers, too constant to
allow for the run of a flowing pen. In years to come some notable
diaries may possibly appear as results of the war, but we are only
concerned here with those of fallen officers. Even in the sketchy
ones an abrupt finish has something intensely dramatic about it.
Here are the last three entries from the small pocket diary of an
officer :
Sept. 14. Forward. Big scrap. 4 Company Officers wounded, many
others. Entrenched W of farm N of river and lay out all night.
m
LORD BERNARD GORDON-LENNOX 425
[He was wounded in the shoulder but carried on. He does not think this
worth mentioning.]
1914, Sep. 15. We were shelled all morning, miserable wet night. S.D.
and M. all safe, night alarm.
Sep. 16. S. took over bridge. Blaze. [He was killed by a bullet in the
head on the evening of this day.]
No doubt a conscientious search might produce a number of
diaries of this sort, but there would not be sufficient variety about
them to justify their being singled out for special attention.
For our purpose here we have selected a diary which is remark-
able for its fullness and regularity. There are signs of its having
been written up probably from notes scribbled on the day, and it
presents as consecutive a story and as detailed an account of the
retreat from Mons as could be furnished by an officer who was
actually participating in it.^
Lord Bernard Gordon-Lennox, 3rd son of the Duke of Richmond,
was a Major in the 2nd Battalion Grenadier Guards. He went
out with the Expeditionary Force on August 12, 1914, and marched
with his battalion from Havre to the Belgian frontier, took
part in the famous retreat, and after practically incessant fighting
from October 21 to November 16 he was killed on November
17 of the same year during a German attack upon Ypres.
The diary begins on August 12 with the departure from
Southampton and arrival at Havre. All was enthusiasm ; the
crews of the French boats in port cheered them.
We responded by singing the MarseiUaise which caused a continual " 'eep,
eep, 'ooray " in return.
On arrival at Arras about 3-30 a large crowd of people assembled around
the door of the carriage in which N.D. and self were sitting and the former
was presented with three enormous bouquets, the biggest I have ever seen,
by the Mayor and Mayoress and the Prefect and the Town Councillors. It
was most amusing. N. came up to the scratch well and in a few well chosen
and felicitous phrases tendered the thanks of the Officers and the Army in
general. As we were all more or less in a state of deshabille it must have been
a funny sight.
He writes daily at considerable length, giving full particulars of
all the military operations ; the personal element hardly enters
into his record at all. Privation and discomfort are accepted at
once as the ordinary routine, and the continual presence of extreme
danger is noted in the same terms as the changes in the weather.
1 Quotations from this diary are published by kind permission of the Duke
of Richmond and Gordon.
426 ENGLISH DIARIES
Gordon-Lennox was an officer of some years' standing. He
had served in the South African War. His tone, therefore, is
that of one more or less in authority, who would not think it
correct to indulge in the complaints and protests wliich might
have proceeded from a younger officer. He does, however,
complain of the unnecessary secrecy.
Owing to the absolute secrecy which pervaded everything no one knew what
was going on anjrwhere : this has been maintained up to date and is most
disheartening. No one knows what one is driving at, where anyone is, what
we have got against us, or anything at all ; and what is told us generally
turns out to be entirely wrong.
On August 24, the day on which the retirement began, his
entry shows that he must have written in very much later the
following passage :
This began our long and tiring retirement beginning at Mons and finishing
near Paris and I don't think any of us wish to go through such a tr5dng time
again. Also the British Army is not accustomed to retiring.
He always refers to the Germans as " the Dutchmen." He
wastes little time in making disparaging remarks about the enemy,
except to note on one or two occasions that their wounded " howl "
a good deal. There is this entry about prisoners :
We picked up a lot of Dutchmen on the way, killing, wounding, and captur-
ing them at intervals. They were eventually given into my charge as head
of Main Guard and seemed quite pleased to have a quiet time. Apparently
they thought we shot all our prisoners.
There is of course hardly much chance for humour in the
circumstances of modern warfare, and Gordon-Lennox was not
out for collecting jokes. But now and again there is a little
reUef, such as the following :
Going through Charly we saw chalked up in big letters on a door "Tango
tanze in PARIS Sept. 13." and imderneath it " Yes. I don't think."
A far more gifted pen that Gordon-Lennox's would find it
just as impossible as he does to convey any real impression of
the scenes of devastation and destruction or the catastrophic
incidents through which he continually passes. Here is his
description of a shell from a howitzer — ^Black Maria — when he
himself has a narrow escape.
They had hardly been there a J of an hour before a big 8" came along missed
the farm by inches and got the top of the quarry bank a dreadful blow. I
had 103 lined up and after the explosion 44 were left aU the remainder being
i
LORD BERNARD GORDON-LENNOX 427
killed or wounded. In addition this shell killed three officers of the Oxfords
and a medical officer. How it missed J—, P— , P— , and self will for ever remain
a mystery. It killed and wounded people who were more under cover than
we were sitting all together. It killed and wounded people to oiu" rear,
right, front, left but for some unknown reason we all escaped untouched.
The trees on the bank fell down and the whole quarry was filled with dense
black yellow smoke. It was truly a disastrous shot.
A few days after he has another narrow escape :
I had just taken my overcoat off and laid it on the back of the trench about
a yard away when there was a tremendous explosion just above me. The man
in the pit next door was badly hit by a shell. My coat had the right arm
nearly taken off at the shoulder and the left sleeve cut to bits and it was
only a yard o2 me, but I am thankful to say I was not inside the coat at the
time.
The complete absence on these occasions not only of invoca-
tions to the Almighty but of even the mildest comment on his
escapes, is particularly characteristic of the British officer.
There are better moments in which he shows his naturally
cheerful disposition. Of his dug-out he writes on September
23 : " Our bug hutch in the trench is the envy of everyone who
pays it a visit " ; and on a quieter day the only casualties are
" three nice sheep," which " were borne home next morning
triumphant on the cooker " and he has kidneys for breakfast.
Later again fifty shells fall round them on one day, until " the
field behind us was hke a Gruyere cheese." The shelling becomes
so incessant and continuous that he begins to write about it in an
almost jocular vein. Even his " rest day " is disturbed. " No
harm but beastly noise and disturbed my afternoon sleep so had
a nice bath instead." On one occasion in October he is relieved
by a French officer accompanied by a very inadequate number
of men.
The officer was very funny and whenever I showed him my posts etc. he
said " Oh, La La : je n'ai pas les hommes."
Day by day it is an unrelieved record of incessant fighting,
with all the attendant misery and suffering. It is related well with
typical British reticence, but with more than usual detail. A
vivid imagination would be a severe handicap to any soldier in
such circumstances.
The constant loss of his best friends he notes with just a passing
word, which of course is not meant to convey his feelings. Once
he says rather more, and this is in the last lines of what turned
out to be his last entry.
428 ENGLISH DIARIES
We heard to-day of poor M's death — a dreadful loss and think of poor J.
I suppose one gets invu-ed to seeing all one's best friends taken away from one
and can only think one is lucky enough to be here oneself — for the present.
Not many days later he had joined his friends.
ARTHUR GRAEME WEST ^
OF the soldiers' diaries included in this volume West's
is the most modern and certainly the least typical. But
it must be remembered that the Great War was fought
by many more civilians than soldiers. West was not a soldier
when war broke out, and had he survived he certainly would not
have remained one. Among the mass of diaries which will be found
in years to come to have been produced by the war it is not improb-
able that others of this character will be discovered. That is to
say, a good many young men of reflective temperament, neither
trained for nor suited to military life, were plunged into the
vortex, and it is likely that some of them kept notes of their
experiences which go a good deal beyond the bald mihtary record.
The published extracts from West's diary kept between March,
1915, and November, 1916, give us a clear insight into the character
and disposition of the author. Not only does he display absolute
frankness in committing his thoughts to paper, but having a
literary gift and a cultivated mind he is able to describe his sur-
roundings and the incidents of modern warfare in a way which
brings the atmosphere of training camp and trench before the
reader with photographic sharpness. The great interest of the
diary rests in the doubts and misgivings to which he became a
prey in the course of his military service. He failed to get a
commission owing to his defective eyesight, and in a rush of
enthusiasm he enlisted from Oxford as a private in the Public
Schools Battalion soon after the outbreak of war. In November,
1915, he went to the front. After four months he was sent to
Scotland, where he was trained as an officer. In September,
1916, he went to France with a commission, and remained
there till he was killed in April, 1917. He never became part
of the machine. He retained throughout the detached point of
view of an observer. Every line he writes is full of suggestion
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from The Diary of a Dead Officer, by kind
consent of Miss Dorothy Cousens and Messrs. George Allen & Unwin.
ARTHUR GRAEME WEST 429
and meaning, even when he is only recording the daily routine.
To detach quotations is not easy, because what we are given
of the diary is all worth reading. He describes things fully and
develops his arguments carefully. Extracts tear the composi-
tion and break the sequence.
We will take first the more objective entries.
In the trenches in December, 1915 :
The trenches were wet but boarded at the bottom so one did not walk in
more than three or four inches of water. Our platoon was to go to the front
line trenches which were not trenches at all but broken bits of trench , . . we
five were together in post No. G, at the extreme left end of the line. It
was a very bad place ; about ten or fifteen yards of sandbags were standing
but the tops had been knocked off and the things were low. There was no
back to the trench at all and the water was deep ; we had nothing to keep it
off us but a few sticks laid across ... at fu'st we were quite amused and
laughed at our position but soon the damp and cold and the prospect of twenty
foiu- hours' endurance of it, our isolation and exposure cooled us down and
we sat still and dripped and shivered. Flares went up continually and occa-
sional machine gun bullets whizzed over us and snipers shot.
The training in Scotland is amusingly described with passages
from the speeches of the company sergeant-major. The senseless
and futile restrictions and regulations and the manifest incom-
petence of the superior officers exasperate him and his friends,
but he remarks :
Depression is merely a passing mood with most of the men and comes rarely
even so. The men with me felt indignant when told to go on a parade they
did not like and for a moment after coming off it retained their resentment,
but it soon passed off and depression of spirits from general greyness of outlook
as an enduring attitude was unknown to them. The prospect of four days'
leave made them all delirious ; so did week ends or even the Wednesday half
holiday. In the evening when work was done the gramophone, golf, girls, a
mieal at a hotel, a magazine story, a piano made them forget that they had
ever had a complaint in the world or that to-morrow would begin as usual
with an Adjutants' parade at 5-30.
Their contempt for their instructors knew no bounds :
One noted first their utter inability to teach us anything because there were
too many superannuated old martinets trying to do it at the same time ;
secondly the lack of doctrine among them all ; even if they could have taught
they knew nothing. The way we were taught musketry was laughable.
This on food :
Alteration in meals. The food both degenerates and diminishes ; meat
baked to a dry cinder and not enough of it comes on at lunch ; pudding of
any sort seems to be knocked off entirely : cheese, jam etc are not provided at
all as they used to be.
480 ENGLISH DIARIES
Here is a specimen of drill :
This morning we had saluting drill for half an hour. It was the most
pitiably comic parade I have ever seen, even here. First we were drilled in
platoons : our official way of carrying the stick was outlined, and a special
drill by numbers, drawn up, for tucking the stick under the arm, taking it
into the hand again, and cocking it up into the air. We practised in two
movements. 1 Put the stick imder left arm ; 2 Cut the right hand away ;
1 seize stick on the vmder-side ; 2 Bring it smartly down to the side. We
were then marched up and down the road saluting by numbers imaginary
officers.
In the trenches again when he returns to France in September,
1916.
It was a smelly trench. A dead Grerman — a big man — ^lay on his stomach
as if he were crawling over the parades down into the trench ; he had lain
there some days and that comer of trench reeked even when someone took
him by the legs and pulled him away out of sight though not out of smell
into a shell hole.
A whistle would be heard, nearer and nearer ceasing for a mere fraction of
a second when the shell was falling and about to explode. Where was it
coming ? Men cowered and trembled. It exploded and a cloud of black
ruk went up — in the communication trench agaiu, you went down it, two
men were buried perhaps more you were told, certainly two. The trench was
a mere tmdulation of newly turned earth under it somewhere lay two men or
more. You dug furiously. No sign. Perhaps you were standing on a
couple of men now, pressing the life out of them, on their faces or chests. A
boot, a steel helmet, — and you dig and scratch and imcover a grey dirty face,
pitifully drab and ugly, the eyes closed, the whole thing limp and mean-
looking ; this is the devil of it that a man is not only killed, but made to look
so vile and filthy in death, so futUe and meaningless that you hate the sight
of him.
Left trenches at about 4-30 a.m. Fearfully tiring march back to C, where
we lived in a kind of manhole in the trench. B — Bl — and I had one to om--
selves and our valises with us. Slept and fed. Read " Scholar Gipsy " and
" Thyrsis " and talked about Oxford together at night.
A few quotations may now be given showing his moods and
meditations on Ufe and death. While training he writes :
A fearful sense of the grimness of things came over me last night which it
would have been hard to express even then and of which it is hard now to
recapture even the details . . . the ever increasing viciousness and malice of
the Adjutant and C.S.M. towards us seemed to keep an almost personal
fiend of terror hovering above ovir heads. The war and the army had never
looked so grim. The Army is really the most anti-social body imaginable.
It maintains itself on the selfishness and hostility of nations and in its own
ranks holds together by a bond of fear and suspicion, all anti-social feeling.
Men are taught to fear their superiors and they suspect the men. Hatred must
be often present and only fear prevents it flaming out.
I do really care less than I used to do for the fools and bullies in oommaud
ARTHUR GRAEME WEST 431
of me. They certainly do not frighten me at all as they used to. I don't
care a jot for the Adjutant or the CO. when they come and yap and make
heavy speeches at me. I do not mind if I am ticked off on parade and I don't
think I should be at all shamed if I were finally turned down. Mankind is
perpetually puffing itself up with strange imearthly loyalties and promised
rewards. Man goes out to fight for a delusion to defend what he has tricked
up as his Fatherland ; he imposes all sorts of restraints and tortures on himself
in the name of Virtue and Respectability, sets a fool above him to worship,
crawl on his knees to and shed a blessing of ' ' purposef ulness ' ' on his most
frightful sufferings.
It was during his leave before returning to France that the
scales fell from his eyes and his complete change of view with
regard to the war took place. He analyses his feelings very
fully, but we can only take a few passages from his entries during
these days ;
What midgets we all are, what brief phantoms in a dream — a dream within
a dream this truly is my life and how gladly would I end it now.
If the war were to begin to-morrow and were to find me as I am now, I
would not join the Army, and if I had the courage I would desert now. I
have been reading and thiaking fundamentally important things this last ^^
few months.
Never was the desire to desert and to commit suicide so overwhelming and
had it not been that I know I would pain my people I would certainly have
killed myself that night.
After much thought wrote to the Adjutant of the Battalion telling him I
would not rejoin the Army nor accept any form of alternative service, that I
would rather be shot than do so, and that I left my name and address with
him to act as he pleased. Shortly after mid-night I went down to the post
with this letter and two more one to J and one to E telling them what I had
done. I stood opposite the pillar box for some minutes wondering whether
I would post them — then put them in my pocket and returned home to bed.
It would certainly be much pleasanter if I could regard myself still in this
rather sublime light as the man who goes into the pit for his friends ; but I
cannot do so for I am beginning to think that I never ought to have gone into
it at all.
I am a creature caught in a net. Most men fight, if not happily, at any rate
patiently, sure of the necessity and usefulness of their work. So did I —
once ! Now it all looks to me so absvud and brutal that I can only force
myself to continue in a kind of dream state. I hypnotise myself to undergo
it.
I feel quite clearly that I ought to have stood aside. It is these men who
stand aside, these philosophers and the so called conscientious objectors who
are the living force of the future ; they are full of the light that must come
sooner or later ; they are sneered at now but their position is firm.
We are confronted with two sets of martyrs here ; those of the trenches
and those of the tribunals and civil prison and not by any naeans are the
former necessarily in the right.
432 ENGLISH DIARIES
Even be the thing as necessary as you like, be the constitution of this world
really so foul and hellish that force must be met by force, yet I should have
stood aside, no brutaUty should have led me into it. Had I stood apart I
should have stood on fu-m logical ground ; where I was truth would have
been as it is among my friends now. To defy the whole system, to refuse to
be an instnunent of it — this / should have done.
But the machine of which he had become a part was too strong
for him. He returned to the front, and seven months later he
fell to a sniper's bullet.
The diary is an extraordinarily faithful bit of self-revelation.
He evidently writes it to clear his mind, and here and there he
introduces little fragments of scene painting, notably the sight
of London from the train when returning on leave. His inter-
ludes on rehgion show what a deeply rehgious nature he had,
although he rejected all the orthodox beliefs. He writes when
back in France :
To-night I said something about my being a respectable atheist, to which it
was promptly answered that there could be no such thing ; and people said
" You aren't really an atheist, are you ? " Thus we see how men cannot get
out of their minds " the horrid atheist " idea— the idea that intellectual
convictions of this sort must of necessity imply some fearful moral laxity.
The most religious men are really the extreme Cliristians or mystics and the
atheists— nobody can tmderstand this. These two classes have really occu-
pied their minds with religion.
West's mental suffering as depicted in his diary is typically
twentieth century, although his misanthropy and hatred of the
herd are more individual. But a diary of this kind could not have
been produced in the earher centuries.
It was published in 1920 under the title of The Diary of a Dead
Officer, together with some poems he had written.
BARBELLION ^
THE concluding diary in this collection, whatever its merits
or demerits may be, is very far from showing that diary
writing has deteriorated into a dead art. BarbelHon's
diaries have provoked a great deal of discussion ; they have revived
interest in diary writing, and have shown that the introspective
1 The Diary extracts are quoted from The Journal oj a Disappointe d Man
and A Last Diary, by kind permission of Messrs . Chatto & Windus and the
George H. Doran Company of New York.
BARBELLION 433
diarist of modern days may carry psychological self-analysis into
very deep recesses of human consciousness. The examination of
no other diary could afford us a better opportunity for referring
once again to some of the considerations about diary writing
which emerge naturally in a comparison between this last modern
product and the diaries of the past. In matter of comparison
one might get an even more fruitful field for discussion by placing
Barbellion alongside of Maurice de Guerin and Marie Bashkirtseff,
for his very unusual lack of reticence is by no means British.
Barbellion's diary is a triumphant vindication of the conten-
tion made repeatedly in these pages that position and circumstances
have nothing whatever to do with the production of a good diary.
Barbellion's career can be given in four lines. He was the
son of a provincial journalist, born at Barnstaple in 1889, he
served on his father's paper until he obtained a post by examina-
tion on the staff of the Natural History Museum at South Ken-
sington. He died in 1919. That is all. He was not connected
with any exciting public events, he never met any celebrities, and
he never even saw any royalty. And yet without giving it any
exact place we should be justified in ranking his record very
high in the long series of diaries of which we have now come to
the end.
But there are some rather serious adverse criticisms to be made,
and we should like to clear these out of the way to start with.
The diary was intended for publication, or at least after the
first few years Barbellion's desire and indeed determination to
publish becomes apparent in the entries. It is true that he
refused to show it to anyone, even to his brother ; nevertheless,
after his boyhood had passed he was clearly bent on the journal
appearing while he was alive. This in the case of a very intimate
private diary unquestionably makes a difference. Indiscretions
and revelations seem to become intentional, and we cannot feel
quite the same sympathy for the author as we should feel for a
writer of far less intellectual power who was keeping a strictly
private record. Nevertheless we must remember that Greville,
Haydon, and Gordon all wrote for publication, although they did
not contemplate the appearance of their records during their
own lifetimes.
Our next criticism concerns a more serious point. The first
volume of the diaries appeared in 1919 under the title of The
Journal of a Disappointed Man. It caused a considerable sensa-
tion. On the last page, after some rather harrowing entries,
appeared the statement " Barbellion died on December 31."
28
484 ENGLISH DIARIES
The book was sufficiently remarkable to cause a good deal of specu-
lation as to the identity of the author. When it was discovered
that his name was not BarbeUion but Cummings— a tnflmg matter
of a pseudonym— and that he was not dead, then pubhc opmion
swung round to regarding the whole thing as a fake— one false
entry 1 how many others ? What is genuine and what is not ?
Is it all fiction ? And considerable harm would have been done
to what may well be called, the authenticity of the book had it
not been for the perfectly simple and straightforward explanation
of all the attendant circumstances which was written by Bar-
beUion's brother in the preface to the Last Diary.
The false entry BarbeUion defended by saying, " The fact is
no man dare remain alive after writing such a book," and he never
expected he would be aUve to see it in print. But it was a crucial
fault of judgment. The device was bound to be discovered, and
nothing is more damaging to a diary than the growth of suspicion
as to the author's sincerity. BarbeUion undoubtedly wanted
a dramatic finish. Had he read Haydon's diary, we are not at
aU sure he would not have foUowed Haydon's example. In fact,
there are plenty of entries such as—" thoughts of smcide— a
pistol " or " I wish I could die of heart failure and at once,
as well as an'^actual confession that he fears the end wiU not be
dramatic. "^Pray God the curtain falls at the right moment lest
the play drag on into some long and tedious anticUmax."
We must accuse BarbelUon, too, if not of insincerity, anyhow of
posing. After the first few years, when it is clear he is writing
for publication, he does a lot of attitudinising, constantly re-
flecting himself in a discreditable fight. The self-analysis and
self-revelation is searching. But we may claim BarbeUion as an
instance of the failure of the intense self-dissector to give an
accurate picture of himself. The picture we get of him m his
brother's preface corrects a good many errors which the reader
of the diary may quite legitimately conceive from the written con-
fessions. But he himself knows that his attempts to depict him-
self are in vain when he writes in the Last Diary :
It 18 almost.impossible to teU the truth. In this journal I have tried but
I have not succeeded. I have set dmvn a good deal but I cannot <e« it. itutn
of self has to be left by the psychology-miner at the bottom of his bonng.
And right at the end, within a few months of the close, he
confesses :
In the Journal I can see now that I made myself out worse than I am or
was. I even took a morbid pleasure in intimating my depravity— self mortih-
BARBELLION 435
cation. ... I don't think on the whole my portrait of myself does myself
justice.
Barbellion is one of our few literary diarists, and we can see
what a snare his literary talent must have been to the conscientious
fidelity of his record. He is thinking of finish, of style, of com-
position, of expression. With his talent, which is of a very high
order, he often delights us, but we miss the blunt self-revealing
indiscretion which in some diaries may make us wince, but brings
the diarist's personality right before us. Again we do not get
the whole diary, it has been trimmed from the artistic point of
view, not by an editor, but by Barbellion himself.
Nevertheless, in spite of pose and insincerity, in spite of his
instinct for publicity, we get passages so obviously, so poig-
nantly, so intimately sincere and so intensely human that
you lay down the book feeling you have been in the closest
contact with a human being that is conceivably possible
through the medium of a printed page. In spite of his failure
to explain himself, his attempts to do it are so interesting, so
ingenious, and often so amusing, that a reader finds himself
eagerly beginning his own self-examination. In spite of the
snares which literary talent presents to a diarist, nature and more
especially animal life are depicted with a delicacy and refine-
ment of touch which gives artistic pleasure quite apart from the
psychological interest of the other parts of the diary ; and instead
of the wearisome " I met Prince A, the Duke of B, and Lady C,"
we get portraits of lodging-house keepers, farm hands, nurses,
etc., which are all gems.
People have made friends and confidants of their diaries ;
Barbellion's love and devotion for his was beyond all bounds :
It is a " superconfidant " ; keeping a journal is "to have a secret
liaison of a very sentimental kind." He begins it when he is
about thirteen and continues it to make notes on natural history,
in which he is deeply interested. Gradually it expands and
becomes a habit, and then a passion.
I fall back on this Journal just as some other poor devil takes to drink.
He takes the most elaborate precautions to preserve the volumes
from fire or from possible Zeppelin raids, and imagines a fireman
' in a brass helmet and his hatchet up at the salute " guarding
them.
These precious Journals ! Supposing I lost thena I cannot imagine
the anguish it would cause me. It would be the death of my real self,
436 ENGLISH DIARIES
and as I should take no pleasure in the perpetuation of my flabby, flaccid,
anaemic, aimiable, puppet self, I should probably commit suicide.
He here makes the egotist's usual hasty conclusion that the
inner self must be the real self, and the outer self that other
people see counts for nothing. Nevertheless, he is quite aware
that, in spite of all his efforts at meticulous recollection and detailed
sifting, much is lost :
However vigilant and artful a diarist may be, plenty of things escape him.
He is not regular in his writing. After an interval of a month
he writes :
Hulloa, old friend ; how are you ? I mean my Diary. I haven't wiilten
to you for ever so long and my silence as usual indicates happiness.
And there are the moments of misgiving :
Is this blessed Journal worth while ? I really don't know and that's the
harassing fact of the matter.
I am tortured by two doubts — whether these MSS. (the labour and hope
of many years) will survive accidental loss and whether they really are of any
value. I have no faith in either.
Am busy re-writing, editing, bowdlerising my journals for publication
against the time when I shall have gone the way of aU flesh. . . . Reading it
through again, I see what a remarkable book I have written. K only they
will publish it.
His egoism is abnormal, and he cultivates it.
My egoism appals me. Likewise the extreme intensification of the con-
sciousness of myself.
I have come to loath myself : my finicking, hypersensitive, morbid nature
always thinking, talking, writing about myself for all the world as if the world
beyond did not exist ! I am rings within rings, circles concentric and inter-
secting, a maze, a tangle ; watching myself behave or misbehave always
reflecting on what impression I am making on others or what they will think
of me.
My own life as it vmrolls day by day is a source of constant amazement,
delight and pain. I can think of no more interesting volume than a detailed
intimate psychological history of my own life. I want a perfect comprehen-
sion at least of myself.
And he was ingenuous enough to think he could get it. Although
at times he seems to understand that an egotist is not a good self-
estimator :
I am so steeped in myself — in my moods, vapours, idiosyncracies, so self-
sodden that I am unable to stand clear of the data, to marshal and classify
the multitude of facts and thence draw the deduction what manner of man
BARBELLION 437
I am. I should like to know — if only as a matter of curiosity. So what
in God's name am I ? A fool of course to start with — but the rest of the
diagnosis ?
Barbellion had ambition — high ambition. " You can search
all history and fiction for an ambition more powerful than
mine and not find it." He wanted to be a great naturalist,
and he was remarkably well equipped for success in such
a career. At the same time he was conscious of a literary
gift, so that one way or another he seemed destined to make his
mark. The tragedy of his life was his ill-health : at first only
inconvenient, then serious, and at last he was a condemned man
and he knew it. Extreme depression and morbidity were only
natural. Everything he did, said, thought, or felt was coloured
or rather had the colour taken out of it. His sense of proportion
was dislocated. The actual tragedy of approaching death was
bad enough, indeed it could hardly have been worse. But
for effects' sake he begins to pile it on ; not only to welcome
the " slings and arrows of outrageous fortune," but to insin-
uate their existence when there was no reason for it. Just as
in the early entries he seems to convey that at home he had
no encouragement for his naturalist studies, which his brother
shows was quite untrue; so also in the later entries when he
is a prisoner awaiting death he seems at times to convey
that he is abandoned and deserted, if not actually neglected, by
his elaborate descriptions of discomfort, draughty windows with
bits of cardboard over the broken panes, etc., etc. But then
again he has a way of suddenly recovering himself, as, for instance,
after an entry in which he says everyone will be relieved to hear
of his death, he writes the next day that this entry is " maudlin
tosh — entirely foreign to my nature. I hereby cancel it." So
in the ups and downs, the misrepresentations, the varieties, the
shrewd observations, the yearnings and the despair, we get a
very wonderful picture of a nimble brain and alert consciousness
being played upon and gradually strangled by physical suffering.
In his good moods his work, nature, his father and mother,
his music, and later his wife, all weave themselves naturally into
his life of suffering. With the deepest compassion for him one
feels conscious of his charm. In his bad moods, artificiality,
sententious posing and desire to paint himself in lurid colours
are sometimes sufficiently irritating to make one dislike him.
We get bits of pure Bashkirtseff like the following :
Do you think I would exchange the communion with my own heart for
the toy balloons of your silly conversation ? Or my curiosity for your flicker-
438 ENGLISH DIARIES
ing interests ? Or my despair for your comfortable Hope ? Or my present
tawdry life for yoiirs as polished and neat as a new threepenny bit ? I would
not. I gather my mantle around me and I solemnly thank God that I am not
as some other men are.
It is at the bottom of the page on which this occurs that the
false entry of his death comes. He thought the defiant note
fine and dramatic. It is all made up, Barbellion would have
been all the better if he had never come across Bashkirtseff.
Of course he was infatuated by her.
My father was Sir Thomas Browne and my mother Marie Bashkirtsefi.
See what a curiovis hybrid I am !
She feels as I feel. We have the same self absorption, the same vanity,
and corroding ambition. She is impressionable, volatile, passionate, — ill.
So am I, Her journal is my journal.
Luckily in diary writing even Marie Bashkirtseff cannot com-
pletely control and dictate the style, and the real Barbellion
emerges where he is attempting least to reveal himself.
Barbellion was by no means a cynic to whom nothing was
sacred. He appreciates the refined delicacy of certain human
relationships as acutely as he responds to the special beauties
and wonders of nature. The real drama of his opening the letter
(not used by the medical officer before whom he went) which
divulges to him that he is doomed, his wife's knowledge of this
fact before she married him — this sort of thing is just related
without a word of elaborate ornament, without a single artificial
gesture.
She has known all from the beginniag ! M — warned her not to marry me.
How brave and loyal of her ! What an ass I have been. I am overwhelmed
with feelings of shame and seK contempt and sorrow for her. She is quite
cheerful and an enormotis help.
Home again with my darling. She is the most wonderful darling woman.
Our love is for always. The Baby is a monster.
He writes in the same natural way when he refers to his mother ;
Mother (she liked me to call her Moth. Hubbard, Lepidopterous Hubbard
and she used to sign her letters Hubbard) had a pretty custom which she
hated anyone to detect, of putting every letter she wrote to us when stamped,
directed and sealed into her Bible for a minute or two, ostensibly to sanctify
the sealing up.
And the terrible episode of his opening the letter in which his
illness was described he relates quite simply :
The certificate, therefore, was not needed £ind coming home in the train I
BARBELLION 439
opened it out of curiosity. I was quite casual and thought it would be merely
interesting to see what M. said.
It was.
At first he takes it calmly, not knowing by its name the horrible
and obscure disease of which he was the victim. But his symptoms
gradually enlighten him. One day — this is one of the most
vividly realistic touches in the record — ^he was at work in a library
where
my eye caught the title of an enormous quarto memoir in the Transactions
of the Royal Society. The Histology of [his disease]. I was browsing
in the library at the time when this hit me like a carelessly handled gaS
straight in the face. I almost ran away to my room.
The diary does not deal with regular daily doings like an ordinary
diary. It is a notebook of thoughts intermingled with occasional
incidents.
Some of his naturalists' notes which he continues when he is
doing journalistic work may be given :
On reviewing the past egg season, I find in all I have discovered 232 nesta
belonging to forty-four species. I only hope I shall be successful with the
beetle season.
A hot sultry afternoon during most of which I was stretched out on the grass
beside an upturned stone where a battle royal was fought between Yellow and
Black Ants. The victory went to the hardy little yellows. By the way I
held a Newt by the tail to-day and it emitted a squeak ! So that the Newt has
a voice after all.
Hard at work dissecting a Dogfish. Ruridecanal Conference in the after-
noon. I enjoy this double life I lead. It amuses me to be laying bare the
brain of a dogfish in the morning and in the afternoon to be taking down in
shorthand what the Bishop says on Mission work.
Of his early sexual experiences we expect there is a good deal
more than we are allowed to see. The various kissings of girls are
rather tamely vulgar. But he sums up in a terse phrase the usual
position of a young man on this subject.
For myself I never received any parental instruction. I first learned of the
wonder of generation through the dirty filter of a barmaid's nasty mind.
The journals abound in beautiful descriptions of nature and
animal life ; unfortunately most of them are too long to quote.
He combines scientific knowledge with aesthetic appreciation
which is not a common combination, and his intensest happiness
is when he is just drinking in the beauties around him.
Here is a summer afternoon when he is 21 :
440 ENGLISH DIARIES
I waded up stream to a big slab of rock tilted at a comfortable angle. I
lay flat on this with my nether extremities in water up to my knees. The sun
bathed my face and dragon flies chased up and down intent on murder. But
I cared not a tinker's Demetrius about Nature red in tooth and claw. I was
quite satisfied with Nature under a June sun in the cool atmosphere of a
Dipper stream. I lay on the slab completely relaxed and the cool water ran
strongly between my toes. Surely I was never again going to be miserable.
The voices of children playing in the wood made me extra happy.
As a rule I loathe children. I am too much of a youth still. But not this
morning. For these were fairy voices ringing through the enchanted wood.
There are very amusing little snatches of dialogue, notably
one with a deaf old man up in an apple tree, those with his nurse
in the last journal, and another with a social climber whose smile
puzzles him.
I am sorry but though I scrutinised this lick spittle and arch belly-truck
rider very closely I am quite unable to say whether that smile and unwonted
diffidence meant simple pleasure at the now certain knowledge that I was duly
impressed or whether it was genuine confusion at the thought that he had
perhaps been overdoing it.
There are wonderfully good descriptions of all sorts of trivial
incidents, such as the silent workmen putting a new pile in the
pier, Sunday morning in Petticoat Lane, and street scenes as he
passes by. But to music he gives a very special place, his con-
certs and his thoughts on it are often elaborately described. It
brings out the most passionate and emotional side of his character.
This on Beethoven's Fifth Symphony ;
This sjTuphony always works me up into an ecstacy ; in ecstatic sympathy
with its dreadfulness I could stand up in the balcony and fling myself down
passionately into the arena below. Yet there were women sitting alongside
me to-day — knitting. It so annoyed and irritated me that at the end of the
first movement I got up and sat elsewhere. They would have sat knitting at
the foot of the Cross, I suppose.
He reaches the high watermark of amusing and fantastic
writing in his description of Sir Henry Wood conducting his
orchestra, which unfortunately is too long for quotation and would
be spoilt by extracts. The little scraps of dialogue are introduced
with a very comic effect. We may give one of his brief inconse-
quent conversations with his nurse :
B. (to nurse stepping on his toes) Seemingly either my feet or yours are very
large.
N. Oh, but you see it's my legs are so short I can't step across easily. It
will be all right if you go to Eastbourne. Nurse has long legs.
B. But what's the use of her long legs if she can't get a house ?
BARBELLION 441
N. Aunt Hobart's legs were so bent up that though she was six feet long
her coffin was only four feet.
B. Why were Aunt Hobart's legs bent up ?
N. Rheumatism. She was buried at the same time as her granddaughter.
B. But her legs were not bent up ?
N. Oh, no. Bessie was only sixteen and died of scarlet fever.
So far as public affairs are concerned the war of course forms
the background of the diary.
As he is at once rejected for military service and has to be
" a compulsory spectator," it does not enter into his personal
experience. Nevertheless the sombre presence of the prolonged
tragedy is in keeping with his moods of depression, and he lets
fly more than once in his exasperation and his gorge rises at the
journalistic gloatings.
Sometimes I am swept away with admiration for all the heroism of the War
or by some particulariy noble self sacrifice and think it is really all worth
while. Then — and more frequently — I remember that this war has let loose
in the worid not only barbarities, butcheries, and crimes, but lies, lies, lies —
hypocrisies, deceits, ignoble desires for self aggrandizement, self preservation —
such as no one ever dreamed existed in embryo in the heart of human beings.
The war is everything : it is noble, filthy, great, petty, degrading, inspiring,
ridiculous, glorious, mad, bad, hopeless, yet full of hope. I don't know what
to think about it.
We are like a nest of frightened ants when someone lifts the stone. That
is the world just now.
And there are one or two accounts of air raid experiences
which affect his heart. But on the whole and very naturally
it is his own fate, the inexorable approach of death, which absorbs
him. Throughout, ill health forces him into moods of depression,
though sometimes he tries to take it lightly, as when he says :
Feel like a piece of d^a^vn threadwork or an undeveloped negative or a
jelly fish on stilts or a sloppy tadpole or a weevil in a nut, or a spitch cocked
eel. In other words and in short — ill.
But death looms largely in his thoughts, how could it be other-
wise ? His attitude towards it varies ; sometimes banter, some-
times petulant indignation, sometimes solemn welcome. A few
entries must be given :
I cannot for the life of me rake up any excitement over my own immediate
decease — an unobtrusive passing away of a rancorous disappointed morbid
and self assertive entomologist in a West Kensington Boarding House — what
a mean little tragedy ! It is hard not to be somebody even in death.
I suppose the truth is I am at last broken in to the idea of Death. Once it
terrified me and once I hated it. But now it only annoys me. Having lived
442 ENGLISH DIARIES
with the Bogey for so long and broken bread with him so often I am used to
his ugliness tho' his persistent attentions bore me. Why doesn't he do it
and have done with me ? Why this deference, why does he pass me everything
but the poison ? Why am I such an unconscionable time dying ?
On the HiU, this morning, felt the thrill of the news of my own Death. I
mean I imagined I heard the words —
' You've heard the news about B ? '
Second voice ' No, what ? '
He's dead.
Silence.
Won't aU this seem piffle if I don't die after all ! As an artist in life I
ought to die, it is the only artistic ending — and I ought to die now or the Third
Act will fizzle out in a long doctor's bill.
It is this sort of thing which makes us understand the false
entry at the end of the volume.
In the Last Diary the prospect of death becomes more poignant,
and more real, especially when he thinks of his wife.
It is cruel — cruel to her and cruel to me. There comes a time when evil
circimistances squeeze you out of this world. There is no longer any room.
Oh. Why did she marry me ? They ought not to have let her do it.
Lying in bed \^aiting, his one great excitement is the publication
of the volume of the diary:
March 26. Time lures me forward. But I've dug my heels in awaiting
those two old tortoises Chatto and Windus.
March 27. I've won ! This morning at 9 a.m. the book arrived. C. and
W. thoughtfully left the pages to be cut, so I've been enjoying the exqmsite
pleasure of cutting the pages of my own book. And nothing's happened.
No earthquake, no thunder and lighting, no omen in a black sky. In fact the
sun is shining. Publication next week.
In the intervals he gives us terrible descriptions of the contor-
tions of his semi-paralytic legs and details of the sick room.
But the naturalist is very much alive to the end. He writes
lovingly of his canary :
The jacket is put over his cage at night fall and aU night he roosts on a table
close to my bed. When I wake in the silence of the night, it is difficult to
believe that close to me there is a little heart incessantly pumping hot red
blood. I have a sense of companionship at the thought. For I too silent
concealed in my bed possess a heart pumping incessantly though not so fast.
I too am an animal, little bird, and we must both die.
And almost at the end :
A beautiful morning. At the bottom of my bed two French windows open
out on to the garden, where a blackbird is singing me something more than
weU. It is a magnificent flute obligate to the tune in my heart going " thub
BARBELLION 443
dup " " thub dup " wildly as if I were a youth again in first love. He shouted
out his song in the evening the very moment I arrived here.
What fine spirits these blackbirds are ! I listen to him and my withered
carcase soaks up his song with a sighing sound like a dry sponge taking up
water.
There is much quotable material in Barbellion's diaries. But
we must part company from our last diarist, and we do so feeling
we have reached not only an end but something of a climax.
INDEX
OF ALL DIARIES AND CHRONICLES
MENTIONED IN THE VOLUME
Abbot, Charles (Lord Colchester),
13, 320-1
Amiel, 10, 37
Ashmole, Elias, 14, 15, 34, 114-116
Aston, John, 119-120
Ayshcombe, William, 153
Bagot, Mary, 18
Baker, John, 13, 14, 15, 25, 212-215
BarbeUion, 3, 12, 13, 14, 432-443
Bashkii-tsefE, Marie, 10, 43, 433, 438
Bee, Jacob, 154
Berry, Mary, 420-1
Blunt, Wilfred, viii {note)
Boswell, J., 4, 9
Brakelond, J. de, 40
Brereton, Sir William, 118-119
Brown, Nicholas, 21
Browne, Mary, 6, 25, 362-363
Browne, Mrs., 15, 29, 220-224
Brownlow, Lady, 17
Bufton, John, 155
Bumey, Fanny (Madame d'Arblay),
6, 17, 21, 29, 171-183, 338
Bm-rell, Timothy, 14, 15, 25, 142-144
Bm-y, Lady Charlotte, 17, 39, 337-342
Butler, Lady Eleanor {see Ladies of
Llangollen).
Butler, Mrs. {see Kemble, Fanny).
Butler, Samuel, 38
Byrom, Elizabeth, 13, 203-204
Byrom, John, 25, 200-202
Byron, Lord, 6, 11, 14, 33, 42, 264-
271
Calverley, Sir Walter, 13fr-138
Carlisle, George Howard, 7th Earl of,
298, 393-396
Carlyle, Thomas, vii
Cartwright, Bishop, 144-147
Clinton, Henry Fynes, 6, 11, 12, 13,
19, 25, 357-361
Cobbett, WUliam, 13, 280-287
Cockburn, Admiral, 21, 352-353
Coke, Lady Mary, 29, 233-234
Colchester, Lord (see Abbot, Charles).
Coningsby, Sir Thomas, 39, 68-70
Cook, Captain, 27
Cory, William, 412-415
Cowper, Mary Cotmtess, 29, 193-196
Creevey, Thomas, 335-337
D'Arblay, Madame {see Bumey,
Fanny).
Darwin, Charles, 27-28
Dawson, John, 231-232
Dee, Dr. John, 13, 14, 15, 17, 25, 61-
66
De la Pryme, Abraham, 140-142
Denison, John Evelyn (Viscount
Ossington), 423
Derby, 3rd and 4th Earls of, 19
D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 34, 71-75
Dodington, George Bubb (Lord Mel-
combe), 6, 17, 208-212
Dowsing, W., 20, 120-122
Dugard, T., 25, 154
Dyott, General, 34, 39, 314-318
Edward VI, 6, 55-58
Egmont, 1st Earl of (Viscount Per-
cival), 15, 17, 18, 36, 164-170, 212
Eliot, George, 13, 14, 39, 403-407
Evelyn, John, 21, 26, 96-106
Eyre, Adam, 15, 122-125
Farington, viii {note)
FeU, Sarah, 19
Fielding, Henry, 224-227
Fiennes, Celia, 29, 148-152
445
446
ENGLISH DIARIES
Fox, Caroline, 13, 21, 30, 33, 300-
305, 346
Fox, George, 2
Froude, R. H., 363-364
Fry, Elizabeth, 6, 13, 15, 16, 39, 321-
326
Gale, Walter, 13, 206-208
Gladstone, Mrs., 369
Gladstone, W. E., 6, 13, 23, 39, 364-
369
GoodaU, WiUiam, 23, 379-380
Gordon, General, 22, 25, 306-313,
433
Gordon-Lennox, Lord Bernard, 39,
424-428
Graham, Sir Gerald, 19, 411-412
Grant-Duff, Sir M., 24, 422-423
Gray, Thomas, 236-237
Green, Thomas, 19, 249-251
Greville, Charles, 1, 5, 8, 14, 18, 21,
36, 272-279, 433
Greville, Henry, 19, 21, 374-376
Grey, Thomas, 422
Gu^rin, Maxirice de, 433
Gyll, Thomas, 252
Hannington, James, 25, 416-418
Hastings, Marquis of, 421
HaydoD, B. R., 12, 13, 33, 36, 38,
254-263, 433
Henslowe, Philip, 20
Heywood, Oliver, 12, 13, 131-133
Hobson, John, 19, 205-206
Holland, Elizabeth, Lady, 246-249
Hvmter, Joseph, 421
Jackson, Sir George, 331-332
Jowett, Benjamin, 38
Kemble, Fanny (Mrs. Butler), 29,
371-374
Labouchere, H., 21
Ladies of Llangollen, 19, 20, 26, 241-
246
Lake, Dr. Edward, 17, 138-140
Leeds, Thomas Osborne, Duke of, 20
Leland, 17
Lennox (see Gordon- Lennox).
Lloyd, Captain Eyre, 39, 418-420
LuttreU, N., 5, 152-153
Macaulay, Lord, 5, 13, 19, 389-393
Macaiilay, Margaret, 393
Machyn, Henry, 58-61
Malcolm, Lady, 17, 354
Malmesbury, 1st Earl of, 5, 13, 18,
234-236
Malmesbury, 2nd Earl of, 22
Manning, Cardinal, 31, 380-385
Manningham, John, 16, 17, 24, 112-
114
Marehant, Thomas, 13, 196-197
Martyn, Henry, 16, 39, 332-335
Matthews, Henry, 355-357
Melcombe, Lord (see Dodington,
George Bubb)
MiUar, W. S., 23, 39
Mitchell, J., vii
Montaigne, 76
Moore, Giles, 19, 20, 125-128
Moore, Sir John, vii
Mordamit, Sir Charles, 23
More, John, 26, 147-8
Newcombe, Henry, 14, 15, 16, 39,
128-131
Nugent, Lady, 15, 29, 35, 328-331
Oliver, Peter, 252
Ossington, Viscount (see Denison,
John Evelyn).
Pease, Edward, 6, 376-379
Pepys, Samuel, 6, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19,
20, 25, 34, 36, 82-95, 96, 97, 146,
202
Percival, Viscount (see Egmont, Earl
of).
Ponsonby, Colonel A., 13, 397-400
Ponsonby, Sarah (see Ladies of
Llangollen)
Powys, Mrs., 252-3
Raikes, Thomas, 21, 35, 369-371
Rickman, Edward, 357
Robinson, Heiu-y Crabb, 6, 17, 21,
36, 344-349
Rooke, Admiral Sir G«orge, 251
Rose, George, 13, 327-8
Rous, John, 24, 116-118
Rugge, T., 6, 152
Rutland, John Manners, Earl of, 154
Rutty, Dr., 6, 13, 14, 26, 216-220
INDEX
447
Scott, Captain, 27-28
Scott, Sir Walter, vii
Senior, Nassau, 5, 396-397
Shelley, Frances, Lady, 39, 318-320
Shelley, Mary, 15, 19, 349-352
Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 349, 350
Slingsby, Sir Henry, 15, 26, 34, 76-81
Smith, Thomas, 23
Stapley, Richard, 19, 155
Stevens, Edwin, 23
Strother, 5, 237-241
Swabey, Lieutenant, 342-344
Swift, J., vii
Symonds, J. A., 11, 14, 39, 407-411
Tennyson, Lord, 4
Teonge, Henry, 15, 39, 107-111
Thomlinson, John, 10, 197-200
Thoresby, Ralph, 13, 16, 21, 36, 134-
136
Tolstoy, 10
Turner, Thomas, 5, 15, 39, 227-231
Victoria, Queen, 6, 20, 25, 29, 36,
288-299
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 66-68
Wesley, John, 13, 36, 38, 156-163
West, Sir Algernon, viii [note)
West, Arthur Graeme, 3, 39, 428-432
Wilberforce, Bishop, 35, 385-389
Willoughby de Broke, Lord, 23
Windham, Lieut. -General Sir Charles,
400-403
Windham, William, 6, 12, 13, 19, 31,
181, 184-192
Worthington, John, 20
Wynne, Frances, 24, 422
Yerburgh, H. B., 23
Younger, Walter, 21
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